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OCTOBER 1900 TO JULY 1901 

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Copyright, 1901 





Number i. October, igoo. 


Albert E. McKinley The English and Dutch Towns of New Nether- 
land I 

John B. Sanborn Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legis- 

lation ..... 

Walter L. Fleming The Buford Expedition to Kansas . 

GtORGE L. Burr The Guiana Boundary . 

DOCUMENTS— Diary of John Harrower, 1773-1776 






Charles F. Adams 
R. M. Johnston 
James B. Angell 
Carl Becker 
Edward G. Bourne 

Number 2. January, 1901. 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain-Sifters 
Mirabeau's Secret Mission to Berlin 
The Turkish Capitulations 
Nominations in Colonial New York 
The Legend of Marcus Whitman . 



DOCUMENTS — Diary of Samuel Cooper, 1775, 1776; Letter of John Quincy 

Adams, 18 11 . . . . . . . . . . 301 





iv Contents 

Number 3. April, 1901. 


The Meeting of the American Historical As- 
sociation at Detroit and Ann Arbor . . 413 

GEORGE L. BURR The Year 1000 and the Antecedents of the 

Crusades ...... 4 2 9 

Charles Gross The Political Influence of the University of 

Paris in the Middle Ages . . . 44 c 

Charles H. Levermore The Rise of Metropolitan Journalism, 1800- 

1S40 446 

Tames F. Rhodes Sherman's March to the Sea .... 466 

Paul S. Rein^CH Trench Experience with Representative Govern- 

ment in the West Indies .... 475 

DOCUMENTS— The Society of Dissenters founded at New York in 1769; Mi- 
randa and the British Admiralty, 1S04-1806 49^ 



Number 4. July, 1901. 


William Miller The Republic of San Marino . . . 633 

NORMAN M. TRENHOLME The Risings in the English Monastic Towns in 

I3 2 7 6 5o 

II. P. BlGGAR The French Hakluyt ; Marc Lescarbot of Ver- 

vins . . . . . . . 67 1 

Albert E. McKinleY The Transition from Dutch to English Rule in 

New York 693 

DOG 'MENTS — Letters of Dr. Thomas Cooper, 1 825-1 832 ; Letters on the Nulli- 
fication Movement in South Carolina, 1830-1834, L; A Ministerial Crisis in 
France, 1876 . 725 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL— A Trial Bibliography of American Diplomacy, by 

Alberl Bushnell Hart 848 

\<n ES AND NEWS 867 

INDEX .885 

Volume VI~\ October, igoo [ Number I 


\\\ri\n\\ W\%imtA %mm 


IN the small trading stations which the Dutch established at Fort 
Orange and on Manhattan Island it would be useless to look 
for political conditions. The houses were purely commercial sta- 
tions occupied during the summer's trading season and deserted in 
the winter. It was only by an accident to their vessel that a few 
sailors were compelled to stay on Manhattan Island during the 
winter of 1613— 16 14, but from that time the country was never 
entirely deserted. The company of traders who received a charter 
under the name of the New Netherland Company obtained exclu- 
sive commercial privileges, but no governmental powers. Quite 
different, however, was the charter of 1 621 to the West India Com- 
pany. This elaborate patent granted political as well as commer- 
cial privileges, and had in view the permanent settlement of the 

The charter gave to the Company the exclusive right to trade 
upon the west coast of Africa, the entire coast of America from the 
Straits of Magellan to the extreme north, and all places situated 
between Africa and America. Within these bounds the Company 
was to have almost sovereign powers ; it could make alliances with 
princes and natives ; it might build forts ; it could appoint and dis- 
charge civil and military and other public officers " for the preser- 
vation of the places, keeping good order, police and justice, and in 
like manner for the promoting of trade ;" and it could " advance the 
peopling of fruitful and unsettled parts." The stock of the Com- 
pany was apportioned among the provinces of the Netherlands and 
its affairs were to be directed by a representative Council of Nine- 
teen. The States General retained some control over the Company 
and its colonies by commissioning the governors, and approving 
their instructions, and by requiring reports from time to time. 

VOL. VI. — I. ( I ) 

A. E. McKinley 

Naturally the government established by such a trading company 
was one which served the ends of immediate commercial necessity, 
while the ultimate benefit to be derived from increased population 
and permanent settlement was lost from sight. In 1624, Peter 
Minuit, the first Director under the Company, arrived, and called 
together his council of five persons, which, with himself, was to have 
supreme executive, legislative and judicial powers. 1 For several 
years the Company offered few inducements to emigrants and as a 
consequence the colony grew slowly in numbers, although its trade 
prospered. In 1629 a step toward the encouragement of emigration 
from the Netherlands was taken by the publication of thirty-one arti- 
cles of " Freedoms and Exemptions granted by the Assembly of the 
XIX. of the Privileged West India Company, to ail such as shall 
plant any colonies in New Netherland." 3 

The familiar provisions of these " patroon " concessions need 
no analysis here, but reference may be made to some of the minor 
articles concerning individual colonies, which interest us, in the study 
of the origins of popular government, much more deeply than the 
elaborate feudal provisions of the patroon system. The articles, in 
addition to granting to patroons extensive commercial and political 
privileges, also provided that individual settlers might take up as much 
land as "they shall be able properly to improve," giving them also 
the right of fishing and hunting near their settlements, and promis- 
ing them the protection of the Company against internal and ex- 
ternal disturbances. Further, the colonies lying along each river, 
or on each island, were to appoint deputies to give information of 
the condition of their colonies to the Commander and Council. 
These reports were to be made annually and the deputies were to be 
newly appointed every two years. 3 Thus imbedded in the mass 
of feudalism of the patroon concessions were two elements which 
in course of time might have overthrown both the patroon system 
and the arbitrary government of the Company — the encouragement 
of the small independent landowners, and the development of rep- 
resentative government. But neither of these results followed im- 
mediately. A few of the directors of the West India Company 
hoped to use the patroon concessions in building up their private 
fortunes, and establishing for themselves princely estates upon the 
Company's lands. Thus for a time little encouragement was given 
to individual settlers. 

For nine years the Company continued its narrow policy, and 
the growth of the colony was retarded by the feudal patroon govern- 

1 ' CCallaghan, History of New Netherland, I. 100. 
'" )'( lallaghan, 1 . 112-120. 
"Article XXVJJI. 

English and Dutch Towns of New Netherlands 3 

ments and by the Company's trade monopoly. 1 Information of the 
feeble state of the settlement was brought to the States General, 
who, on April 26, 1638, directed the Assembly of the XIX. of the 
West India Company to take effectual steps in the settlement of 
their colony by inviting all good inhabitants of the Netherlands by 
suitable inducements to populate those parts. 2 This action upon 
the part of the States General had a most beneficial effect upon the 
future policy of the Company and the welfare of their colony. In 
the following September trade with the colony was thrown open to 
all inhabitants of the Netherlands and their allies. Each settler 
was promised as much land as he and his family could cultivate, 3 
while the new freedom of trade made it possible for him to stock 
his farm and secure supplies from Europe. In these orders, how- 
ever, there was no provision for local popular government, for all 
political power, except upon the patroon estates, still remained in 
the hands of the Company's officials. 

The first step toward local self-government came shortly after 
the orders of 1638. In 1640 the patroon concessions of 1629 
were materially modified by a curtailment of the powers and terri- 
tory of the patroons, by the addition of inducements to smaller 
colonists, and by the promise of local political privileges. 4 The 
provisions respecting town government were based upon the cus- 
toms of Holland, where the form prevailed of nominating a double 
or triple number of candidates for the village offices, from which 
the local lord or authority selected a single number to fill the po- 
sitions. The new provision reads : 

"And should it happen ' that the dwelling-places of private colo- 
nists become so numerous as to be accounted towns, villages or cities, 
the Company shall give orders respecting the subaltern government, mag- 
istrates, and ministers of justice, who shall be nominated by the said 
towns and villages in a triple number of the best qualified, from which a 
choice and selection is to be made by the Governor and Council ; and 
those shall determine all questions and suits within their district. ' ' 

This order was subsequently modified so that 

" the qualified persons of such cities, villages, and hamlets shall, in such 
case, be authorized to nominate for the office of magistrates a double 
number of persons, wherefrom a selection shall seasonably be made by 
the Director and Council. . . . And justice shall be administered therein 
according to the style and order of the province of Holland, and the 

1 O'Callaghan, I. 200. 

i fiocuments relating to the Colonial History of New York, I. 106. Quoted here- 
after as N. Y. Col. Doc. 
3 O'Callaghan, I. 203. 
4 N. Y. Col. Doc, I. II9-I23. 

4 A. E. Mc Kinky 

cities and manors thereof, to which end the courts there shall follow, as 
far as the same is possible, the ordinances received here in Amsterdam." 1 

The order of 1640 marks a decided change in the policy of the 
Company. For the future, instead of encouraging the establishment 
of patroon estates, the officers of the Company were directed to 
further the growth of towns and villages composed of independent 
settlers. The old concentration of all governmental authority in 
the Director and Council at New Amsterdam was abolished, and in 
its place was put the Dutch system of local government. Almost 
at the same time, owing to difficulties with the Indians, the Director 
was compelled to have recourse to a representative political system. 
Thus from this time, the political history of New Netherland shows 
two tendencies, one leading to the extension of local governmental 
privileges and the other to a system whereby the localities might be 
represented in the central conduct of affairs. For the present it is 
our purpose to trace the course of the first tendency, leading to the 
development of town institutions. 

Within the jurisdiction of the New Amsterdam authorities there 
arose two forms of town government. One was based upon the 
customs of the Netherlands and developed in the towns settled by 
the Dutch, while the other was brought into the Dutch territory 
from New England by English settlers. In one the aristocratic in- 
stitutions, the local customs and the political lethargy of Holland 
were reproduced. In the other the democratic spirit of the New 
England town was dominant. The reason for this division of local 
government into two forms will become more apparent as we glance 
at the political practice of the Dutch and the English towns under 
the New Netherland jurisdiction. 

Considering first the Dutch towns, it is interesting to notice the 
manner of their settlement. Almost all the early land-grants of 
the West India Company were made to single individuals. 2 There 
was little preconcerted immigration to the colony by organized 
bodies of settlers, except to the patroon estates. The settlers rarely 
had agreements and understandings with one another before set- 
tling, and it is doubtful if any community, either of political power 
or of lands, existed until about 1645/' Accident, or ties of blood 
or race, 1 or the situation of desirable land, or the friendship of indi- 
viduals were usually the causes which led to the concentration of 
population in any locality. Throughout all the early period there 

1 O'Callaghan, I. 392-393. 

2 Sec N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. and XIV., passim. 

3 The first k'rant of political privileges to a Dutch town was made to Breuckelen 
(Brooklyn), in June, 1646. See Stiles, History of Brooklyn,!, 45-46. 

'The Walloons on the present site of Brooklyn, 1623. 

EnglisJi and Dutch Towns of Nezv Netherland 5 

was no conscious settlement of communities by the Dutch agricul- 
tural colonists. 1 

The individualism of the Dutch was in strong contrast to the 
social spirit shown in the English towns. Under the new privileges 
of 1640 each man could take as much land as he could cultivate, 
and naturally the result was the separation of farms and home- 
steads from one another. This made the defence of the scattered 
plantations so difficult that action was called forth from the home 
authorities, who saw the advantages of the close settlement of the 
English towns. In the instructions of July 7, 1645, sent to the 
Director and Council at New Amsterdam, 2 occurs the significant 
clause : 

"They shall endeavor as much as possible, that the colonists settle 
themselves with a certain number of families in some of the most suitable 
places, in the manner of villages, towns and hamlets, as the English are 
in the habit of doing, who tliereby live more securely." 

But the policy was a difficult one to impose upon the colonists. 
They had no common interest in the land, no locji political 
powers, and although most of the settlers professed a common re- 
ligious belief, they had but scant opportunity, perhaps little desire, 
for common religious worship. 3 Thus the early Dutch settlements 
lacked three controlling forces which among the English con- 
tributed to the development of the towns. 

What the colonists would not voluntarily agree to, the Director 
and Company tried to accomplish by rules and ordinances. Orders 
were passed in 1656 and 1660 i providing that the inhabitants of 
each locality should build forts and towns. At Cummunipaw, the 
settlers who had been driven out by the Indians in 1655 were re- 
quired by Stuyvesant in 1658 to build their houses in one vil- 
lage. 5 On the Esopus, the settlers showed such reluctance to 
dwelling in a village, that Stuyvesant was compelled to visit Wilt- 
wyck in person, and there superintend the building of a fort and 
the apportionment of town lots. In the same year a patent was 
issued to all who should settle in a new village on Manhattan 
Island, granting certain lands to each settler, and a local court 
when the village had obtained a population of twenty or twenty- 
five families. 7 More than two years passed, however, before a 

'Thomson's Long Island (second ed. ) I. 107; Wood, Long Island, 81. 
2 TV. Y. Col. Doc, I. 160-162. 

3 Brodhead, History of the State of New York, I. 614. 

4 Lazvs and Ordinances of New Netherland, 206, 234, 368. 

6 Brodhead, I. 642. 
5 Ibid., I. 648. 

7 Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, 335. 

6 A. E. McKinhy 

population was obtained large enough to entitle them to the politi- 
cal provisions of the patent. 1 It will thus be seen that the town 
was by no means a spontaneous natural growth among the Dutch. 
Often it required all the force of Stuyvesant's arbitrary government 
to compel the colonists to concentrate their settlements. And 
when the concentration was accomplished, the town does not ap- 
pear to have developed the autonomous democratic government 
which arose in the English towns. 

By granting lands in severalty, town development was seriously 
retarded, just as in New England the granting of lands in common 
encouraged that development. In New Netherland, contrary to the 
usual New England method, many years often elapsed after the 
original settlement of a locality, before it obtained political privi- 
leges. With the exception of New Haarlem mentioned above, 
none of the Dutch towns received corporate political rights until a 
considerable period after settlement. 2 

Having seen that town life developed late and with difficulty 
among the Dutch, we must now look at the institutions which were 
finally established in the towns of New Netherland. Following the 
directions of the Exemptions of 1640, when political privileges were 
granted to towns, they were based upon the customs of Holland. 
The first charter granted to a Dutch town, was that to Brooklyn in 
1646. 3 From the preliminary recital given therein, it appears that 
the settlers of Brooklyn had met on May 21, 1646, in accordance 
with the Exemptions, and had unanimously elected two persons to 
act as schepens. The election was followed by a unanimous writ- 
ten agreement that if any one should refuse to submit to the lawful 
authority of the two schepens, he should forfeit the rights he 
claimed to land in the allotment of the town. In June the Direc- 
tor and Council confirmed this election, and gave the schepens 
power to select two more persons from the inhabitants to act as ad- 
ditional schepens, if the work of the original officers should be too 
heavy. In the fall of the same year, the schepens complained to 
the Director of the onerous nature of their duties, and suggested 
the name of a person to act as schout. On December 1, the Di- 
rector and Council gave to Brooklyn a separate schout, and con- 
firmed the nominee of the schepens to that office. These details 

lO'Callaghan, II. 428. 

2 Bergen settled, 1617 ; incorporated, 1661. Brooklyn settled, 1623 ; incorporated, 
1646. Flatbush settled, 1623; incorporated, 1654. Beverwyck settled, 1634 ; incor- 
porated, partially, 1652. Amersfoort settled, 1645 (?) ; incorporated, 1654. New 
Utrecht settled, 1657 ; incorporated, 1661. Wiltwyck settled, 1656 ; incorporated, 1661. 
Haarlem settled and incorporated, 1658. Bushwyck settled, 1660 ; incorporated, 1661. 

3 Stiles, History of the Ci/y of Brooklyn, I. 45-46. 

English and Dutch Towns of Nezv Netherland 7 

are given because they illustrate the manner of election of the local 
officials ; the first two schepens were elected by those having a 
share in the lands of the town ; the schout, on the other hand, was 
selected by the schepens and confirmed by the Director and Coun- 
cil. Popular election was permitted only in the first choice of offi- 
cials ; thereafter the officers named their successors. We will note 
this system in detail. 

The schout and schepens mentioned in this first charter to a 
Dutch town are the officers of the local court. The schout cor- 
responded in the main to the modern prosecuting attorney, 1 although 
at times his duties partook of the nature of those of the sheriff, and 
at other times he presided over the court. 2 The schepens, whose 
title is sometimes translated magistrate, exercised both judicial and 
administrative functions. In the town of Wiltwyck they were to 
hold fortnightly courts, except during harvest-time, at which they 
were empowered to try without appeal civil cases where the value 
in controversy was below fifty guilders. They had jurisdiction of 
petty criminal offences, i. c, those in which there was no letting of 
blood, and in matters of greater moment they could apprehend 
criminals. But in addition to these judicial powers, the schepens 
had authority similar to those of the New England selectmen or the 
town-meeting. They could advise the Director and Council to pass 
orders concerning roads, the enclosure of lands, and the regulation 
of churches and schools ; 3 and in certain cases could make and en- 
force orders without waiting for the consent of the Director. 4 But 
no provision was made in the charters granted to the Dutch towns 
for the direct action of the people in town affairs. There was no 
recognition of the town-meeting as a local political organization, but 
all ordinances, even of a local nature, must receive the approval of 
the Director and Council after they had been passed by the local 
court. 5 

1 Brodhead, I. 453-454. 

2 N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. 196 ; Instructions for Schout of New Amsterdam, April 9, 
1660, N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 463. 

3 Charter of Wiltwyck, N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. 196-I9S. 
i N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. 369, 370. 

5 The records are not wholly void of evidence of legislative or administrative activity 
exercised directly by the people in the Dutch towns before the English conquest. But in 
the few cases recorded, it appears to have been on extraordinary occasions, and not as an 
integral part of the local government. 

In school and church matters there is some slight evidence of local action. See for 
Bergen, N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. 232 and 319. In Brooklyn, on August 30, 1660, the 
magistrates, "pursuant to an order from the Hon ble Director-General", "convened all the 
inhabitants of the village of Breuckelen, talked to them and investigated, how much 
they could together contribute to the salary of D r Selyns" (IV. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 479). 
This sounds little like the independent action of the English town-meetings only a few 
miles distant from Brooklyn on the Long Island shores. 

8 A. E. McKinley 

We are more intimately concerned with the election of officers 
than with their powers. The charter of Brooklyn 1 of 1646 shows 
that the earliest magistrates of that village were elected by those in- 
terested in the lands of the town. The same method of electing the 
first magistrates was adopted in New Haarlem in 1 65s, 2 and in 
Bushwick in 1661. 3 In the latter case the inhabitants asked Stuy- 
vesant for lands and political privileges, and were directed to select 
six persons from whom the Director might select three as magis- 
trates. In other cases, however, the first schepens seem not to have 
been elected by the people, but to have been named in the charter 
itself. This was true of the charters of Wiltwyck, 4 Bergen, 5 and 
Staten Island. 

The popular suffrage thus sometimes allowed to the Dutch set- 
tlers in the choice of their first magistrates under the town charters, 
was not continued in subsequent elections. In all cases which I 
have been able to find, a two-fold restriction was placed upon the 
towns. First, the magistrates, when changed, were to be elected 
by the Director and Council at New Amsterdam from a double 
number of candidates presented to them ; and secondly, this nomi- 
nation was made not by the townspeople, but by the magistrates 
already in office. A few citations from the many instances in the 
records will illustrate these restrictions. 

In April, 1655, the magistrates of Brooklyn petitioned the 
Director and Council to be permitted to send in a double number 
of candidates for new magistrates. The Council in reply directed 
the magistrates to inform them, "as far as it is in their power, of 
the character, manners, and expertness of the most respectable in- 
dividuals of their village and places in its vicinity under their juris- 
diction." The magistrates accordingly sent in nominations, from 
which the Director and Council selected three to act as schepens 
for the future. 7 In all this transaction there is no mention made of 
popular election ; the magistrates now, instead of the people, make 
the nominations to the Director and his Council. The Wiltwyck 
charter contained the provision : 

" Whereas it is customary in our Fatherland and other well-regulated 
governments, that annually some change take place in the magistracy, so 
that some new ones are appointed, and some are continued to inform the 

'Stiles, History of Brooklyn, I. 45. 

2 Laws and Ordinances of Nctv Netherland, 335 ; O'Callaghan, II. 428. 

3 Thompson, History of Long Lsland, second, ed., II. 155. 

*N. Y. Cot. Doc, XIII. 196-198. 

6 Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, 403. 
'' Jdid., 458. 

7 Stiles, Hist, of Brooklyn, I. in. 

English and Dutch Towns of New Netherland 9 

newly appointed, so shall the Schepens, now confirmed, pay due atten- 
tion to the conversation, conduct, and abilities of honest and decent 
persons, inhabitants of their respective village, to inform the Director- 
General and Council, about the time of the next election, as to who 
might be sufficiently qualified to be then elected by the Director-General 
and Council." 1 

Again there is no mention of popular election ; the magistrates 
nominate, the Director and Council elect. Similar provisions were 
inserted in the charters of New Haarlem, Bergen and New Utrecht. 
Still more limited were the local political powers granted by Gover- 
nor Colve after the Dutch re-conquest in 1673. The Governor 
issued an order for the reorganization of the government of the 
towns of Midwout, Amersfoort, Breuckelen, New Utrecht and 
Gravesend, in which he reinstated the old form of nomination and 
confirmation of magistrates : 

"Previous to the annual election, the Sheriff and Schepens shall 
make [a list], in nomination for Schepens, of a double number of the 
best qualified, honest, intelligent, and wealthiest inhabitants (but only 
those belonging to, or well affected toward, the Reformed Christian Re- 
ligion), and shall present it [to] the Governor, who shall then make a 
selection, and, if he deem it best, confirm some of the old Schepens." 2 

In accordance with the provisions of these charters, the magis- 
trates ol the Dutch towns were accustomed to send their nomina- 
tions to the Director. No reference is made in their letters or in 
the action of the Director and Council to any elections by the towns- 
men. The nominations are said to be " made and presented," or 
"made and submitted" by the schepens, by the commissaries, by 
the magistrates, by the schout and schepens. 3 These words are 
quite significant when compared with the letters from the English 
towns making their double nominations, in which there is usually 
internal evidence of the suffrage in town-meetings. 4 The Dutch let- 
ters give no hint of such popular action, and in place of town elec- 
tions, the close-corporation system of the Holland towns prevailed. 

The conclusion we must come to from all the evidence obtain- 
able is that there were no regular town-meetings among the Dutch, 
no popular elections for magistrates, and that the magistracy was of 
the nature of a close corporation, some retiring annually, 5 and their 

'TV. V. Col. Doc, XIII. 196. 

2 Stiles, History of Brooklyn, I. 162. 

3 See N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. and XIV., passim; e.g., XIII. 231, 336; XIV. 257, 
344, 4H, 5IC, 520, 522, 523. 

4 See post, p. 12. 

5 1 have been unable to find the principle underlying this practice of partial retire- 
ment. See N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 314, 344, 412, 473, etc. For instance of removal 
for cause, see N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. 336. 


A. E. McKinley 

places being- filled by a selection made by the Director and Council 
from a double nomination by the acting magistrates. 

Turning from the Dutch towns, let us look at the government 
of the English settlements which grew up under the New Amster- 
dam jurisdiction, and in which an entirely different political atmos- 
phere existed. The earliest mention of settlement by the English 
within the Dutch territory is in 1640, when eight Englishmen 
settled near the present site of Hempstead, having bought title to 
the land from Farret, the American representative of Lord Stirling. 1 
The English intruders were arrested by the Dutch and imprisoned 
in New Amsterdam ; but they were subsequently released upon 
their promise to leave the jurisdiction. 2 The next year, 1641, in 
response to an inquiry from some Englishmen as to terms of settle- 
ment, the reply was made that they would be allowed to select four 
or five of their ablest men, from whom the governor of the Dutch 
would select a single magistrate. 3 This exaggerated form of the 
multiple nominating system would have given the English less lib- 
eral government than that later granted to the Dutch towns ; but the 
terms were not accepted. 

Soon, however, a marked immigration set into the Dutch terri- 
tories from New England. In 1642 and the years immediately 
following, a number of English settlers reached western Long 
Island. 1 They were well received by Director Kieft, who gave them 
tracts of land, and authorized the establishment of town govern- 
ments. Before Brooklyn received its separate local court in 1646, 
Kieft had granted charters of incorporation to four English towns : 
Mcspath (Newtown), 5 Hempstead, 6 Vlissingen (Flushing) 7 and Grave- 
send. 8 These charters, granted almost immediately after the set- 
tlements were made, defined the territory of the patentees and pro- 
vided for their political organization. All four antedated the earliest 
Dutch town charter, and this fact is strong evidence that the com- 
munal spirit was more intense among the English than among the 
Dutch. Ten or twenty years might elapse in the life of the Dutch 
settlements before they received incorporation or any local govern- 

1 N. V. Col. Doc, II. 145-150 ; Flint, Early Long Island, 120. Lord Stirling had 
received from the Plymouth Company a patent for Long Island, and his agent, Farret, 
sold pal. nis for land on the island to New Englanders. Stirling's patent is printed in 

V. ) Col. Doc, XIV. 29, note. 

2 Subsequently they settled Southampton in eastern Long Island. 
*N. V. Col. Doc, XIII. 8. 

•In N. V. Col. Doc, I. 181, is a Dutch statement of the causes of this English 

6 March 28, 1642. 
'' November 16, 1644. 
■ ' " tober 10, 1645. 
8 December 19, 1645. 

English and Dutch Towns of Nezv Netherland 1 1 

ment whatever. With the English the corporate town life began 
before or immediately after settlement. In the same way the com- 
munal ownership of lands and common interest in religious worship 
date, in the English towns, from the time of settlement, while in the 
Dutch towns they developed long after the original settlement. 

Further, the charters of the English towns differed from the 
ordinances which established local government in the Dutch settle- 
ments in several important particulars. The English charters were 
granted to companies of individuals who had usually formed an 
agreement before their settlement, while the Dutch settlers were 
often forced into an agreement, and compelled to take up lands in 
common, 1 at the dictation of the Director and against their own 
will. The English charters gave the settlers power to form " a 
bodye politique and ciuill combination," 2 to which they, and their 
associates, heirs and successors were to belong. In the case of 
Gravesend, the power was also given "to make such civill ordi- 
nances as the Maior part of the Inhabitants free of the Towne shall 
thinke fitting for theyr quiett and peaceable subsisting," thus recog- 
nizing the town-meeting as an integral part of the local govern- 

The local officials provided for by these charters were called by 
varying names — magistrates, "some of theirs," schepens — but their 
duties corresponded to the judicial duties of the officers of the Dutch 
local court. All the charters required the officers to be named to 
the Director and Council for confirmation. No direct mention is 
made of a double nominating system, such as was given to the 
Dutch towns, but by subsequent practice three of the towns always 
presented double nominations to the Director and Council ; while 
Gravesend alone was permitted the privilege of presenting a single 
number of candidates. 3 We have seen that the candidates in the 
Dutch towns were selected by the outgoing magistrates. In the 
English charters, the patentees, their associates and successors are 
given that power ; thus vesting the election of officers in the people. 4 

In addition to the features in which the English town charters 
differed from the Dutch, there were of course points of similarity. 

J This was true at Cummunipaw, at Wiltwyck on the upper Hudson, and was at- 
tempted without success among the conquered Swedes on the Schuylkill at Passayung. 

2 Gravesend charter in Documentary History of New York, I. 629-632. Similar 
provision in Hempstead charter ; Thompson, History of Long Island, second ed., II- 

3 This extraordinary feature was carried out in practice ; see N Y. Col. Doc., XIV 
x 3°. 3 2 9, 343. 422, etc. 

4 True of the first charter granted to an English town, Mespath, in 1642 (four years 
before a Dutch town received local government). N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 38. See the 
other charters as well. 

12 A. E. McKinley 

Both were granted freedom to practise the Reformed Christian re- 
ligion ; the same system of appeals to the Director and Council 
was provided for ; towns must be built; fortifications erected; al- 
legiance must be given to the West India Company and the States 
General ; and after a period of years, taxes were to be paid to the 
Company. 1 

In the practice of government under the charters of the English 
towns, we find a much closer similarity to the local institutions of 
New England than to those of New Netherland. The affairs of the 
town were determined in town-meeting. There the people made 
local rules, granted lands, determined the suffrage, and elected their 
candidates to office. The letters presenting to the Director and 
Council the new nominations are not signed by the outgoing sellout 
and schepens, but by the clerks of the towns. 2 They usually state 
that the nomination is " made and submitted," "by the inhabitants 
of said village," "by the whole community," "by the inhabitants 
by a plurality of votes," or similar expressions implying popular 
election. 3 Thus here the whole community acted in the choice of 
its magistrates ; there was no close corporation modelled after the 
seventeenth-century town-corporations of Holland. 

A perusal of the records leads one to the inevitable conclusion 
that all this democratic political development was peculiarly English. 
Kicft, indeed, granted these charters, but their terms are so evidently 
English that we cannot doubt they were dictated by the incoming 
New Englanders. 1 As the Holland town customs were reproduced 
in the Dutch towns, so the New England town furnished the model 
for government in the English towns under Dutch influence. The 
spirit of popular government came from the English and not from 
the Dutch settlers. 

One of the necessary concomitants of popular government is the 
suffrage question. For no sooner are elections vested in the people, 
than the question arises as to the meaning of the word people. In 
these English towns the New England customs were closely fol- 
lowed in this respect. By the charters, the privilege of the suffrage 
was conferred upon the original patentees and their associates, and 

1 In 1656 two other groups of English settlers were given town privileges similar, 
not to the English, but to the Dutch towns; Vreedland (Westchester), N. Y. Col. Doc, 
XIII. 65-66; and Rustdorp (Jamaica), Col. Dot., XIV. 339-340. 

1 N. V. Col. Doc, XIV. 329, 343, 346, 425, etc. 

3 See New York Col. Doc, XIV., passim; e.g., 189, 296, 300, 329, 343, 345, 422, 

4 The Gravesend charter has been called a " veritable Dutch charter of civil and re- 
ligious freedom" (Elting, Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson River, Johns Hop- 
kins University Studies, IV. 26). It is Dutch in little else than the fact that a Dutch 
governor granted it. 

English and Dutch Towns of Nezu Netherland 1 3 

thus by implication, if not by express grant, the original settlers 
were given power to add to their numbers. These associates, upon 
receiving their lots and the rights in the common lands, obtained at 
the same time a voice in the town-meeting. 1 The same privilege 
might be gained by those who purchased land from the original 
owners, and to prevent by this means the influx of undesirable in- 
habitants, it was customary to place restrictions upon the sale of 
land. 2 In Hempstead, " quakers and such like " were excluded ; and 
letters of commendation and approbation must be brought by per- 
sons coming from other towns. 3 Once possessed of land within the 
town, the owner had an indisputable right to a voice in the town 
affairs. 4 In all these respects the customs of the New England 
colonies were closely followed. 

It has been mentioned that all four of the early charters to Eng- 
lish towns were granted by Kieft. His successor, Stuyvesant, 
showed no such favorable disposition, but evinced an unremitting 
opposition to popular government, both in the towns and in repre- 
sentative provincial institutions. His opinions on the subject are 
preserved in his correspondence concerning the assembly of 1653. 
Under the influence of the English delegates, 5 the representatives 
who met at New Amsterdam in 1653 drew up a remonstrance on 
December 11, in which, among other charges against the govern- 
ment, they say that " Officers and Magistrates, though by their 
personal qualifications deserving such honors, are appointed, con- 
trary to the laws of Netherland, to divers offices without the con- 
sent or nomination of the people whom the matter most affects or 
concerns." 6 To this demand for popular elections, Stuyvesant an- 
swered by admitting the right of the English to nominate their own 
magistrates, but stated also that some of them even usurped " the 
election and appointment of such Magistrates, as they please, with- 
out regard to their religion. Some, especially the people of Graves- 
end, elect libertines and Anabaptists, which is decidedly against the 
laws of the Netherlands." 7 The Director further questioned the 
advisability of popular elections, for " if it is to be made a rule, that 
the selection and nomination shall be left to the people generally, 
whom it most concerns, then every one would want for Magistrate 

1 In Hempstead, N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 529. 

2 In Gravesend, owners of land desiring to sell must first offer the land to the town ; 
and after the town's refusal to purchase, they could sell to an outsider if he were not an 
infamous person or a disturber of the common peace. N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 12S-129. 

3 TV. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 529. 

4 See the demands of some Dutch landholders in Gravesend, N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 

3 2 9- 

5 TV. Y. Col. Doc, I. 553. 

6 Ibid., I. 552. 

''Ibid., XIV. 235. 

14 A. E. McKinley 

a man of his own stamp, for instance a thief would choose for 
Magistrate a thief, and a dishonest man, a drunkard, a smuggler, 
etc., their likes, in order to commit felonies and frauds with so much 
more freedom." l Early in the next year the Director and Council, 
following out their policy of opposition to popular government, re- 
quired the magistrates and inhabitants of Gravesend to prove by 
their charter their right to nominate and elect magistrates and to 
continue them in office. 2 

The evils of popular government as he saw them must have in- 
fluenced Stuyvesant in his grants to the two new English towns pat- 
ented in 1656. Thomas Wheeler and the other English settlers at 
Westchester (Vreedland) had informed the New Amsterdam au- 
thorities that they would submit to the Dutch jurisdiction if they 
could have the privilege of choosing their officers, of making laws 
for the good of the township, of distributing lands, and of making 
choice of new inhabitants. To these demands they received the reply 
that they might have the " conditions and patents " of the Dutch 
villages of Middelburg, Amersfoort, Midwout and Breuckelen, and 
also the right of nominating a double number of candidates for of- 
fice. 3 The English remained, however, and seem to have inter- 
preted their rights under this grant to suit themselves. 4 In the 
same year Rustdorp (Jamaica) on Long Island was incorporated 
" under the same privileges and exemptions and special grants, as 
the inhabitants of New Netherlands generally enjoy, as well in 
the possession of their lands, as in the election of their Magistrates 
on the footing and order in use in the villages of Middelburg-, Breuck- 
elen, Midwout and Amersfoort. " 5 In this case, also, the English 
held their town-meetings, and we have left to us some very interest- 
ing town orders concerning the allotment of the town lands and the 
reaping of the common meadow. 6 Both charters of Stuyvesant 
show his determination to give no more special privileges to the 
English settlers. 7 

!yV. Y. Col. Doc-., XIV. 235. 

' l Ibid., 253. In 1655 objections were made to a town election of Gravesend by 
some Dutch landholders in the town because votes were cast in the names of persons in 
prison for crimes, of persons who had left the town, and those who had conspired 
against the government of the country. Ibid,, XIV. 330. 

•» N. Y. Col. Doc, XIII. 65-66. 

4 Bolton, History of Westchester County, revised ed. , II. 279-281. 

s N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 339-340. 

r ' Ibid., 504-506. 

7 In Flushing, owing to the large number of Quakers who had settled there, Stuy- 
vesanl found a good opportunity to repress popular government. Town-meetings were 
forbidden, and their place was to be taken by seven tribunes elected once and for all, 
who were to act as counsellors of the schout and magistrates. Laws and Ordinances of 
New A'ellierland, 338. 

English and Dutch Towns of New Nctherland 1 5 

One other illustration of Stuyvesant's policy in local govern- 
ment is to be found in his negotiations with a party of Milford Eng- 
lishmen, who proposed leaving their homes rather than agree to the 
union of Connecticut and New Haven. The intending settlers 
asked permission to control their own civil affairs, elect their magis- 
trates, and make such laws as seemed to them suitable. Stuyvesant 
at first replied that they might have privileges equal to those of the 
Dutch towns ; the double nomination of magistrates, and the pas- 
sage of laws by the magistrates with the consent of the Director 
and Council ; but he refused the power to choose their own inhab- 
itants. The answer was not satisfactory to the New Englanders, 
for it did not state the manner of election of the magistrates, did 
not grant legislative powers to the town-meeting, and refused the 
privilege of admitting their own inhabitants. But the West India 
Company was at this time favoring the immigration of English dis- 
senters, and accordingly, in May, 1662, Stuyvesant modified his 
former proposition, and granted practically all the demands of the 
English. 1 • 

Stuyvesant's whole policy appears essentially different from that 
of Kieft. The latter encouraged English immigration and allowed 
the settlers to choose their own form of local self-government, 
although at the same time he was governing all the Dutch settle- 
ments on the Delaware, on the Hudson, and on Long Island arbitra- 
rily, and without a hint of any popular control in local affairs. 
Stuyvesant, on the other hand, incorporated many of the Dutch 
villages, but according to the Dutch, and not the English model. 
A close corporation was established in each of the Dutch towns, 
which reproduced in miniature the aristocratic organization of the 
Netherland towns of that day. There was naturally an inconsistency 
in allowing the English strangers greater liberty than the native 
Dutch citizens, and this may account in part for Stuyvesant's opposi- 

1 Stuyvesant's second letter is a curious document: "The Governour and Counsel 
doe give Consent that the aforesaid English Nation beinge setlet vnder this government 
shal have power by the most vote of the Churches members, to nominate their owne 
Magistrates, in such a quantity as they shall thinck most meete and needfull for their 
towne or Townes, which Magistrates with the freemen shal be Impoured, to make such 
Lawes and Ordinances, as occasion shal require, which lawes and ordinances after Ex- 
amination beinge found not oppugnant to the general Lawes of the Vnited Belgick and 
this Province shal by the Governour and Counsel be Ratified and Confirmed vnto them, 
only the Governour and Counsel doe Reserve the Appeale of Criminel and Civil Sen- 
tences above the Sum of fifty pound Sterlinge, without Reformation or appeale to that 
Sum, for all such Inhabitans as therevnto shal Subschrybe and the Confirmation of the 
Magistrates out of dubbel Number jearly to be presented vnto them, out of which dubbel 
Number with advyce or Communication of the old Magistrates or their deputies the fol- 
lowinge Magistrates by the Governour and Counsel then beinge shal be Confirmed." 
Col. Doc, XIII. 222. The projected removal did not take place until after the English 

1 6 A. E. McKinley 

tion to the English towns. 1 But there must have been other rea- 
sons as well. Stuyvesant's own words criticizing popular govern- 
ment have already been given ; and we must also remember that 
the English were beginning to demand a total separation from the 
Dutch, and a combination with the English of Connecticut and 
New Haven. 

We have thus far traced the features of local government in the 
two classes of towns under the Dutch government, but in closing, 
mention must be made of the local government of New Amsterdam 
itself. From the first settlement of Manhattan Island down to the 
year 1 649 the records show no demand upon the part of the inhab- 
itants of New Amsterdam for local governmental powers distinct 
from those of the Company's officials. In 1649 the representative 
body of the Nine Men sent a letter to the States General depicting 
the " very poor and most low condition " of the province, and ask- 
ing for a redress of their grievances. Among the reforms which 
they thought would encourage population and promote prosperity 
was the establishment of a " suitable municipal government." 2 A 
commission of three men was appointed to take this petition and a 
lengthy remonstrance against the government of Kieft and Stuy- 
vesant to Holland. 3 After an elaborate investigation by the States 
General, a committee of that body reported a " Provisional Order 
respecting the Government, Preservation and Peopling of New 
Netherland." ' Among the reforms there proposed, we find the first 
mention of municipal government for New Amsterdam : " XVII. 
And within the city of New Amsterdam shall be erected a Burgher 
Government, consisting of a Sheriff, two Burgomasters, and 5 Sche- 
pens." This report was not adopted, but the fear of its passage 
forced the West India Company to make concessions to the inhabi- 
tants of New Amsterdam, and on April 4, 1652, Stuyvesant was 
directed to " erect there a Court of Justice formed, as much as pos- 
sible, after the custom of this city" [Amsterdam]. The court was 
to have the officers named in the former provisional order, who 
were to be chosen from the "honest and respectable" persons of 
the settlement, the Directors expressing the hope that some of such 
persons could be found among the burghers. 5 

Ten months passed after the dating of this instruction to Stuy- 
vesant before the latter inaugurated the new city government. 

1 In one of his letters, Stuyvesant says : " It ought to be remembered that the Eng- 
lishmen . . . enjoy more privileges than the Exemptions of New Netherland grant to 
any Hollander." N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 233. 

* N. V. Col. /Joe-., I. 260. 

3 Brodhead, I. 506-507. 

*£>oc I/ist. of N. V., I. 598; N. Y. Col. Doc, I. 387-391. 

■•Dor. J fist, of N. K, I. 599-600. 

English and Dutch Towns of New Nethcrland 1 7 

When he was ready to take that step, he allowed no popular elec- 
tion of the officials, but appointed the two burgomasters and five 
schepens and directed that the Company's sheriff should act as 
schout for the city. 1 In 1654" and 1 6 5 6 :3 the burgomasters and 
schepens of New Amsterdam petitioned for the privilege of nomina- 
ting a double number of candidates as their successors. In January 
of the latter year, Stuyvesant agreed to such a double nomination 
upon the condition that the acting magistrates should always be 
considered as in nomination ; that the nominees should be well 
qualified persons, favorable to the Director and Council ; and that 
a member of the Council should be present at the meeting when the 
burgomasters and schepens made the nominations. 4 Under this 
arrangement the local officials were annually elected until the com- 
ing of the English. 

Here again the influence of the Holland customs is seen. In 
the Middle Ages the towns and cities of the Low Countries had ac- 
quired democratic governments, but by the seventeenth century 
these had been gradually undermined by aristocratic classes. Popu- 
lar elections had given way to close corporations and systems of 
double or triple nomination. 5 And these were the institutions which 
were now established in New Amsterdam. There was no popular 
election, but the outgoing magistrates nominated a double number 
for their successors ; and even this nomination was not free, for a 
member of the Director's council must be present at the election. 

Shortly after this, the Director introduced another of the fea- 
tures of Dutch conservatism, in the establishment of a greater and a 
lesser " burgerregt." The greater burgerregt was held by those who 
had held, or whose ancestors had held high civil, military or eccle- 
siastical offices in the city, or who had purchased the right for fifty 
guilders. The second class, holding the lesser burgerregt, was 
composed of all born in the city, or who had been resident and 
kept fire and light for a year and a half, or who kept shop and paid 
twenty guilders." Only those who possessed the greater burgerregt 
were eligible to the municipal offices. Thus the government of 
New Amsterdam was based upon the aristocratic and hereditary 
features of the constitution of old Amsterdam. There was no place 
in this scheme for popular government. It provided for a selection 

l O'Callaghan, II. 212-216 ; Brodhead, I. 548-549. 

2 N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV. 244. 
^O'Callaghan, II. 311. 

4 Records of New Amsterdam, II. 16, 24-29, 282-286; O'Callaghan, II. 370. A 
separate schout for New Amsterdam was not appointed until 1 660. 

3 J. F. Jameson, Mag. Amer. Hist., VIII. 321. 

6 Laws and Ordinances of Nnu Netherland, 299-301. 

VOL. vi. — 2. 

1 8 A. E. McKinley 

by the outgoing" magistrates of a double number of candidates from 
a very small class of the citizens, and an election by the Director 
and Council of the requisite number from these candidates and from 
the old officers. In principle it was the same system as that which 
we have seen was established in the Dutch towns of New Nether- 

From the facts here given, the following conclusions may be 
drawn concerning the local government of New Netherland : (i) 
The Dutch settlements showed slight communal feeling ; were with 
difficulty concentrated into towns ; developed little political activity 
or interest ; and finally received (rather than demanded) a form of 
government which gave scant room for popular control. (2) The 
English settlements under the Dutch jurisdiction showed a common 
interest from the first ; received land-grants in common ; undertook 
political functions almost unconsciously ; demanded and usually re- 
ceived far greater privileges from the Director and Council than 
were given to the Dutch towns. (3) Although Director Kieft 
granted liberal charters to the English, Stuyvesant was opposed to 
this policy, and attempted to cut down the privileges which his pre- 
decessor had conceded. After the favoritism shown in the first 
few years to the English, the attitude of the New Amsterdam au- 
thorities changed, and under Stuyvesant there was a continuous op- 
position to popular government in Dutch and English towns. 

Albert E. McKinley. 


The policy of disposing of the public lands of the United States 
under the principles of the homestead law, first adopted in 1862, 
was the outgrowth of a long period of discussion and experiment in 
which nearly all possible plans for the administration of the public 
domain were advocated and many different schemes tried. Of all 
the diverse methods of disposal, that which was based upon the 
homestead principle — free grants to settlers who should live upon 
and cultivate the lands for a certain time — was the last to secure the 
approval of Congress. Today it is the generally accepted principle 
of our land legislation, although the rapid decrease in the arable 
public domain has much lessened its application. It is this feature 
of our policy which has secured the almost universal approval of im- 
partial students of this part of American history, the only wonder 
expressed being that such a policy was not sooner adopted. But 
this wonder vanishes when we find how closely the public domain 
has been connected with general political questions and in how many 
ways the homestead policy was in opposition to the political views 
of different sections of the country. It is my intention to trace the 
growth of the sentiment favoring the donation of lands on condition 
of actual settlement, and to show how and why this plan became 
involved with other seemingly distinct issues of national policy. 

At first the public lands were regarded as the basis of a very 
large revenue, and the plans for their administration were formed 
with the intention of making that revenue as great as possible. It 
was perhaps only natural that such should have been the thought 
at the time when the new government was inaugurated. The country 
was deeply in debt, the levying of taxes by the national government 
was not looked at with favor by the states and the public domain 
seemed to furnish an easy means whereby the debt could be paid 
and at the same time heavy taxation avoided. And, while it was 
felt that the sale of the lands would be advantageous because of the 
money that it would bring, yet the rapid settlement of the western 
country was considered neither probable nor desirable. A slow 
and compact settlement was advocated as best both for the old states 

( 19) 

20 J. B. Sanborn 

and the new territories. 1 So the holding of the public lands for a 
comparatively high price would serve both the financial and the in- 
dustrial interests of the country, and no change in this policy was 
likely to come before the growth of the West had forced upon the 
East the necessity for such a change. 

This growth came much more rapidly than anyone had ex- 
pected. By 1S20 the states which had been carved out of the 
public domain were seven in number (including Missouri) and had 
a population of 1,224,384, while Kentucky and Tennessee, with 
986,906 inhabitants, were likely to add their weight to the interests 
of the land states. In most things pertaining to the disposal of the 
public domain the ideas of these new states were radically different 
from those of the states which had no public land within their 
boundaries. The new states did not regard with favor the existence 
in their limits of large tracts of unoccupied land, the policy of 
whose owner was to make as much money as possible from it, re- 
gardless of the rapidity of settlement. This land was only partially 
subject to their jurisdiction ; over it they could exercise neither the 
right of taxation nor eminent domain. Any policy which would 
tend to rapid settlement would have been welcomed by the new 
states, as the lands would then be both occupied and under the 
jurisdiction of their laws. Two policies which would have tended 
towards that result were open to the government : the lowering of 
the price of the lands with an ultimate gratuitous distribution, or 
the cession of the lands to the states in which they were situated — 
the primary desire being to get the lands out of the hands of the 
government as soon as possible. 

The first of these policies contained in an imperfect form 
the homestead principle, although it was to be applied only to 
lands which had been long in the market and could presumably be 
disposed of in no other way. The policy of cession to the states 
would have allowed the lands to be disposed of at prices calculated 
to induce rapid immigration and would probably have led, through 
the almost inevitable competition, to state homestead laws. Of 
these plans the states preferred that of cession, as likely to serve 
their immediate interests better ; but either was out of the question 
as long as they relied upon their own unaided efforts. They must 
appeal to the old states, and for this favor it was to the South 
rather than to the North that they turned. 

For the South had always shown evidences of a better feeling 
for and a more intimate connection with the West. At the time 

1 See letters of Washington to Duane, September 7, 1783, Writings (Ford), X. 303 ; 
and to Williamson, March 15, 1785, ibid., 446-447. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 2 1 

when the Confederation was considering plans for the administra- 
tion of the lands acquired by the state cessions, this division of feel- 
ing regarding the West began to appear, the North wishing to re- 
tard emigration thither, while the South was inclined to favor it. 1 
Such a feeling cannot be said to have been strong, but it continued 
for nearly fifty years, and during the period from the adoption of 
the Constitution down to the election of Andrew Jackson it was 
the South which understood and sympathized with the growing 
West. The exhibitions of hostility which the West was prone to 
cite were fancied rather than real, but there can be no doubt that 
the West was right when it felt that it must turn to the South for 
aid in its pet enterprises and that the North did not look with favor 
on its rapid growth. 

The causes which led to this connection between the South and 
West were physiographic. The easiest route across the Appa- 
lachian system was from Virginia, through the Great Valley and 
into Tennessee, or, turning to the northward, down the Kanawha 
to the Ohio. It was because of this greater ease of communication 
that the settlers in the West were predominantly Southern until 
after the war of 1812. 2 And after the emigrants had reached the 
new country the natural line of traffic from the West to the sea was 
down the Mississippi and thus through Southern territory. It was 
not until the advent of the great railroad systems extending from the 
valley of the Mississippi to the Atlantic coast, after 1850, that this 
north-and-south route of commerce was changed for an east-and- 
west one. Nor was it to the economic advantage of the North, de- 
voted as it was to manufacturing, to encourage the emigration 
which at last began. But to the agricultural South, on the other 
hand, the spreading and dispersion of population were especially 

The movement for gratuitous distribution of the public lands 
did not begin until after 1820. Up to that year the minimum 
price had been $2 an acre, with liberal terms of credit, and this fig- 
ure was found to be low enough, especially as the money was fre- 

1 Life of Manasseh Cutler, I. 135-136. The original plan of the Ordinance of 1785 
for the disposal of each township in its entirety before the next could be offered for sale 
was not embodied in the final form of that document. It has frequently been stated that 
this plan was strongly favored at the North, and the charges of New England hostility to 
the West were partly based on such an assumption, but there is nothing in the action of 
Congress to point to such a conclusion. This clause was struck out on motion of a 
Southern delegate (McHenry, of Maryland), but there was only one Northern vote (from 
Rhode Island) in favor of its retention. A later motion to re-insert the provision re- 
ceived one vote from Massachusetts, two from Connecticut, one from New York and one 
from South Carolina. Journals of Congress, IV. 513-515, 519. 

2 See Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV. 220-221. 

22 J. B. Sanborn 

quently not paid at all, to insure a fairly rapid settlement of the 
West. In I 820 the credit system was abolished and the price re- 
duced to $1.25 an acre. This reduction was a step in the right di- 
rection, according to the West, but it did not go far enough. If 
the settlers were to pay cash for their lands that price would, it was 
maintained, prevent them from coming to the West in any consid- 
erable numbers, and the lands would remain in the hands of the 

The cause of the West in the disposal of the lands was cham- 
pioned by one who came as the first senator from one of the states 
of the public domain, and who proved a ready advocate for a sub- 
ject on which he had strong convictions. From 1824 on, Benton 
was urging upon Congress the reduction and graduation of the 
price of the lands, and had even gone so far as to propose the 
donation of them to actual settlers. While he met with but slight 
success at first he continued his efforts in the belief that public 
opinion was being educated upon the question. 1 His plan, as pre- 
sented in a bill introduced in 1826, was for successive annual re- 
ductions in the price of lands until twenty-five cents an acre should 
be reached, after which the remaining lands were to be given to 
actual settlers. He made no attempt to secure a vote on the bill 
at this time. 2 

In 1828 Benton came forward with a new bill in which were 
combined the various western schemes for the disposition of the 
public lands. The graduation principle was to be applied to lands 
until they had been in the market for eight years, after which the 
settler could buy a quarter-section for eight dollars, and the lands 
which failed to be taken up then were to be ceded to the states. 3 
This, said Benton, would please everyone. It would accelerate the 
sale of the lands and thus the treasury would be benefited ; the new 
states would sooner secure the jurisdiction over the lands, while the 
donations would aid the poorer classes in securing homes. 4 But in 
spite of Benton's plea the Senate, by a vote of 21 to 25, refused to 
order the bill engrossed. Something of the position of the North on 
emigration and land-distribution can be learned from the fact that 
the bill did not receive a vote from a state north of Delaware. 5 

The outlook for the homestead plan was not bright, for it was 
in the Senate, with its proportionally large Southern and Western 
representation, that the greatest support for such a plan would 

1 Benton, Thirty Years' View, I. 102-103. 

2 Register of Debates, II. pt. I, 567, 719-724. 
1 Ibid., IV. pt. 1, 497. 

1 Ibid. , 609, 624-626. 

6 Senate Journal, 20th Cong., first session, 323. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 2 3 

probably be found. But at just about this time the cause of the 
West was advancing rapidly. The election of Jackson in 1828, al- 
though no issue concerning the public lands was involved, brought 
to the head of the government a person who was in all things likely 
to favor western demands, and was indicative of the growing power 
of that section. Nor was the West slow to formulate and increase 
its demands for changes in the land system. At the close of the 
year Adams noted with deep concern the " graspings of the western 
states after all the public lands," as reported to him by Clay, who 
also strongly disapproved of the idea. 1 Almost at the same time Niles 
spoke of a "simultaneous movement in several of the western 
states " which had for its object the acquiring of the public lands by 
those states. 2 

In spite of the growing strength of the West, Benton was in 
1830 not able to secure the assent of the Senate to his bill until it 
had been amended so that only a reduction to one dollar was pro- 
vided for. Even in this amended form the North was against the 
bill and in the vote of 24 to 22 only one vote in its favor came 
from a state north of Virginia. 3 Benton was, however, satisfied with 
the concession, as the further reductions in his original bill would 
not have begun to operate at once and he was confident of securing 
supplemental legislation from the next Congress. 4 He was very 
optimistic regarding his plans and maintained that the doctrines of 
donation to actual settlers and cession to the states had made great 
progress by 1833. 5 Adams indicated his fears that the old policy 
regarding the public lands, to which he clung as a New Englander, 
would be abandoned. 1 ' But the House with its overwhelming East- 
ern majority, refused even to consider the bill. 7 

But it is not to the graduation bill but to an innocent-looking 
resolution offered by Foot, of Connecticut, that we must look for 
exhibition of the real sentiment on the public lands. This resolu- 
tion, famous for the debate on the theory of sovereignty which it 
occasioned, inquired into the advisability of limiting for a time the 
further sales of the lands. Should the policy to which it pointed 
be adopted it would be a direct blow at the desires and hopes of the 
Western states and particularly at the plans advocated by Benton. 

1 Adams, Memoirs, VIII. S7-SS (December 31, 1S28). 

2 Niks' s Register, XXXV. 313 (January 10, 1829). 

3 Senate Journal, 21st Cong., first session, 292. 
4 Register of Debates, VI. pt. 1, 413. 

5 Benton, Thirty Years' 1 View, I. 275. 

6 "In conversing with Mr. Rush upon the prospects of the country, we agreed that 
the Indians are already sacrificed; that the public lands will be given away;" etc. 
Adams, Memoirs, VIII. 229 (May 22, 1830). 

" Register of Debates, VI. pt. I, 1 148. 

24 J- B. Sanborn 

That senator was not slow to answer the attack. He assumed at 
once the position that the North, and particularly New England, 
had originated this idea, and in more than one fiery speech he de- 
nounced the policy which that section had, he asserted, always 
pursued towards the West. It had constantly desired to limit and 
restrain the growth of the West ; it had attempted to secure 
the adoption of a land-policy which would only allow of a gradual 
settlement of that part of the country; it had been willing to sur- 
render the navigation of the Mississippi ; it had neglected and even 
refused to afford the settlers adequate protection from the Indians, 
and was even now endeavoring to limit emigration that its manu- 
factures might be further developed. And by whom had the West 
been rescued when the hostile North was thus attempting to crush 
out its very life? By the South was Benton's answer. 1 We have 
seen that there was some basis for Benton's assertions, though he 
was by no means warranted in going as far as he did. But the 
South was at this time willing to assume the role which Benton as- 
cribed to it, and Hayne continued the discussion in much the same 
strain. From this time the debate forgot the public lands entirely 
and passed into the wide realm of the interpretation of the Constitu- 
tion. The fact that a resolution in regard to the disposal of the 
public lands could cause such a constitutional discussion shows to 
what an extent the land question was involved with other national 
issues and emphasizes the sectional aspects of this question. 

In 1830 many things seemed to be working towards the speedy 
enactment of some sort of homestead law. In addition to the in- 
crease of the power of the West the financial condition of the country 
favored the policy of free gifts of the public lands. Up to this 
time the opponents of this policy or of the cessions of lands to the 
states had been able to rest their case on the argument that the 
lands were an important source of revenue and that this revenue 
was needed to pay the public debt. But now the public debt was 
being rapidly paid off and other grounds must be found for this 

In view of the extinction of the debt Jackson took a stand in 
favor of a policy which should bring about the rapid settlement of 
the lands. He advocated this in his message of December, 1832, 
although he did not favor in full the principle of the homestead bill, 
but advised the sale of the lands to settlers at only enough to cover 
the cost of administration. 2 Such a policy accorded not only with 
Jackson's ideas regarding the West but also with his position on 

1 Register of Debates, VI. Pt. 1, 24-27, 102. 

2 Messages and Papers of the Presidents, II. 601. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 2 5 

other matters of public policy, as, favoring an economical administra- 
tion, he was strongly opposed to a surplus revenue which might be 
used to further internal improvements. 1 In this he was in harmony 
with the South and the Democratic party, while the now forming 
Whig party favored a surplus. The matter was, however, compli- 
cated by the fact that if the revenue from the public lands should 
be kept up it would allow the reduction of the tariff, a measure 
favored by the Democrats and opposed by the Whigs. But the 
enactment of the compromise tariff of 1833 removed this issue from 
politics for some years, so that it appeared that the public land 
question might be settled on its own merits. 

Accordingly, if the West had remained firm in its demand for 
the public lands it seems likely that it would have secured them 
either by means of a homestead law or by cessions to the states. 
The strongest objection to these measures would have come from 
the New England states, while the support of Jackson and the 
South could probably have been secured. Adams was of the 
opinion that an active Western and Southern alliance existed and 
that the public lands were to be given to the states. 2 

But the West did not hold firm to the position which it had 
taken. The action of one of its leaders completely changed its 
policy and committed the Whig party to a definite line of action in 
opposition to cessions to the states and homestead grants. In 
1832 the request of the Western states for the public lands had 
been referred to the committee on manufactures, of which Clay was 
chairman, and he had reported in favor of the distribution of the 
proceeds from the land-sales among all the states. Without con- 
sidering in detail the efforts to secure such a distribution, it is evi- 
dent that this would effectually prevent either a homestead law or 
the cession of the lands to the states. 3 

But even if the government would not reduce the price of the 
lands the Western states had devised a way by which they could 
be obtained cheaply. The large issues of notes of the state banks, 
which were accepted in payment for lands until the specie circular 
of July 11, 1836, enabled one to purchase lands with comparative 
ease. Then came the crisis of 1837, and for a time the desire for 
lands at any price was removed. 

1 Ibid., 597-598. 

2 " That debate [on Foot's resolution] was one of the earliest results of that coalition 
between the South and the West to sacrifice the manufacturing and free-labor interests of 
the North and East to the slave-holding interests of the South, by the plunder of the 
western lands surrendered by the South to the Western States." Adams, Memoirs. IX. 
235 (April 19, 1S35). 

3 On the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands see Sato, Land Question in 
the United States, Johns Hopkins University Studies, IV. 411-417. 

26 J. B. Sanborn 

From the time of Clay's report on the distribution of the pro- 
ceeds in i S3 2, nothing- is heard of homestead grants until 1845. 
Yet there is through this period a constantly increasing tendency to 
consider the actual settler in administering the public lands. In 
1S37 a bill to prohibit the sale of lands to any but actual settlers 
passed the Senate by a vote of 27 to 23, 1 but was laid on the table 
in the House, 107 to 9 1. 2 In the next Congress the changing sen- 
timent was manifested by the passage of a graduation bill by the 
Senate by the decisive vote of 27 to 16, 3 while in the House 
another such bill received a favorable report from the committee on 
public lands, x although it never came to a vote. At this time the 
land policies of Texas and Canada were contrasted with those of 
the United States. 5 Further efforts to reduce and graduate the 
price of the lands were made during the next Congresses, but these, 
like their predecessors, failed in the House. The question had 
quieted down for a time and the chief importance of these bills is 
the indication which the votes upon them give of a gradual change 
in sectional sentiment, by which the North came to favor and the 
South to oppose the encouragement of Western emigration. The 
greatest gain to the actual settlers came in 1841 by the passage of 
a permanent pre-emption law. 6 

During this period there was no fixed and definite land policy. 
The passage of Clay's distribution bill in 184 1 maybe taken as in- 
dicating a policy hostile to a reduction in the price of lands, as there 
would then be much less to be distributed. 7 The homestead policy 
was, however, applied in an isolated case by the " Florida Donation 
Act" of 1842. 8 This granted quarter-sections to actual settlers, 
such an inducement being considered necessary because of the 
danger from the Indians. 

The position which the parties took in 1844 on the land ques- 
tion shows that the homestead policy was not actively considered 
by either at this time. The Whigs favored and the Democrats op- 
posed the distribution of the proceeds, but beyond this the plat- 
forms did not go. It was asserted at a later time that the result of 
the election was a verdict for the reduction and graduation of the 

1 Senate Journal, 24th Cong. , second session, 233. 

2 Home Journal, 24th Cong., second session, 561. 

3 Senate Journal, 25th Cong., second session, 356. 

4 Globe, 25th Cong., second session, 60-61. 

6 Ibid., 294. Texas offered 640 acres to each head of a family and 120 acres to 
each single man. Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 93. 

' See Sato, Land Question, 417-421. 

7 See Globe, 28th Cong., second session, 248, 249. 

8 Statutes at Large, V. 502. 

9 Globe, 27th Cong., second session, 623-624, 764-766. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 2 7 

price of the lands, 1 but there is nothing to show that anything more 
than the distribution was in issue in this campaign, and this was of 
very minor importance. 2 The question before the people was not 
how to dispose of the land which we already had but how to ac- 
quire more. Texas and Oregon, not distribution and homesteads, 
were the issues of the campaign. 

But new territories having been acquired, the problem of their 
settlement at once arose. While the paramount question was 
whether the settlers could take their slaves with them, yet the plan 
of offering inducements for Western immigration began to push to 
the front, although it was not so much for the new territories as for 
the old ones that the latter question was agitated. The decade 1 840- 
50, particularly its latter half, was a period of constantly increas- 
ing emigration from Europe to the United States. A great share 
of this new population went into the states and territories of the 
Northwest, which show an astonishing rate of increase during those 
ten years. 3 That a still greater increase might be secured, the 
movement for homesteads was taken up in earnest by the West- 
ern states. 

Yet this new movement for free grants was not to come at first 
from the land states but from a state which had no public lands. 
In 1845 Thomasson, of Kentucky, had introduced a bill making 
donations of forty acres to actual settlers who were heads of 
families. He very frankly stated that one of his chief objects was 
to remove the public-land fund from the national treasury, as he 
did not wish a revenue from the lands sufficient to give an excuse 
for breaking down the protective system. 4 The next year two 
amendments having for their object the securing of homesteads for 
actual settlers were offered to graduation bills. One of these came 
from Darragh, of Pennsylvania, and provided for the donation of 
lands which had been in the market for ten years or more to actual 
settlers after a three years' occupation, 5 and the other from John- 
son, of Tennessee, making grants of quarter-sections to destitute 
heads of families who should occupy them for four years. 6 Both 
of these plans were limited in their application, the first as regards 
the lands and the second as regards the settlers, but neither se-. 
cured the assent of the House. 

1 By Bowlin, of Missouri, July 6, 1846. Globe, 29th Cong., first session, 1061-1062. 

2 Vinton, of Ohio, declared that the public lands had never been a party question. 
Ibid., 1076. 

3 Wisconsin increased 886 per cent, during this decade ; Iowa 199 per cent.; Mich- 
igan 87 per cent.; Illinois 79 per cent. 

* Globe, 28th Cong., second session, 241. 
5 Globe, 29th Cong., first session, 1077. 
« Ibid. 

28 J. B. Sanborn 

During the next Congress various bills were introduced looking 
toward the homestead principle, either attempting to prevent specu- 
lation in the public lands 1 or making grants to actual settlers ; " but 
none of these received any consideration. But the issue of home- 
steads, if not considered in Congress, was presented in very definite 
form to the people by the new Free-Soil party in its Buffalo convention 
of 1 84s. 3 While this party did not represent any considerable num- 
ber of voters, yet on this particular question it was in harmony with 
many members of the old parties, neither of which antagonized 
the position which the Free-Soilers had taken. 

In 1S50 an important step in land policy was taken in the enact- 
ment of the first railroad-land-grant law, which donated lands to 
Illinois, Mississippi and Alabama for a railroad from Chicago to 
Mobile. While the plan for this grant had originated in the West 
and was strongly supported there it also received some opposition 
from that section because it was felt that the possession of large 
tracts of lands by corporations and the increase (to $2.50 an acre) in 
the price of the remaining public lands within six miles of the pro- 
posed road would operate to the disadvantage of the settler. An 
unsuccessful effort was made to strike out this increase of price, 4 
but no further opposition to railroad land-grants from the home- 
stead standpoint was now developed. 

At this time two propositions for homestead grants were made in 
the Senate. The one, by Walker of Wisconsin, was for a cession 
of the lands to the states, on condition that they be granted in 
limited quantities to actual settlers for the cost of administration.'' 
The other, from Douglas, was for grants of 160 acres to actual 
settlers after a residence and cultivation of four years.'' The com- 
mittee on public lands reported against both bills. In general, they 
considered that the public lands should be administered for the 
benefit of the treasury and that that system of disposal which would 
bring the greatest financial return should be adopted. The public 
lands were pledged for the payment of the public debt and so could 

1 Globe, 30th Cong., first session, 916, 181, 583. 

i Ibid., 25, 605. 

3 " Resolved, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration of the ex- 
penses they incur in making settlements in the wilderness, which are usually fully equal 
to their actual cost, and of the public benefits resulting therefrom, of reasonable portions 
of the public lands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of public 
policy which will promote, in various ways, the interests of all the States of the Union." 
Stanwood, History of the Presidency, 241. 

4 See my Congressional Grants of Land in Aid of Railways, Bulletin of the Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin, Economics, Political Science and History Series, II., no. 3, pp. 
3 J -32- 

5 Senate Journal, 31st Cong., first session, 116. 
'■ /bid. , 36. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 29 

not in justice to the public debtors be given away. The plan 
would also be unjust to those who already held land in the new 
states, as so much free land placed upon the market would at once 
reduce land values. The committee further held that not only had 
the government no right thus to decrease the value of farm lands, 
but it was especially estopped because of the effect which such an 
action would have on the grants recently made for internal im- 
provements of various kinds. 1 The antagonism between the home- 
stead system and the beneficiaries under the internal improvement 
grants was thus sharply brought out. 

During the next Congress the public land question was most prom- 
inent of all. It was between the advocates of homesteads and the 
railroad land-grants that the chief conflict occurred. Governor 
Farwell of Wisconsin, in his message of 1852, argued that the 
grants for railroads injured rather than benefited the Western states, 
because of the inclusion, in the grants, of the most valuable portions 
of the public lands and the consequent retarding of settlement. 2 On 
the other side it was stated that the only formidable opposition to 
the homestead bills came from the friends of land-grants^ and that, 
while the House was opposed to the land-grant bills, they might be 
passed by compromises with those who were more opposed to 
grants to settlers.' On comparing the vote on the homestead bill 
with that on a typical land-grant bill it will be found that the mem- 
bers divide into three classes of almost equal strength, one opposed 
to the one and in favor of the other measure, a second opposed to 
both plans and a third favoring both. 5 

The tariff question again appeared in connection with the home- 
stead grants. In 1850 and 1852 charges were made in the debates 
over the bills that their supporters wished to accomplish what Tho- 
masson had in 1845 frankly stated to be his object, the creation of a 
need for high tariff duties. ,; It is quite probable that such influences 
were at work in the minds of some of the Whigs, but that party 
still retained its love for the distribution of the proceeds, 7 which 
would have accomplished the same object as the homestead law 
as far as the effect on the treasury was concerned. 

The discussions over the homestead question in the Congres- 
sional session of 1851-52 exhibited also some manifestations of 

1 Senate Reports, 31st Cong., first session, No. 167. 

2 Wisconsin Assembly Journal, fifth session, 30-31. 

3 Globe, 32nd Cong., first ses-ion, App., 574. 

4 Pike in the Semi-Weekly Tribune, March 19, 1852. 

5 See my Grants in Aid of Railways, 46-49. 

6 Globe, 31st Cong., first session, 264; 32nd Cong., first session, App., 238. 

7 See Wentworth, Congressional Reminiscences, Fergus Historical Series, No. 
24, p. 40. 

5o J. B. Sanborn 

that spirit which was to break out two years later in the form of 
Know-Nothingism. The bill as introduced in the House would 
have granted lands to all citizens of the United States who should 
comply with its provisions. To this an amendment was offered 
which restricted its benefits to native-born citizens or to those who 
had declared their intention of becoming citizens prior to the first of 
January, 1 8 52. This amendment was offered by Johnson and was 
supported by a number of other members of the House because 
they did not wish to encourage immigration by the bill ; x but John- 
son finally withdrew it. 2 

During the next Congress the restriction as to citizens was a 
part of the proposed bill, and the efforts to remove it met with violent 
opposition. Washburn of Illinois had proposed to allow anyone who 
had filed a declaration of intention to become a citizen to enter 
land under the bill, as this would encourage immigration ; but this 
proposal was disagreed to without a division. 3 Wade then wished 
to remove all restrictions as to citizenship, but in this he was 
strongly opposed by several members, including Adams of Missis- 
sippi, who referred to the anti-slavery position which the foreigners 
were taking, and Thompson of Kentucky, who made a severe attack 
on the immigrants, although he declared that he was not a " Na- 
tive American " in the political sense of the term. 4 Wade saw that 
his amendment would endanger and probably defeat the bill, and he 
withdrew it. 5 But even then the bill was objectionable to those 
members of Congress who were tinctured with " Americanism," 
for another section contained the provision that any person who 
had, at the time of the passage of the act, declared his intention of 
becoming a citizen should be entitled to the benefit of its provisions. 
This section was attacked. The assertion was made that the pas- 
sage of the bill in that form would contribute to the growth of the 
Native American party, particularly in the South. ,; The National 
Intelligencer 1 characterized the bill as one which would " draw to 
our shores the poverty and crime of every clime and kingdom " of 
Europe. But in spite of these dire predictions the motion to strike 
out this section was defeated, 19 to 2o„ s 

As if the cause of homesteads were not having troubles enough 
at this time, the question of the extension of slavery, now agitating 

1 Globe, 32nd Cong., first session, 1275-12S4. 

l Ibid., 13 15. 

:i Globe, 33d Cong., first session, 529. 

1 /b/'il. , 944-948. 

6 Ibid., 1 66 1. 

f ' Ibid., I705. 

1 July 20, 1854. 

8 Senate Journal, 33d Cong., first session, '5 16. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 3 1 

Congress in the form of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, came up to vex 
it. Some fears were expressed that free negroes might take advan- 
tage of the homestead act, but on this the opinion was quite gener- 
ally expressed that the limitation as to citizens was sufficient, as 
negroes could not possibly be included under that designation. But 
to make the matter perfectly sure the word white was inserted in the 
bill ; not, however, so that it would read " white citizens," a redun- 
dant expression in the ears of the Southerners, but " white persons." 1 
But that the restriction to whites did not reconcile the slave states 
is shown clearly in the vote in the House, where the members from 
the free states were 74 to 31 for the bill and the members from the 
slave states 41 to 33 against it, and of these 33 votes 21 came from 
the border states of Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri. 2 

One of the opponents of the bill from the slave states saw clearly 
why it was for the interest of his section to take the position which 
it took. Johnson, of Arkansas, stated in the Senate that he had 
formerly favored the bill, but that he could not support it because 
"just at this time it is tinctured, to a degree, from its inevitable 
effects, and under the peculiar circumstances, so strongly with aboli- 
tionism." The style is involved but the meaning is clear, and he 
went on to explain that the lands north of the Missouri Compro- 
mise line where only northern men could go were being opened up 
for settlement, while those south of the line were still closed, and 
so the bill was being pushed at this time in order that the territorial 
question might be settled in favor of the North. 3 But this objec- 
tion was being removed at this very time, for the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill had passed the Senate and was under discussion in the House 
with every prospect of its early passage. What Johnson did not 
say but what he must have realized was, that it was the Northern 
farmer, rather than the Southern slaveholder, who would be induced 
to go into the territories by such a law. 

During the debates on this bill it was declared to be the true 
Democratic doctrine, that the lands should be sold and the proceeds 
placed in the treasury, the revenue thus derived permitting a lower 
tariff. 4 The Democrats, however, favored the bill, voting for it, 72 
to 52, and the Whigs took a similiar position by a vote of 35 to 19. 
The only Free-Soiler in the House voted against it. 5 

The House had, for some years, annually passed the homestead 
bill, and the Senate had as regularly defeated it. But in 1854, the 

1 Globe, 33d Cong., first session, 503-504. 

2 Hottse Journal, 33d Cong., first session, 45S. 

3 Globe, 33d Cong., first session, 1 125. 

4 Ibid., 459. 

5 Home Journal ', 33d Cong., first session, 45S. 

32 J. B. Sanborn 

Senate, instead of directly voting the bill down, set it aside and 
passed a substitute which provided that any free white person, head 
of a family, should be entitled to enter on a quarter-section of pub- 
lic land and after five years' occupation and cultivation purchase it 
for twenty-five cents an acre. This substitute contained a number 
of other provisions, for the right of pre-emption by the states, for a 
'general grant of land to the states for the building of railroads, etc. 1 
It seems to have been supported by both the friends and the op- 
ponents of the regular homestead bill. 2 This bill went back to the 
House, but was not acted upon there. 

It was not until about four vears later that the question of home- 
steads again came before Congress. Early in the session which be- 
gan in the fall of 1857 a bill for free grants was introduced into the 
Senate but was postponed after a short discussion to January, 1859. 
There was some factious opposition expressed in a proposition to give 
to any head of a family a land-warrant for 160 acres, that he might 
enjoy the benefits of the act without leaving his home and going 
to the West. 3 The doctrine of laissez faire was brought up as op- 
posed to the principle of the bill ; it was declared that a person's 
self-interest should be sufficient to cause the settlement of the new 
lands as rapidly as was good for the country. 4 Johnson attempted 
to remove the feeling which he said existed in the South that the 
homestead bill was a sort of Emigrant Aid Society, by showing that 
the bill had been before Congress since 1846, before there was, as 
he expressed it, any question of slavery. 5 

At the short session of this Congress the House passed a home- 
stead bill by a vote of 1 20 to 76. The sectional and party divisions 
are particularly significant at this time, as they show clearly the in- 
timate connection between slavery and the question of territorial ex- 
pansion as expressed in the proposed bill. That the bill was a 
northern Emigrant Aid measure can be doubted by no one who re- 
members the slowness with which the Southerners could be induced 
to move into the territories, and the corresponding willingness ot 
the Northerners to migrate even without homestead inducements. 
Both sections were alive to this aspect of the bill ; only 7 votes from 
the free states were cast against it and only 5 votes from the slave 
states for it. The Democrats were 38 to 60 against it and the Re- 
publicans 82 to 1 in its favor. The fear that the bill would en- 
courage immigration was shown in the votes of the 15 Americans 

'G/oie, 33d Cong., first session, App., 1122. 

2 See my Grants in Aid of Railways, 50-51. 

3 Globe, 35th Cong., first session, 2240. 
' Ibid. 

5 Ibid., 2265. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 2>Z 

against the measure. 1 The New York Tribune enumerated, as the 
forces which were opposed to the bill, slavery, railroad grants and 
bounty land-warrants, the last because homesteads would decrease 
the value of the warrants. 2 

The bill which the Senate had postponed from the previous ses- 
sion had not been considered. On February 17, 1859, the House 
bill came up. A motion to postpone it stood 28 to 28 ; the Vice- 
President, Breckenridge, voted in the affirmative and so the matter 
was put off for the moment. On February 25, the Senate had 
under consideration the bill to appropriate $30,000,000 for the pur- 
chase of Cuba. The time was particularly inopportune for the forc- 
ing of a discussion on a measure so opposed to the slavery interests 
as the homestead bill, but Doolittle of Wisconsin moved to lay the 
Cuba bill aside and take up the other. Johnson, Douglas and Rice, 
all supporters of the homestead bill, requested Doolittle to withdraw 
his motion, as it only served to antagonize the friends of the Cuba 
bill. Doolittle refused, and the discussion between the slavery and 
anti-slavery elements in the Senate grew warm. Toombs asserted 
that the opponents of the Cuba bill were attempting to dodge the 
issue by killing the bill under the guise of a postponement. Wade 
denied the charge and said that the anti-slavery men were willing to 
meet the issue, which he stated as : " Shall we give niggers to the 
niggerless or lands to the landless ?" It was evident that the two 
measures were in flat opposition, not only as regards precedence on 
that evening but in their ultimate principles, which Seward more 
decorously stated as follows : " The homestead bill is a question of 
homes, of homes for the landless freemen of the United States. 
The Cuba bill is a question of slaves for the slaveholders of the 
United States." The motion to take up the homestead bill failed 
by a vote of 19 to 29, only one person from a slave state, Johnson 
of Tennessee, voting in favor of it. By almost the same vote (18 to 
30) the Senate refused to lay the Cuba bill on the table, the differ- 
ence being due to the change in Johnson's vote. 3 

The Southern opposition was not, however, all due to the effect 
which a homestead act would have on the slavery question. Under 

1 House Journal, 35th Cong., second session, 309. I use the classification of the 
Tribune Almanac for 1859. " The slaveholders voted against it because they despise free 
labor, and the doughfaces because they love to serve the slaveholders. The South Ameri- 
cans voted against the bill because it allowed aliens, who had only declared their inten- 
tion of becoming citizens, to participate in its benefits." New York Semi- Weekly Tribune, 
February 8, 1859. 

2 Ibid. 

3 See Globe, 35th Cong., second session, 1351-1354, 1363. By the time the vote 
was taken on the Cuba bill two senators who had voted on the homestead bill were paired 
and there was a vote from Maryland for and one from Oregon against the bill. 

vol. vi. — 3. 

34 y. B, Sanborn 

a strict construction of the Constitution it was held that Congress 
could not give away the public lands or use them to further any 
objects which could not be aided by a direct appropriation. The 
provision of the Constitution that "The Congress shall have power 
to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting 
the territory or other property belong to the United States," 1 was 
considered as limited by the enumerated powers granted to Con- 
gress so that nothing could be done with the lands which was not 
specified in those enumerated powers. This had been one of the 
grounds taken by Pierce in his veto of the act granting lands for 
support of hospitals for the insane, passed by Congress in 1854. 2 
The same objection was made to grants in aid of colleges 3 and was 
only obviated in the grants for railroads by the alternate-section 
principle, whereby the lands remaining to the government within 
the limits of the grant were doubled in price so that there was in 
theory no loss to the government. 4 Some of the homestead bills, 
but not all, also contained this alternate-section principle, in the 
form of a restriction of the entries to the odd-numbered sections, 
but the remaining sections were of course not doubled in price. 
The bill which passed Congress in i860 and which was vetoed by 
Buchanan bore this form. 5 Little attention seems to have been paid 
to this provision and it did not overcome, as in the case of the 
railroad grants, the objections of the strict constructionists. 

At the next Congress the homestead bill passed the House 
after but little discussion. Sectionally and politically the vote was 
divided almost as before. Of the 1 1 5 voting for the bill 90 were 
Republicans and 25 Democrats, and the 66 opposed to it were 49 
Democrats and 17 Americans. Pennsylvania was the only free 
state from which a vote was cast against the bill and Missouri the 

■Art. IV., Sec. III. 

2 " I respectfully submit that in a constitutional point of view it is wholly immaterial 
whether the appropriation be in money or in land. 

" The public domain is the common property of the Union just as much as the sur- 
plus proceeds of that and of duties on imports remaining unexpended in the Treasury. 
As such it has been pledged, is now pledged, and may need to be so pledged again for 
public indebtedness. 

" As property it is distinguished from actual money chiefly in this respect, that its 
profitable management sometimes requires that portions of it be appropriated to local 
objects in the States wherein it may happen to lie, as would be done by any prudent 
proprietor to enhance the sale value of his private domain. All such grants are in fact a 
disposal of it for value received, but they afford no precedent or constitutional reason for 
giving away the public lands." Messages and Papers of the Presidents, V. 253-254. 

3 See Knight, Land Grants for Education in the Northwest Territory, Papers of the 
American Historical Association, I. 97. 

'' See my Grunts in Aid of Railways, 86. 
6 Donaldson, Public Domain, 340. 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 35 

only slave state with a vote for it. 1 The provision allowing the en- 
try of 80 acres of land held at $2.50 an acre partly opened up the 
reserved lands in the railroad grants, but 160 acres of the $1.25 
lands could be taken up by the homesteader. Not until 1879 could 
the latter amount of the reserved lands be entered under the pro- 
posed act. 

It was evident that the bill could not pass the Senate, and 
therefore Johnson proposed a substitute which gave to actual set- 
tlers the right of pre-emption at twenty-five cents an acre. A test 
vote on the homestead principle itself was furnished by the motion 
of Wade to substitute the original House bill, but this was lost 26 
to 31, with votes from three free states, Pennsylvania, California 
and Oregon, against it. 2 The bill was then passed with only eight 
votes against it, seven of which were from the slave states. 3 The 
House at first refused to recede from its original bill but finally 
yielded to the Senate, considering that it was doing the best thing 
possible under the circumstances. 4 But even this concession to the 
friends of homesteads was not destined to become law, for Buchanan 
returned it to the Senate without his approval and the attempt to 
pass it over the veto failed, 27 to 18. 5 

Buchanan considered that the price charged would be merely 
nominal, so that the measure would be open to the same objections 
as a direct grant. That such a grant was unconstitutional Bu- 
chanan had already held in his veto of the agricultural college land- 
grant bill. 6 Congress was a trustee of the public lands, and when 
it was authorized by the Constitution to "dispose of" them, such 
a power was limited by the purposes for which the government was 
created, by the enumerated powers of Congress. He also consid- 
ered the bill unjust to those who had already settled in the West 
and who had paid a much higher price for the lands. The holders 
of bounty land-warrants could also object, for the value of those 
instruments would be reduced by the bill. It was further unjust in 
that it confined its benefits to one class of the people ; in that it 
would offer inducements for emigration from the old states, and 
because it would encourage immigration from abroad. Buchanan 
considered that the old system of holding the lands for revenue 
should be retained, and estimated that from them an annual income 
of $10,000,000 could be obtained. 7 \ -j Q f> o 

1 House Journal, 36th Cong., first session, 502. 

2 Senate Journal, 36th Cong., first session, 447. 

3 Ibid., 458. 

i Globe, 36th Cong., first session, 3179. 

5 Ibid., 3272. 

6 Messages and Papers of the Presidents , V. 543. 
■'Ibid., 608-614. 

36 J. B. Sanborn 

This argument of Buchanan's against the homestead bill is a 
decidedly weak one. In the constitutional part of it he followed 
Pierce in his veto of the grant for the insane, but he did not state 
that argument with the same force as his predecessor. And that 
argument, in its best form, was valid only on a very strict interpre- 
tation of the Constitution, an interpretation which every American 
statesman had exceeded time and again. Much of the remainder 
of his argument is based on the assumption that the labor of five 
years which the settler must expend on the land before he could 
obtain a clear title to it was no return to the government for the 
lands donated, whereas it is probably no exaggeration to say that 
the improvement and settlement of the land was of greater value to 
the country than the price of the land would have been ; for in the 
case of outright sales there was no guarantee that the land would 
be settled or cultivated. As for the immigration problem, the for- 
eigner who was attracted by the prospect of five years' labor on the 
frontier has proved the most desirable settler that the country has 
obtained from abroad. 

The next Congress showed very little opposition to the home- 
stead bill and it at last became a law, May 20, 1862. Its passage 
attracted little attention in the war time, but its wisdom has never 
been seriously questioned and the only amendments have been in- 
tended to increase its efficiency and liberality. 

During the period of more than forty years throughout which 
the homestead bills, in one form or another, were before Congress 
the most manifold opposition was manifested to them. At first they 
had to contend with the feeling that to give away any of the public 
lands would be to waste a large source of revenue at a time when 
the country needed all the money it could obtain to pay its debts. 
When the need of the revenue became less pressing it was proposed 
to keep up the fund from the lands and then distribute it among the 
states. The actual settler was being more favored in the land legis- 
lation, but the efforts, feeble up to 1848, to obtain the lands for him 
without cost met with no success. After 1848 the movement in- 
creased in force but it found stronger forces in opposition to it. 
The advocate of state-sovereignty and strict construction saw in the 
homestead act an increase in the power of the general government 
and therefore gave his aid to its defeat. To the Know-Nothing it 
was an inducement to foreigners to come to our country and bring 
with them subservience to the Pope. And, strongest opponent of 
all, the slaveholder saw that free homesteads meant the rapid set- 
tlement of the lands by the people of the North and the passing of 
the territories from his hands forever. He found himself defeated 

Some Political Aspects of Homestead Legislation 37 

in the struggle for Kansas even without the homestead law to aid the 
Northern emigrant ; with it, he saw, the North would be invincible. 
With all this powerful opposition is it any wonder that bills which 
benefited directly only a class of citizens having little political in- 
fluence should have waited so long to become law ? 

John Bell Sanborn. 


By the Kansas-Nebraska Act passed by Congress in 1854, the 
Territories of Kansas and Nebraska were organized and thrown 
open to settlement with the proviso that all questions relating to 
slavery were to be decided by the people of each territory when it 
should be ready for admission into the Union as a state. The 
South conceded and the North was sure of the admission of Ne- 
braska as a free state. In the case of Kansas it was doubtful if the 
anti-slavery party would ever be strong enough to control the elec- 
tions, but the leaders at the North intended to make a fight to 
secure Kansas. Consequently there was great excitement in differ- 
ent sections of the country, especially at the North, where, almost 
before the bill became a law, Emigrant Aid Societies were formed 
whose object was to assist emigrants opposed to the institution of 
slavery to go to the territory and settle in order to be ready to vote 
at the proper time. In this movement of importing men the North 
had nearly two years the start, the South being confident that no 
exertion would be necessary in order to secure Kansas as a slave 
state. So there was very little pro-slavery emigration into this 
" debatable land" before late in 1855 except from the neighboring 
state of Missouri. 

The first territorial elections were in favor of the Southern party, 
but the Emigrant Aid Societies in the Northern states kept pouring 
men and arms into the territory until late in 1855 the outlook was 
gloomy for the pro-slavery cause. 

Pro-slavery Emigrant Aid Societies were now organized in 
Missouri, and soon other similar societies were formed in the re- 
maining Southern states. Missouri appealed to her sister states in 
the South to come to her assistance. For two years she had borne 
the burden alone and would still do her utmost for the integrity of 
the South. 

"But the time has come when she [Missouri] can no longer stand 
up single-handed, the lone champion of the South, against the myrmidons 
of the North. It requires no foresight to perceive that if the ' higher 
law ' men succeed in this crusade, it will be but the beginning of a war 
upon the institutions of the South, which will continue until slavery shall 
cease to exist in any of the states, or the Union is dissolved. 

" The great struggle will come off at the next election in October, 
1856, and unless at that time the South can maintain her ground all will 


The Buford Expedition to Kansas 39 

be lost. We repeat it, the Crisis has arrived. The time has come for 
action — bold, determined action. Words will no longer do any good ; 
we must have men in Kansas, and that by tens of thousands. A few will 
not answer. If we should need ten thousand men and lack one of that 
number, all will count nothing. Let all then who can come do so at once. 
Those who cannot come must give their money to help others to come. 
. . . AVe tell you now, and tell you frankly, that unless you come 
quickly, and come by thousands, we are gone. The elections once lost 
are lost forever. ' ' l 

With Kansas a free state, Missouri and the states west of the 
Mississippi would soon be abolitionized, then Tennessee, Kentucky, 
and Virginia, until ' finally slavery would be shut up in a few states 
on the Gulf and South Atlantic. 2 

In all sections of the country, during the fall and winter of 1855, 
there was excitement and agitation over the Kansas question. The 
South was now thoroughly canvassed by agents of the pro-slavery 
Emigrant Aid Societies. Bands of men were made ready to start 
for the territory in the early spring. Alabama, South Carolina, and 
Georgia took the lead among the slave states in the work of send- 
ing men to Kansas to settle and vote for the interests of the South. 

In Alabama the first body of pioneers for Kansas was enrolled 
by Thomas J. Orme, who on November 18, 1855, made this pro- 
position : " If the people of Alabama will raise $100,000.00, I will 
land in Kansas 500 settlers. I have over one hundred volunteers 
now." 3 Nothing resulted from Orme's proposition, but on Novem- 
ber 26, 1855, Major Jefferson Buford, a lawyer of Eufaula, who had 
served with distinction in the Indian War of 1836, published the 
following call : 

Aid to Kansas. Col. Buford' s Propositions. 

"To Kansas Emigrants— 

Who will go to Kansas ? I wish to raise three hundred industrious, 
sober, discreet, reliable men capable of bearing arms, not prone to use 
them wickedly or unnecessarily, but willing to protect their sections in 
every real emergency. I desire to start with them for Kansas by the 20th 
of February next. To such I will guaranty the donation of a home- 
stead of forty acres of first rate land, a free passage to Kansas and 
the means of support for one year. To ministers of the gospel, me- 
chanics, and those with good military or agricultural outfits, I will offer 
greater inducements. Besides devoting twenty thousand dollars of my 
own means to this enterprise I expect all those who know and have con- 
fidence in me and who feel an interest in the cause, to contribute as 
much as they are able. I will give to each contributor my obligation 
that for every fifty dollars contributed I will within six months thereafter 
place in Kansas one bona fide settler, able and willing to vote and fight 

1 An appeal to the South from the Kansas Emigration Society of Missouri, published 
in the Southern newspapers. Advertiser and Gazette (Montgomery, Ala.), l8f5- 
: Charleston Mercury, 1855* 
3 Advertise?- and State Gazette. 

40 W. L. Fleming 

if need be for our section, or in default of doing so, that I will on de- 
mand refund the donation with interest from the day of its receipt. I 
will keep an account of the obligations so issued, and each successive 
one shall specify one emigrant more than its immediate predecessor, — 
thus: No. i shall pledge me to take one emigrant; No. 2, two; No. 3, 
three, etc., and if the state makes a contribution it shall be divided into 
sums of fifty dollars each and numbered accordingly. Here is your 
cheapest and surest chance to do something for Kansas, — something to- 
ward holding against the free-soil hordes that great Thermopylae of 
Southern institutions. In this their great day of darkness, nay, of ex- 
treme peril, there ought to be, there needs must be great individual self- 
sacrifice, or they cannot be maintained. If we cannot find many who 
are willing to incur great individual loss in the common cause, if we 
cannot find some crazy enough to peril even life in the deadly breach, 
then it is not because individuals have grown more prudent and wise, but 
because public virtue has decayed and we have thereby already become 
unequal to the successful defense of our rights. T p , , , 

November 26, 1S55. 

In a letter written near the close of December, 2 Major Buford 
describes the prospective settlers whom he had already enrolled as 
" honest, clever, poor young men from the country, used to agri- 
cultural labor, with a few merchants, mechanics, printers, and car- 

The organization of the party was to be military, with officers 
corresponding to those of the regular service, the officers below the 
rank of captain to be elected by the emigrants. By a majority vote 
a company could expel a member. Four places of rendezvous 
were appointed: Eufaula, Silver Run (now Seale), Columbus, Ga., 
and Montgomery. A date was set for assembling at each of these 
places, and the issue of rations began on that day. 3 

On his return Buford was to make a report giving the name and 
place of enrollment of each settler, and showing where in Kansas 
he was left. Contributions were asked for and those who could not 
contribute in cash were asked to do so in notes, thus : 

Cross Road P. O., Barbour Co., Ala., January 1, 1856. 

One year after date I promise to pay to Jefferson Buford per 

head for every emigrant he may take to Kansas within that time, provided 

that I shall in no event be liable to pay over dollars. 

(Signed) * 

1 Published in the Eufaula Spirit of the South and copied on request in other 
Southern papers. The time of departure was subsequently changed to a date about the 
first of April, when the rivers should be free from ice. 

2 Eufaula Spirit of the South, copied in Advertiser and State Gazette of December 
29, 1855. 

3 Alabama Journal, February I, 1856. 

"Letter from Buford in Advertiser and State Gazette, December 29, 1S55. 

The Buford Expedition to Kansas 41 

January 7, 1856, forty plantation slaves were sold by Major 
Buford in Montgomery (at the average price of seven hundred 
dollars), and the proceeds put into the fund for defraying the ex- 
penses of the expedition. Donations were coming in, and Wm. L. 
Yancey was appointed to receive contributions. The state was 
thoroughly canvassed by Buford and others during the month ot 
February. 1 Alpheus Baker made some of his wonderfully per- 
suasive speeches in Georgia and South Carolina in the interest of 
the crusade. William L. Yancey, Henry D. Clayton, LeRoy Pope 
Walker and Henry W. Hilliard delivered addresses to the people 
of Alabama, calling for good and true men to protect Southern 
rights on the Kansas battleground. Representative F. K. Beck 
of Wilcox County introduced a bill in the state legislature to appro- 
priate $25,000 for the purpose of aiding emigrants to settle in 
Kansas. The bill was referred to the Committee on Federal Rela- 
tions, and was never reported upon. 2 

Early in January Major Buford made a speech in Montgomery 
before the state legislature in which he explained his plans for secur- 
ing Kansas to the South. A citizen of Worcester, Massachusetts, 
Wm. T. Merrifield, was in Montgomery at the time and heard of 
the designs of Buford. He at once returned to Massachusetts, told 
Eli Thayer, the originator of the Emigrant Aid Societies, about 
Buford's plans, and arranged with him to send men to oppose this 
Southern force. One hundred and sixty-five men well armed with 
Sharp's rifles (Beecher's Bibles) 3 were sent to Kansas for this 
purpose. 4 

It was intended that the Buford party should go armed, but in 
March Major Buford announced that in deference to the President's 
proclamation, 5 and in consonance with the true designs of the ex- 
pedition, it would go unarmed. 6 

The Eufaula contingent left that place on March 31, accom- 
panied by Alpheus Baker, who at all resting-points made addresses 
of encouragement to the men. Passing through Columbus, Ga., 
and taking with him a company of fifty men from that town, Major 
Buford reached Montgomery on April 4. There were now col- 
lected here about four hundred men, of whom one hundred were 

buford's appointments were: Cahaba, Woodville, Benton, Lowndesboro, Mt. 
Willing, Greenville, Valleyton, Troy, Elba, Geneva, Daleville, Newton, Waterford, 
Columbia, Franklin, Abbeville. 

2 Advertiser and State Gazette, January 13, 1856. 

3 " Border Ruffian" name for Sharp's rifles. 

4 Worcester Spy, 1887. See Thayer's Kansas Crusade. 

5 President Pierce, February II, 1856. See Messages and Papers of the Presidents, V. 

6 Advertiser a?id State Gazette, March I, 1856, from Eufaula Spirit of the South. 


If. L. Fleming 


from South Carolina, fifty were Georgians, one was from Illinois, 
one from Boston, and the rest were Alabamians. The Alabama 
Journal of this date characterizes the emigrants collected in Mont- 
gomery as a superior class of young men, quiet, gentlemanly, tem- 
perate. Later some members of the party seem not to have de- 
served this praise. 

On Saturday, April 5, Major Buford formed his men in line in 
front of the Madison House, and made a speech to them urging 
that they abstain from intoxicating liquors, and conduct themselves 
as gentlemen and good citizens. They were then marched to the 
Agricultural Fair Grounds and organized into a battalion of four com- 
panies under temporary officers, and Buford was elected General of 
the force. Saturday night a meeting of the citizens of Montgomery 
was held in Estelle Hall, and addresses were made by prominent 
gentlemen. Major Buford explained that he had undertaken this 
mission in order to settle Kansas with good and true Southern men 
who would uphold the right of their native land in the new country 
which was to be their future home. He was followed by other 
prominent speakers who declared that the fate of the South de- 
pended on the success or failure of the efforts now being made to 
save the new territory for the South. Resolutions were passed 
thanking the men who had so nobly responded to the call upon 
them for the defence of Southern rights against Northern aggres- 

The battalion attended divine service on Sunday at the Baptist 
church. After the sermon the pastor, Rev. I. T. Tichenor, pro- 
posed that since some ministers at the North had been raising 
money to equip emigrants with Sharp's rifles, they present each 
man of Buford's battalion with a more powerful weapon — the Bible. 
The necessary amount was subscribed at once ; it being found that 
there was not a sufficient number of Bibles in Montgomery, the 
money was turned over to Major Buford, who was to purchase 
them at some point on his route. 

The next day the emigrants were marched again to the Baptist 
church where Rev. Mr. Tichenor on behalf of his congregation 
presented a handsome Bible to Major Buford, a song written by a 
lady of Montgomery was sung by the crusaders, and then the Rev. 
Mr. Dorman of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, offered up 
a prayer asking the blessings of heaven for Buford and his men. 1 
It was noticed that the battalion carried two banners with inscrip- 

' Full accounts of the stay of the Buford party in Montgomery will be found in the 
Montgomery papers, April 4-9, 1856. See also Joseph Hodgson's Cradle of the Confed- 

The Buford Expedition to Kansas 43 

tions on them. One had in large letters upon it : "The Supremacy 
of the White Race," and on the reverse side was : "Kansas, The 
Outpost." The second banner had the simple legend : "Kansas." 
The Montgomery company wore silk badges with the inscription : 
"Alabama for Kansas — North of j6° 30' . Bibles — not Rifles." 
From the church the battalion marched to the wharf and after 
speeches from Alpheus Baker and Henry W. Hilliard the emigrants 
boarded the steamer Messenger and departed for Mobile, followed 
by the cheers of five thousand people and the booming of cannon. 

A stop of two days was made in Mobile and an election of offi- 
cers was held. In Montgomery the party had been divided into 
four companies and Buford made General. The officers elected 
now were: B. F. Treadwell, Colonel; Major L. F. Johnston, 
Quartermaster-General ; Captain E. R. Bell (of S. C), Adjutant-Gen- 
eral ; John W. Jones (Auburn, Ala.), Surgeon; Gordon, Brown, 
Andrews, Jernigan (of Ga.), Captains. 1 On April 11, the com- 
mand was marched to the bookstore of the Messrs. Mcllvaine, 
where each man was supplied with a Bible, and then to the wharf 
to embark on the steamer Florida for New Orleans. At New Or- 
leans a few additional emigrants were picked up and the battalion 
was divided for making the trip up the Mississippi in the steamers 
America and Oceana. 

St. Louis was reached on April 23 and a stop was made for one 
day. 2 The people of St. Louis rated Buford's enterprise very 
highly, and regarded him as the best friend of Kansas in the whole 
South. 3 As the party was leaving St. Louis on the steamer Key- 
stone for Kansas City, a thief broke into a trunk belonging to Major 
Buford and stole from it $5,000. It was believed that one of the 
emigrants was the thief, but the money was not recovered. 4 The 
next stop was made at Westport, where the men were equipped for 
settlement in Kansas, and on May 2 they passed over the line and 
scattered about the country seeking desirable locations for home- 

The arrival of Buford with settlers from the South greatly en- 
couraged the pro-slavery leaders and alarmed the free-state men. 

1 Mobile Register. Also letters from members of the party to the Montgomery 

2 While at St. Louis Buford addressed a communication to Col. Wm. Walker, pro- 
visional governor of " Kansas Territory," an organization attempted by Wyandotte In- 
dians previous to the white settlement, asking permission to settle a portion of his men, 
who should be carefully selected from the party, on the Wyandotte Reservation. The 
writer has a certified copy of this letter made by G. W. Martin, Secretary of the Kansas 
Historical Society. 

3 Letter from A. B., Jr., dated St. Louis, April 23, 1856, to the Advertiser and 
State Gazette. 

4 St. Louis Herald, April 26, 1856. 

44 W. L. Fleming 


" Our hearts have been made glad," wrote one of the Southerners, 
" by the late arrival of large companies from South Carolina and 
Alabama. They have responded nobly to our call for help. The 
noble Buford is already endeared to our hearts ; we love him ; we 
will fight for him and die for him and his noble companions." 1 On 
the free-state side, ex-Governor Reeder writes in his diary : "There 
have come to the territory this spring three or four hundred young 
men, including Buford's party, who evidently came here to fight, 
and whose leaders probably understood the whole program before 
they left home." Before the party left Westport there was a meet- 
ing of the citizens to make the presentation to Major Buford of a 
fine horse, with fine saddle and bridle. 2 Nearly half a century later 
an old citizen of Westport writes : " The people of Westport were 
glad to see Buford's men come. They were doubly glad when they 
went away finally." 

By May 7 the colonists had scattered over different portions 
of the territory with the intention of locating permanently as citizens, 
and Buford was seeking some central location for himself in order 
that he might maintain communication with the members of his 
colony. 3 Blue Jacket on the Wakarusa was suggested to him as a 
desirable place in which to settle. 

The emigrants had not yet settled permanently, or at least few 
of them had done so, but were seeking favorable locations for claims 
on the government lands before pre-empting their quarter-sections. 
Most of them were destined never to make their homes in Kansas, 
for at the very time when they came over the border there was 
trouble again between the territorial government and the free-state 
settlers at Lawrence. Indictments had been found by the Douglas 
County grand jury against a number of free-state men living at 
Lawrence, and the United States marshal feared to undertake their 
arrest without a strong posse. So on May 1 1 he summoned the 
citizens of Kansas to appear in Lecompton in force sufficient to 
execute the laws. 

In response to this call for men, Buford gathered his colonists, 
some of them at Lecompton, but the greater part of them at Frank- 
lin, where they were enrolled and armed by Governor Shannon as 
territorial militia. 4 Buford's force at Franklin numbered four hun- 

1 Manager of Lafayette County Emigration Society. 

2 Border Times (Westport), May 3, 1856. 

3 Letter from J. M. Thompson, Liberty, Missouri, to General Strickler, of Kansas 
(copy in possession of writer). 

* Letter to Alabama Journal of May 31, from a former printer on that paper (Wil- 
son?). Also Mrs. S. T. L. Robinson's Kansas : Its Interior and Exterior Life ; J. F. 
Rhodes, UniLd States, 

The Buford Expedition to Kansas ' • 45 

dred men, and was under the direction of United States Marshal 
I. B. Donelson. 

Captain E. R. Bell of South Carolina, one of Buford's officers 
(Adjutant-General), was sent with a company of men to intercept 
arms and armed men and prevent them from getting into Lawrence, 
which was preparing to withstand a siege. May 16, he captured a 
wagon loaded with guns and sabres. Three days later he was noti- 
fied that three wagons loaded with arms would attempt to cross a 
bridge near where he was stationed. Taking volunteers from the 
companies at Franklin, Bell went with thirty-six foot-soldiers and 
five mounted men to catch the wagons. The mounted men reached 
the bridge first and drove off a sentinel party of free-state men sta- 
tioned there. These men warned the drivers of the wagons and 
they escaped. Shortly after the mounted men reached the bridge a 
free-state man came up and attempted to cross. He was halted 
" by order of the United States Marshal." " I do not recognize 
that authority," he said, and tried to force his way across, present- 
ing a pistol at the guards. He was "halted " three times and was 
then fired upon and wounded. 1 The next day ten of Buford's men 
carried G. W. Brown, editor of the Herald of Freedom, as a federal 
prisoner to Lecompton. Two of these men on their return to 
Franklin were fired upon by a party of free-state men and one of 
the Southerners was shot through the arm. The other Southerner 
killed the man who had shot his comrade, and then, followed by a 
volley, assisted the wounded man to escape. 

On May 20, the marshal began gathering his forces, to assem- 
ble before Lawrence. On the morning of May 21, early risers in 
Lawrence were astonished to see a force of soldiery drawn up on 
Mount Oread, a high hill near the town. Buford did not arrive 
until eleven o'clock. His men carried the banners that had been 
brought from Alabama. These banners seem to have offended some 
good citizens of Lawrence worse than the sack of the town and the 
destruction of property. The force investing Lawrence was Kansas 
territorial militia under the command of United States Marshal 
I. B. Donelson and Deputy-Marshal Fain. The latter with a small 
party entered the town and made several arrests, meeting with no 
resistance. He then returned to the militia assembled outside of 
the town and declared the posse disbanded. Samuel J. Jones, 
Sheriff of Douglas county, immediately summoned the entire body 
to assist him in serving some writs. 

The Free State Hotel in Lawrence had been used during the 
Wakarusa War as a place of armed rendezvous, and each of the 

1 Letter from Captain Bell dated Franklin, May 20, to Charleston Courier, copied 
in Alabama Journal, June, 1S56. 

4<> IV. L. Fleming 

newspapers had published articles of an inflammatory and seditious 
nature denying the legality of the territorial government. Conse- 
quently the grand jury of Douglas County had declared them 
" nuisances," and as such had recommended their abatement. 1 To 
"abate" them was the intention of Sheriff Jones. He marched 
his posse to the foot of the hill and formed a hollow square. Ex- 
Senator Atchison and others addressed the party, declaring their 
intention to destroy the hotel and the two printing-presses. Major 
Buford and many others of the sheriff's posse protested against 
this outrage, and endeavored to dissuade the sheriff from carrying 
out his designs. In a " Memorial to the President from the Inhabi- 
tants of Kansas " dated May 22, the prominent citizens of Lawrence 
state that " Col. Buford of Alabama also disclaimed having come 
to Kansas to destroy property, and condemned the course which 
had been taken ; " that he used his influence to restrain the sheriff, 
and expressed his disapproval of the outrage in the strongest terms. 2 

After the destruction of Lawrence the Alabamians again sep- 
arated, some going back to Lecompton with Buford ; others camped 
on Bull Creek near Paola, not far from the scene of the John Brown 
murders, and a third party camped near Dutch Henry's Crossing, 
where they were visited by John Brown, who passed for a federal 
surveyor. He mingled with the men, heard their plans to catch 
him, and made his arrangements accordingly. 

Civil war broke out in Kansas after the murder of the pro-slavery 
settlers by John Brown. Col. Sumner in command of United 
States troops took the field and dispersed or drove out of Kansas 
all armed bodies of men. All of Buford's men who were in arms 
were forced to go back into Missouri, most of them returning to 
Westport. At this time Buford bought twenty-five horses for the 
use of his men at Westport. These horses were used in their trips 
to Kansas afterward, and became well known as " Buford's Cavalry." 3 

The events leading up to and following the raid on Lawrence 
and the murders by John Brown had greatly demoralized the Bu- 
ford settlers. Unable on account of the hostility of the anti-sla- 
very party to make homes for themselves in Kansas, they were 

1 J . N. Ilolloway's History of Kansas. 

2 The full text of the Memorial is given in Charles Robinson's Kansas Conflict. 

3 Letter to Alabama Journal of July 2, dated Westport, June 15, from Wilson, a 
former printer on that paper. He writes : " Very nearly the last man of us is flat broke. 
Impossible to get work in the territory. Clothes are giving out, and some of the boys 
are returning home. Some are going to stay and see it out. Major Buford is preparing a 
statement of expenditures to show to the South. He has spent his fortune on this enter- 
prise and will not have a cent left for his children. However, he relies on the sympathy 
of friends at home to assist him out, and take care of us poor devils until the question is 
settled and Kansas becomes a State." 

The Buford Expedition to Kansas 47 

forced to live on the country by contributions made by sympathi- 
zers with their cause or forced from their enemies. On the night 
of June 4 a number of Alabamians at Franklin were attacked by a 
free-state company, who broke into the stores Buford had provided 
for the settlers and carried away provisions, arms, ammunition, etc. 
Four of Buford's men were wounded in this fight. Two of the 
Montgomery company (Powell and Vickers) with three Georgians 
were sent by Buford for a wagon and returning were captured by 
the free-state men, robbed of their arms, and tortured several hours 
before being released. 1 

The first week in June a large part of Buford's men accompanied 
General Whitfield into Kansas to protect pro-slavery settlers who 
were being driven from their homes. The governor however or- 
dered all armed parties to disband, and Col. Sumner again sent the 
Alabamians back to Missouri. On this expedition into Kansas 
Captain Jernigan was captured by free-state guerrillas, but was re- 
leased by United States troops. 

Buford himself spent the first part of June in Westport and 
Kansas City consulting with the pro-slavery leaders, and endeavor- 
ing to devise some plan to support the failing cause of the South in 
Kansas. Alpheus Baker and Major L. F. Johnston had returned to 
Alabama soon after reaching the territory, for more men and more 
money. Now, on June 21, Buford and others sent an appeal to the 
South for more emigrants to check the abolitionists in their efforts 
to drive the pro-slavery party from Kansas. 2 

June 26, Buford left the territory on a mission to the South in 
the interest of Kansas. He visited Washington and the principal 
cities of the slave states. In Washington he remained several 
weeks endeavoring to interest the Southern leaders in his scheme 
for the colonization of Kansas. Robert Toombs, R. M. T. Hunter, 
J. B. DeBow and other prominent Southerners gave him valuable 
aid in forwarding his projects. 3 After an absence of several months 
spent in trying to arouse the South to a sense of her danger, Bu- 
ford returned to Kansas late in 1856. 

Meanwhile all had not gone well with the colonists he had left 
behind. Numbers had returned to Alabama after the first troubles 
in the territory in May. A state of civil war existed for months 
after the Brown murders and the raid upon Lawrence. The pro- 
slavery settlers lived in constant fear for their lives. Under such 

1 Letter to Advertiser and State Gazette, from W. W. Cook, Westport, June 3. 

2 Alabama Journal. Letter from J. M. Buford of Portland, Oregon, a brother of 
Major Buford. Professor Spring's Kansas. 

3 Letters belonging to Major Buford" s daughter. Copies in possession of writer. 

4S W. L. Fleming 

unfavorable conditions the Buford party disbanded. A good num- 
ber enlisted in the United States troops stationed in Kansas, some 
of them went over to the other side and became free-state partisans, 1 
others made their way south again, while one party remained dur- 
ing the fall at Westport. They were encamped near the home of 
Col. McGee, an ardent states-rights man, who, however, reports 
himself as having suffered much from disorderly pro-slavery friends. 
In December Buford was at Westport and made preparations 
to return to Alabama in the spring. He published an account of 
the receipts and expenditures of his expedition in the Westport 
Star of Empire. The figures were as follows : 

Cost of enterprise $24,625.06 

Contributions 13,967.90 

Leaving a loss of. $10,657.16 

These figures show the expenditures and losses of the Buford enter- 
prise only. None of the expenses of the Clayton and other colonies 
or his own expenses and losses from theft are reckoned in this ac- 
count. The loss was borne by Major Buford. 

January 12, 1857, Buford with others signed an address to the 
South in behalf of the National Democratic Party of Kansas. This 
is the last appearance he makes in the affairs of the territory. 

More clearly than any other man Buford had foreseen the re- 
sults that must follow the admission of Kansas as a free state. He 
gave his fortune to the cause, and worked long and faithfully to 
arouse the South to the impending danger, but his prophetic voice 
was not fully heeded. His colonization plan was a failure finan- 
cially and politically. The institutions of the South could not be 
transplanted to Kansas. The question that he hoped to have set- 
tled by votes in Kansas was finally decided by bayonets on a hun- 
dred bloody battle-fields in the South. 2 

Walter L. Fleming. 

ij. M. Buford; Von Hoist. 

2 After his return from Kansas Buford lived at Clayton, Alabama, where on August 
28, 1861, he died suddenly of heart disease. "At the time of his death not one scrap of 
the history of the expedition, of the number of men enlisted in it, or their names, places 
of residence, or anything pertaining to it could be found. He had deposited them all in 
some bank or other place of security in Washington City of which he told no one. No 
trace of his papers could be found after his death. He was a very secretive man, and 
seldom informed any one of his plans or purposes." — J. M. Buford. 


A Postscript to the Work of the American Commission 

My theme is not the award. All that America or Americans 
asked was arbitration, and arbitration there has been. Venezuela 
herself, our client, even had she not been awarded that for which 
she most hotly strove — the mouth of her great river — could as the 
weaker power find ample cause for gratitude in any boundary which 
has such guaranty of permanence. 

But, now that the episode has safely passed from politics to his- 
tory, it seems to me due to those whose interest in the history of 
Guiana outlives the dispute as to ownership, and who may still 
treasure the work done for President Cleveland's Commission as a 
lasting gain to our knowledge of the exploration and settlement of 
the western world, that some effort should be made to check its 
results by the new evidence laid before the final tribunal. I trust it 
is not presumption for me to undertake the task ; and certainly in 
no pages could it find so fitting place as in those of the American 
Historical Review. 

The labors of the American Commission, it will be remembered, 
were cut short in the midst, early in 1897, by the treaty of arbitra- 
tion between Great Britain and Venezuela. Some months before, 
indeed — as early as November 10, 1896 — the treaty was so nearly 
assured that Secretary Olney could request the Commission to 
suspend its deliberations ; and it can now be no breach of confidence 
to add that for weeks prior to this the shadow of the coming event 
had narrowed the field of research. Thus, much was left undone. 
There could be no such sifting and testing of Spanish claims as of 
Dutch. The history of present-century Guiana was scarcely en- 
tered on. And, even in the field explored, more than one tempting 
avenue of inquiry was left unentered. 

To these tasks the advocates of Great Britain and of Venezuela 
could now address themselves. Their time, it is true, was but 
scant. By the terms of the treaty "the printed Case of each of the 
two Parties, accompanied by the documents, the official correspond- 
ence, and other evidence on which each relies" must be in the 
hands of the other party and of the judges within, at farthest, nine 

VOL. VI. — 4. ( 49 ) 


G. L. Burr 

months from the exchange of the ratifications. But the ratifications 
were not finally exchanged until mid-June ; and, though a whole 
half-year more had gone before Great Britain announced as her 
counsel Sir Richard Webster, Mr. Asquith, and Mr. Rowlatt, and 
before Venezuela retained Mr. Mallet-Prevost, General Harrison, 
and General Tracy, and yet many months more ere there was added 
to the British side Sir Robert Reid and to the Venezuelan Mr. 
James Russell Soley, scholars were from the first at work under the 
direction of the two governments. Nor were the counsel strangers 
to the question at issue. Sir Richard, at least, as Attorney-General 
of Great Britain, must long have known it well ; and of yet longer 
standing or deeper study were Mr. Harrison's relations with it as 
President of the United States, Mr. Tracy's as a member of his 
Cabinet, and Mr. Mallet-Prevost's as the Secretary of President 
Cleveland's Commission. 

It was not strange, then, that even the Case of each country, 
submitted in mid-March of 1898, was able to include in the huge 
mass of appended evidence a considerable number of fresh docu- 
ments. Much bulkier and more important was the new evidence 
published by the Counter-Case which each filed with the other five 
months later, on the 15th of August. And not less interesting than 
these new documents were the fresh maps embodied in the hand- 
some atlases with which each state accompanied both Case and 
Counter-Case. So ended the gathering of evidence. The printed 
argument next prepared by each party and submitted on December 
1 5 could only interpret and discuss, not enlarge, the testimony 
already presented. The same restriction governed, of course, the 
oral argument, which in almost interminable detail dragged on at 
Paris before the arbiters from June to October of 1899; yet, even 
at this late stage, by joint consent, more than one item of new testi- 
mony was laid before the judges. 

Multiple and various were the fresh sources of this fresh evi- 
dence. Most fruitful to the British side were perhaps the Hydro- 
graphic Depository at Madrid, the colonial archives of British 
Guiana (where less than had been supposed proved to have fallen a 
prey to tropical destroyers), and the records of the old Walcheren 
town of Veere. To the Venezuelans the archives of the old Spanish- 
American realms, reinforced afresh by those of Spain and of the 
Capuchin order at Rome, yielded most of value. 

But alas for any who shall seek to study these new documents 
by themselves ! Scattered in their chronological order through the 
vastly greater mass of reprinted ones, they are, save to the most 
wearisome search, as effectively lost in the thousand pages of Vene- 

The Guiana Boundary 5 1 

zuela's evidence and the nearly two thousand of Great Britain's as- 
well, as those who wished the judges uninfluenced by earlier con- 
clusions could prefer them to be. 

That it is not my purpose to discuss anew the whole of this evi- 
dence or the arguments by which it was made to serve the interests 
of either party I need not say. I have read it all afresh and for its 
re-weighing have skipped no page of case or argument, not even of 
the four or five thousand printed pages in which the French com- 
positor has done what he could to make unintelligible the pleas be- 
fore the judges at Paris ; but while leaving uncorrected no palpable 
slip brought to light in the work done for the American Commis- 
sion, my aim is rather to point out, without debate, the content of 
the evidence newly found and the light it seems to throw on the 
doings and relations of Spaniards and Dutch in Guiana. I cannot 
bring myself to turn from this study without the passing remark 
that no American has cause for aught but pride, at least as regards 
historical knowledge and insight, in the part played by his country- 
men, whether as counsel or as judges, in the great lawsuit. 

I shall the better reach my aim if my treatment frankly follows 
that of the American report. Let me, then, deal first with the 
earliest relations of Spanish and Dutch in Guiana, next with the 
adjustment of these at the peace of Westphalia, and with the rights 
and claims of the Dutch West India Company, then with the suc- 
cessive advances by the Dutch into the Essequibo and its neighbor 
rivers of western Guiana and with their claims in this quarter, and 
finally with the counter-advances and the rival claims of the Span- 

As to the period prior to the last decade of the sixteenth cen- 
tury no fresh evidence was offered either by Great Britain or by 
Venezuela. Both countries frankly relinquished all assertion of 
European settlement in Guiana before this date. The Venezuelans 
still urged with vigor the Spanish discovery and exploration of these 
coasts, and their British opponents, in belittling these, were able 
to point out a serious slip in the work of the American experts ; ' 

1 It was, I am happy to add, the only such slip they pointed out, and they cleverly 
made the most of it The error was a mistaken reading (American Commission's Re- 
port, III. 175, 189, 190) of a manuscript note on an old Spanish map of Guiana. The 
note tells of a certain Arawak cacique, who in the year 1553 went up the Essequibo and 
descended on the other slope to the Amazon. The blunder lay in failing to notice that 
the mention of the cacique belonged to the note, and the consequent conjectural ascrip- 
tion of the exploit to " some unnamed explorer — presumably the Spaniard whose explo- 
rations the map is meant to illustrate." What made the slip easy was that the map bears 
elsewhere, in several places, names of Indian caciques; that the " Afio 1 553" which in 
this case follows is preceded by a period (after the fashion of the sixteenth century) ; 
and that a couple of near-by notes begin likewise with a date. But the blunder was 

52 G. L. Burr 

but neither longer questioned that European settlement in Guiana 
began with Berrio's town of Santo Thome on the Orinoco. It is 
indeed the explicit assertion of the earliest of the new documents 
submitted by Great Britain — an exceedingly interesting letter of 
Tanuary i, 1593, from Don Antonio Berrio himself to the King of 
Spain, wherein he reports his "ten years spent in continual labors" 
to penetrate to El Dorado — that " from the mouth of the river 
Amazon to that of the Orinoco the map shows more than four 
hundred leagues," and that "in all this breadth and more than fif- 
teen hundred leagues in depth there is not a spot peopled by Span- 
iards." This letter of Berrio and two later ones printed with it 
make it impossible longer to credit Fray Pedro Simon's date of 
1 591 or 1 592 for the founding of Santo Thome, and, when added to 
Raleigh's silence * and to the letters of Felipe de Santiago and of 
Roque de Montes earlier produced by England, leave small ground 
for believing that the town can have come into existence (save per- 
haps as an Indian village harboring Spanish guests) earlier than the 
very end of 1595. 2 As we know indubitably from Keymis that in 
April, 1596, it was a " rancheria of some twentie or thirty houses," 
it can hardly be placed later ; and Berrio's letters make it all the 
clearer that from 1592 on such an occupation of Guiana had been 
contemplated and in preparation. 

At last, too, we are given the text of that letter of Berrio's 
lieutenant, Domingo de Ybarguen y Vera, of October 27, 1597, 
which served as the basis of such wild statements in the British 
Blue-Books. The Dutchmen seized by him prove to be only " five 
Flemings, . . . found on land, belonging to a Flemish ship which 
had come to traffic at Margarita and Cumana, and in this island " 
(Trinidad) ; and of the Essequibo he says only " I then went to the 
river Essequibo, where I had much information as to the people 

grave, and I blush for it. Let me only plead in defense that the map, which fell into 
my hands just at the close of my work in Washington, was mentioned at all only to dis- 
miss it as having " no direct bearing on the question of boundary." The further British 
claim that " the map cannot be earlier than the seventeenth century because it shows two 
Spanish towns in Trinidad" I cannot for a moment accede to. It shows no towns in 
Trinidad. One of the marks thus interpreted is only the ° of Trinidad ° (i. e., Trini- 
dado — a spelling common among the early explorers, cf. Raleigh, Keymis, Wyatt), 
and the other but a fleck (such as abound on the map) which happens to be near the 
Spanish word palmar, a palm-grove. The handwriting and the orthography, as well as 
the substance of the notes, show it clearly of the middle of the sixteenth century. 

1 To which should perhaps be added that of Robert Dudley, who sent a boat up the 
Orinoco in February, 1595, and whose own narrative is now supplemented by the more 
detailed one of his captain, Wyatt (first published last year by the Hakluyt Society). 
Vet it is unlikely that Dudley's boat went so far up as the site of Santo Thome. 

2 This date receives a slight further support from another letter produced by Eng- 
land, written to the King of Spain in 1609 by one of Domingo de Vera's twenty-two 
hundred colonists. 

The Guiana Boundary 53 

wearing clothes and using the same arms in fighting as the people 
of New Granada" — a passage no longer suggestive of "white 

But, while Great Britain thus gave over all assertion of Dutch 
settlement in Guiana prior to 161 3, she still stoutly fought the claim 
that Spain had ever occupied the Essequibo. She even brought 
bodily to the arbiters the carved keystone of the old fort at Kijk- 
overal, sometimes thought the work of Portuguese or Spaniards, to 
show that the emblem on it is not a cross, and offered much expert 
testimony to prove the architecture Dutch — a conclusion else most 
probable. To the other evidence for the presence of Spaniards, 
however, she could oppose only the silence of Spanish records ; 
and this the Venezuelans were able to meet with a fresh paper of 
much interest — a letter of the Duke of Lerma, who writing on be- 
half of the King of Spain, February 2, 161 5, to the president of 
the Spanish Council of the Indies, mentions, among the places 
against which the Dutch were rumored to be planning an attack, 
Essequibo, " where there are some persons, from twelve to fifteen 
Spaniards, who there till the soil to raise cassava root, from which 
bread is made for the Governor of Trinidad and Orinoco." 

But not only did both sides agree in accepting for the beginning 
of Dutch trade on the Guiana coast the year 1598, and for the be- 
ginning of Dutch attempts at settlement there the year 16 13, there 
was a unanimity substantially as great as to the first establishment 
of the Dutch in the Essequibo. If the British lawyers did not ex- 
plicitly relinquish Major John Scott's tradition of its settlement by 
"one Captain Gromwegle " in 1616, they admitted its uncertainty, 
and were content with insisting that " an organized colony under 
the West India Company was in existence on that river" soon after 
the creation of the Company in 162 1. In support of this they pro- 
duced, from the manuscripts of the British Museum, the journal of 
certain " Heads of Families sent by the Directors of the West India 
Company to visit the Coast of Guiana" in 1623. This journal, 
written in French (the families seem to have been Huguenots), tells 
us that " the Directors of the West India Company had resolved at 
entering on their administration to send to the river Amazon and 
coast of Guiana," and were begged by one Jesse Des Forests, "who, 
with the permission of the States-General of the United Provinces, 
had enrolled several families desirous of inhabiting the said Indies," 
that these " might be employed in the service of the said Com- 
pany." But "the said Directors thought that, instead of transport- 
ing the said families, it would be better to send a certain number of 
heads of families, in order ... to see the places and to choose 

54 G. L. Burr 

themselves the place of their dwelling." These deputies sailed, 
accordingly, on July I, 1623, in the ship Pigeon of 100 tons, "to 
make the voyage to the Amazon." Reaching that river on Oc- 
tober 20, they pushed northwestward along the coast, prospecting 
as they went, as far as the Wiapoco, where they arrived in Decem- 
ber. There they selected a place for their colony, and there they 
were left by their ship, which returned to Holland on the first day 
of 1624. In the following summer (so, at least, one must infer 
from the scanty extracts, which, alas, are all that is printed of this 
precious document), a flotilla having meanwhile arrived from Hol- 
land, they pressed on westward with their prospecting and on 
August 15, 1624, reached the Demerara. Thence, on the 16th, 
they write, " our sloop went to Ezikebe [Essequibo] to carry our 
master on board the Admiral to learn his wishes ; " and, on the 2 2d, 
" our sloop having returned, our ship went to Ezikebe to fetch the 
remainder of the merchandise which the Admiral had left there." 
There they tarried till the 28th, when they returned to the Demer- 
ara, and, having first transferred the Admiral into a ship which was 
to return home, they sailed on September 9 for the Carribbean 
Islands. In this description of the Essequibo, which shows that 
they ascended the river as far as the confluence of Cuyuni and 
Mazaruni, they remark that " the Spaniards of San Thome " (so the 
British editors acutely translate the " Saint Omer " of the French 
text) "formerly traded there, but now they dare not go there," and 
their journal later quotes " a Frenchman who lived there three 
years," and who had been " above the second fall of the river, 
where there was a crystal mine ;" but there is no mention of any 
previous Dutch occupation, nor is there anything to imply that the 
expedition here described had other aim or result than exploration 
and trade. Yet it is at least not improbable that a Dutch outlier 
may have remained in the river from this time forward ; and the dif- 
ference between this date of August, 1624, and that of 1625, 
reached by the Americans and accepted by the Venezuelans, is 
insignificant. It is a thousand pities that this journal, which so 
happily helps replace a lost record-book of the West India Com- 
pany, could not be published in full. 

On the vicissitudes of the trading-post in the Essequibo prior 
to the end of the long war with Spain no further light has been 
thrown. As to the hostile activity of Dutch fleets and privateers 
in the Orinoco and its creeks Great Britain was able, however, to 
produce from Spanish archives testimony of moment : (1) a report 
of the Spanish governor, the Marquis of Sofraga, who, writing 
from Bogota in July, 1631, avers that, after the sacking of Santo 

The Guiana Boundary 55 

Thome by the Dutch in 1629, " other squadrons of corsairs came 
and settled and fortified themselves in the arms and creeks of the 
river Orinoco " as well as in the island of Tobago, and that " infor- 
mation has been received that the same or another squadron was 
coming this year to take possession of the city and of a quicksilver 
mine which is said to have been discovered close to it on the bank 
of the said river Orinoco ;" (2) a memorandum by Don Juan De- 
sologuren, dated in November 1637 at the same Spanish- American 
capital, wherein, relating the expulsion of the Dutch from Tobago 
by the Spaniards in 1636 and their taking refuge in the Essequibo 
and the Berbice, he asserts that " on the river Orinoco itself, and on 
its most important mouth, in the same part of the mainland as the set- 
tlement of Santo Thome de la Guayana, at thirty leagues' distance 
from it, there were ten Dutch waiting for reinforcements to fortify 
themselves from the year 1636 ;" (3) some eight or ten documents 
of the Spaniards of Orinoco in 1637 and 1638, whose testimony 
goes to support that already published as to the presence of Dutch- 
men in the Amacura immediately before and after the renewed 
Dutch sack of Santo Thome in 1637. Just what faith, in the ab- 
sence of all confirmation from Dutch sources, these Spanish rumors 
deserve, it is not easy to know ; but it can no longer be doubted 
that they have a basis of fact. 1 That there was on the part of the 
Dutch West India Company, however, any thought of settlement 
here, is, in view of the silence of its records, hardly to be believed ; 
and side by side with the documents just described is produced a 
letter written to the King of Spain in 1634 by the Bishop of Porto 
Rico, who, making now his first pastoral visitation in Guiana (which 
seven years before had been transferred to his diocese), reports the 
interesting news that Santo Thome " had been removed, for rather 
more than a year, six leagues distant from where it used to be, in 
order to occupy a more concealed position on the river Orinoco, 
and one not so unhealthy, beside which the place is better de- 
fended against the Dutch," and who urges especially upon His Maj- 
esty the necessity of better protecting his colony from these foes, 
yet expressly names as the nearest post of the Dutch that on 
the Essequibo. 

No fresh evidence has thrown new light upon the purpose or 
the interpretation of the disputed clauses of the Treaty of Minister. 
The British advocates persist in seeing in them an express admis- 
sion of a right of the Dutch to all conquests they could make in 
America ; while their opponents, going to the opposite extreme, 
would make them an express grant to the Dutch of what they had 

1 The suspicion uttered in the American Commission's report (I. 294), that they 
may rest on an error, must therefore be withdrawn. 

56 G. L. Burr 

already seized or could conquer from the Portuguese alone, and 
hence, by implication, prohibition of all else. In support of their 
contention the Venezuelans were indeed able to produce a plea of 
the West India Company in its controversy with the English over 
New Netherland a dozen years later (November 5, 1660) which 
averred that " the King of Spain, first discoverer and founder of this 
new American world," had " at the conclusion of the peace made 
over to the United Netherland Provinces all his right and title to 
such countries and domains as by them in course of time had been 
conquered in Europe, America, etc.;" and the Britons on their side 
could point, not only to the contemporary report of the French en- 
voys at Minister (that, while "the King of Spain consents to be de- 
barred from extending his boundaries in the East Indies," and to 
limit them to what he now occupies there, he agrees that " the con- 
quests -which may be made by the United Provinces either over the 
natives of the country or over the Portuguese shall remain theirs "), 
but also to the verdict of the later Dutch statesman Basnage that 
" this article was advantageous to the Republic because Spain 
bound her hands and undertook not to make any new conquests in 
the East, while the Dutch retained the power to extend their limits 
far and wide in America, and particularly in Brazil." Yet, despite 
these dicta, and the clever arguments based upon them, I cannot 
believe that to any historian who has breathed the air of the seven- 
teenth century they will carry conviction. As we know from their 
own lips, the Dutch, who drew the treaty, had no mind that Spain, 
in such a document, should assume either to permit or to forbid 
their conquest of territory hers only by claim. The treaty left them 
free by its silence, it did not make them so by its stipulations ; and 
no more than this, surely, can have been meant by Basnage 1 or the 
French envoys. As for the quoted words of the West India Com- 
pany, they were a desperate special plea to meet an English claim 
of prior settlement, and were blushed for as soon as uttered ; for in 
the very next paragraph their authors protest that they deem " such 
claim and forced argument " unnecessary. 2 Of the rights and 
claims of the Dutch West India Company, indeed, nothing really 
new was learned by either side, and the sweeping statements of the 
British Blue-Books were now abandoned or greatly modified. 3 

1 Had I not held this view of Basnage's meaning and looked on it as self-evident, I 
should be more chagrined by my omission of these words of his from my report to the 
American Commission than by anything else these later researches have suggested. 

2 Brodhead, Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York, II. 139. 

:l That so misleading a statement as that " the Wild Coast was the original name of 
the coast between the Orinoco and the Essequibo " (where, of course, for Essequibo 
should be read Amazon) could be retained in a footnote to the British evidence was, I 
am convinced, only an oversight : no attempt was made, in the argument, to use or to 
defend it. 

The Guiana Boundary 57 

More fortunate was the inquiry into the doings of the Dutch on 
the Essequibo. Upon the earliest history of that settlement, it is 
true, no fresh light was thrown, unless one take seriously the Span- 
ish rumor' that a part of the Dutch colonists expelled from Tobago 
in 1636 " finally settled on the river Essequibo, a hundred leagues 
off, a hundred and twenty in number with many negroes " — a rumor 
which, however unreliable in itself and discredited by the silence of 
Dutch records, gains a touch of plausibility from the " sap of sugar 
cane" sent home by the Essequibo commander in the following 
spring, but which, even if credible, loses all significance through 
the known return to Holland of the Essequibo colonists in the sum- 
mer of 1637. On the character and activities of the colony just at 
the end of the seventeenth century, however, a flood of knowledge 
is brought us by the discovery and the publication in full of an offi- 
cial diary of its administration covering the two years from July 1, 
1699, to June 14, 1701 — a document filling more than a hundred 
printed pages. Yet this gossipy journal's yield for the history of 
the colony's civilization is much greater than for that of its boun- 
daries. As to the whereabouts of these it tells us nothing ; but no- 
where had we so vivid a picture of the part played in the life of the 
colony by its outrunners and postholders. From it we first learn 
of the existence somewhere above the rapids in the Cuyuni of a 
dye-store (/. c, a station for the bartering-in of annatto from the 
Indians) such as we already knew to have existed somewhere on 
the Mazaruni. 

To our knowledge of Dutch doings in the Pomeroon and the 
Moruca the new research was of especial profit. In the neglected 
archives of the old Dutch town of Veere the British searchers 
found a body of papers which nearly or quite doubles our know- 
ledge of the Guiana colony planted in 1658 by the Walcheren cities. 
Especially is this true as regards its obscure later years. From a 
long letter written in March of 1663 by the then Commandeur in the 
Pomeroon, J. De Fijn, we learn not only of the thrift and im- 
portance of the colonists settled on the Moruca, but furthermore of 
the maintenance in that river of a fort, known as the Huts Nassau. 
The prosperity of this colony is confirmed by fresh Spanish testi- 
mony. Writing from Santo Thome in March, 1662, to the King 
of Spain, Don Pedro de Viedma reports that " he had sent a person 
to reconnoitre the settlements," and that "there are two founda- 
tions, one of 150 Dutch and another of 280, and to these are added 
200 wealthy Indians, of those expelled from Brazil, and that in the 
two settlements they have introduced 1500 negro slaves for their 

1 In Don Juan Desologuren's memorandum of November 19, 1637, mentioned 

58 G. L. Burr 

plantations ; and that besides these there is the fort of Essequibo, 
which has been founded more than thirty years, and that " the per- 
son who was sent to reconnoitre was told by the Dutch that they 
were expecting more people for the purpose of completing the set- 
tlement of those rivers, and two shiploads of negroes." And in a 
later letter of the same month he is able to state that the Dutch in 
the Pomeroon and the Moruca now number " more than a thousand 
men, with four hundred Indians and a greater number of negroes, 
founding a new Brazil." Similar in purport are the sworn state- 
ments of one Clement Gunter, a member of the Dutch colony, who 
in 1655, on a trading expedition into the Orinoco, was arrested and 
imprisoned by the Spanish authorities. 

Of the history of the second Dutch colony in Pomeroon and 
Moruca (1686- 1 689) nothing new is told us ; nor is our know- 
ledge of the later Dutch occupancy of those rivers materially in- 
creased by the later researches. The British searchers seem even 
to have overlooked or underrated a land-grant of whose existence 
I have knowledge through another channel and which it can now 
be no breach of faith to publish for the behoof of history — it is the 
grant to Frederic Beissenteufel, on January 6, 1760, of a thousand 
acres on the west side of the Moruca at its mouth. 1 Of the exist- 
ence of this plantation we had known, and that it was at the mouth 
of the river, but not on which side ; and the grant is interesting, 
not alone as our one proof of Dutch settlement west of that river, 
but because it fixes as well the site of the Dutch lookout estab- 
lished here in 1757 and of the fortified post maintained on the same 
spot from 1784 onward. As we know these to have been on Beis- 
senteufel's land, they too must have been at the west of the Moruca. 

But, if British search missed this at home, it unearthed in Spain 
a precious paper which had eluded the search of the Venezuelans — 
the lost diary of Inciarte, the young Spanish officer who in 1779 
made, as " Commissioner of Settlements on the Eastern Side of 
the Lower Orinoco," an elaborate reconnoissance of the whole re- 
gion from Orinoco to Pomeroon, and whose summary report had 
alone been hitherto known. Interesting especially is his minute de- 
scription of the Moruca post — " an ordinary house, roofed with 
thatch and barred with large beams, without mud and wattle," its 
means of defense consisting of " two four-pounders and sundry 
swivel-guns, all dismounted." Other evidence of Dutch occupa- 
tion, whether in the Moruca or the Pomeroon, he seems to have 

1 " Aen Fredrik Bysenteufel syn toegestaen een duysent akkers aen de Westsyde van 
Moroca van de nieuwe brandwagt de kreek opwaarts, als mede eenige broodgronden, 
mits de Indiaenen geen hinder doende." 

The Guiana Boundary 59 

found none save that in the latter river, just above where it receives 
the Tapacuma creek, he saw " a silk cotton tree, at the side of 
which," as an Arawak Indian assured him, " in times past a Dutch- 
man from Essequibo had his dwelling and good farms." There, 
having landed, Inciarte " found almost on the very bank a cocoa 
plantation of a few huge trees with a multitude of little plants " 
probably a survival of the colony of the preceding century. Yet 
more interesting, perhaps, is the map drawn up at the same time by 
the young engineer and now first published. It is the most care- 
ful one of this region prior to the researches of Schomburgk, and 
it leaves us no doubt as to the site of the points described by In- 
ciarte. It is amusing to note how even this careful explorer shared 
the Spanish belief in a town of Essequibo — "villa dc Esquibo " — 
which he places on the west shore of the river, opposite Fort 

It was already known — though now in more detail — that, on 
the basis of his reconnoissance, Inciarte recommended to the Span- 
ish authorities the establishment of two fortified settlements, one at 
the site of the Dutch post on the upper Monica, the other in the 
Pomeroon ; but the Venezuelans now produce a somewhat startling 
body of documents showing that this project for the occupation of 
lower Guiana was never lost from sight by Spain till the very eve 
of the revolt of the colonies. 

As to the Waini and the Barima, Inciarte's diary and map are, 
of course, not less precious evidence than as to their eastern neigh- 
bors. Of the only trace of European occupation he found here — 
the abandoned plantation of the Dutchman " Mener Nelch " — he 
speaks no more fully than in the report we had already ; but its 
site, on the Aruka, he describes with more minuteness. More 
novel and not less interesting is the much earlier testimony of the 
above-quoted letter of De Fijn, Commandeur of the Dutch in 
the Pomeroon, as to a seventeenth-century reconnoissance of 
the Barima. " Having left the river Orinoco," writes the Dutch 
governor, who is reporting to his principals in Holland a trading 
trip which at their instance he has just made to Santo Thome, 
" and coming by way of the river Barima on January 15, 1663, I 
resolved to inspect the aforesaid place, in order to see whether it 
was suitable to dwell in and whether vessels could navigate the 
river." Accordingly he pushed up the stream some twenty hours 
as far as a creek (doubtless the Aruka) 16 or 17 Dutch miles, as he 
thought, from the mouth of the river. Here, " fully half an hour 
up," he found high land "with fairly good soil and which could 
well be settled by our people if the population in these regions be- 

60 G. L. Bun- 

came so great that all the lands now lying idle were cultivated." 
It is our earliest tidings of Dutch interest in the Barima. Nor does 
the new research bring us aught else which adds to our knowledge 
of Dutch activity in these parts or makes more probable the exist- 
ence there at any time of a Dutch post or of other settlers than 
those already known ; for the present-day testimony, Indian and 
official, to the presence along the Barima of signs of old-time cul- 
tivation proves nothing as to its date or source. 

But to the history of the Barima there comes a contribution 
from an unexpected quarter. In April of 1899 M. Henri Froide- 
vaux, than whom there is no more eminent student of French co- 
lonial history (he has since been called to a lectureship in that sub- 
ject at the Sorbonne), wrote for the Revue des Questions Historiqucs 
an admirable review of " the American reports on the Anglo-Vene- 
zuelan controversy." It is not merely a review: it supplements. 
Much more, he states from personal knowledge, might have been 
learned of the part played in the Barima by the French of the An- 
tilles in the eighteenth century. The errand of Nicolas Gervais, 
the French Bishop of Oran, on these shores about 1730 was, he 
intimates, something beyond the conversion of the Indians. He 
knows of " French designs on this region between 1730 and 1740," 
mentioning the formation at this date at St. Pierre in Martinique of 
a private company whose object was to colonize the territories be- 
tween the Orinoco and the Essequibo and which sent in 1738 an 
expedition, under one Foucaut du Razet, " to visit these places and 
there make the inspection necessary for the proposed establishment." 
This expedition, whose report, he says, may be found in the ar- 
chives of the French Ministry of the Colonies, 1 coasted the mainland 
from the Essequibo to the Barima and along the southern mouth 
of the Orinoco, seeking four Frenchmen who were alleged to have 
been for seventeen months in that region. The Caribs entered 
readily into negotiations with them, which are recounted at some 
length. Foucaut du Razet heard also, in these parts, from a 
Frenchman who had long lived in the Essequibo, the story that this 
region had been given to the Elector of Bavaria, who had ceded it 
to the King of Sweden — only, in this French version, it was not 
the King of Spain, but " La France," that "gave this part of la 
France equinoxiale" to Bavaria. What is more, he can tell us 
what became of the Swedish enterprise which, a few years earlier, 
stirred such alarm in Orinoco and Essequibo. "The King of Swe- 
den," he says, "sent thither three years and a half ago 2 one of his 

' " Corrcspondance Generate, C u , Guyane, Tome XVII. (1737-1740), fol. 339 ets.*' 
2 It is not easy to reconcile this date, so exactly given, with the 1732 of which we 
learn from the Spanish testimony. 

The Guiana Boundary 61 

vessels to reconnoitre the place and take possession ; but this ves- 
sel having perished on the way back to Europe, with all on board, 
par le travcrs de la Bermude, no Swede has ever again been seen 

This Swedish legend 1 has been made an object of careful re- 
search by an English scholar, too, the Rev. George Edmundson, 
who devoted to it an interesting article in the English Historical Re- 
view for January, 1899. For a cession to or by the Elector of 
Bavaria he can find neither proof nor probability, nor was a Swedish 
charter or royal commission ever granted for such a Guiana colony ; 
whence he concludes that the Barima project " was probably a pri- 
vate enterprise, connived at perhaps and indirectly supported by 
the Swedish government, but without any actual sanction of the 
authorities." Is it not possible that the Bavarian legend is an out- 
growth of the actual Guiana grant in 1669 by the Dutch to the 
Count of Hanau ? The promoter of this Hanau scheme, the versa- 
tile Dr. Becher, had earlier been in relations with the court of 
Bavaria, and this court is said to have made (about 1665) overtures 
first to the Dutch West India Company and then to England for the 
grant of a stretch of the Guiana coast. 

As to the Amacura, except the evidence already mentioned for 
the presence of Dutchmen there in 17 30- 1740, nothing new has 
come to light. 2 Nor, although Dutch haunting and harassing of 
the Orinoco was yet more abundantly shown, was there found any 
evidence of attempt at possession in that river. 

More fruitful was the research as to the great western branches 
of the Essequibo. The much vexed question of the Cuyuni posts 
was set almost at rest by it. Nothing was found, indeed, as to the 
short-lived, if existent, one of 1703 ; but as to that of 1 754-1 758 
there is now produced from the archives at Madrid 3 a letter from 
the banks of the Caroni written on August 27, 1758, by the Capu- 
chin missionary Father Bispal to the Spanish commandant Iturriaga, 
which contains this luminous passage : " In the river Cuyuni the 

1 As illustrating the obtrusiveness of this legend it is interesting to note that Inciarte, 
writing in 1779 from the Dutch post of Moruca to his chief the Spanish Intendant at 
Caracas, reports that the under-postholder there, "Paul Fernero " ( Paulus Vermeere), 
' ' said that the former Director-General of Essequibo told him in a letter, that the lands 
and rivers of Moruca and Guaina [Waini] belonged in ownership to the Dutch, and the 
creek of Barima and its lands to Sweden." The Director-General meant must be 
Storm van's Gravesande ; but Vermeere' s statement is wholly incredible. 

2 Something has rather been lost ; for the Spanish mission of Amacuro, mentioned in 
a footnote of the American Commission's report (I. 297) was on the Paria coast, and the 
"Amacura" guarded by Indians in 1797 proves but a misreading of Moruca. 

3 Hydrographic Depository, Madrid, B, 4a, Viceroyalty of Santa Fe, Vol. II., doc. 
No. 16. 

62 G. L. Burr 

Dutch continue doing somewhat; last year, 1757, in an island of 
the said Cuyuni called Tocoropati, two days' journey above the 
mouth of the said river, they commenced a fortified house on the 
top of a little hill in the said island, and a cane plantation and a 
sugar mill in the lower part of the island ; and this year the house 
is already built and fortified, and the mill is grinding the cane from 
the plantation." This testimony is confirmed and amplified by two 
letters of the following month (from the same archives), in which 
the Capuchin prefect, Benito de la Garriga, reports to Iturriaga the 
Spanish raid on the Dutch post. " Navigating down stream," he 
writes, " they found an island of much elevation called Tocoropata, 
where the Post was a short time previously (it was abandoned be- 
cause it had not sufficient lands for plantations), and on the way 
they burnt the houses, with those of the ten negroes, in which also 
lived several postholders ; and, after half a day's navigation, they 
arrived at Aguigua, on the mainland, on this side of Cuyuni, where 
the Dutch had taken the preliminary steps for establishing the post 
— the farm cleared and not burned, large, with one or two huts, 
with the ollject of at once making a stronghold when they had 
sufficient provisions — in the meantime maintaining themselves on 
flour of maize and wheat, spending the articles of barter given them 
by the Governor for their support." In the face of such evidence 
the British relinquished their claim that the post was at or near the 
mouth of the Curumo, and both sides agreed in recognizing the is- 
land of Tokoro as the first site of the post. Adequate explanation 
seeming to both thus found of Schomburgk's Indian tradition of a 
post in that island, they further concurred in placing the restored 
post of 1 766- 1 769 not far above that island in the Tonoma rapids 
where it found its last site. It is not improbable that in this they 
were right ; yet, in view of the explicitness of that tradition, of the 
absence of evidence for any other site, of the known presence of 
bread-grounds at the new post, and of the Dutch governor's ag- 
gressive purpose, I must still think it possible that the first site of 
this later post too was at Tokoro. No other Dutch dealings in the 
upper Cuyuni or Mazaruni were disclosed, save that the dye-col- 
lecting, timber-cutting, and food-gathering there was made more 
vivid by fresh illustration. 

On Dutch or Spanish claim to boundary in Guiana no new light 
was thrown. It was made clearer than ever that the Spaniards 
counted the Dutch intruders and that the Dutch felt free to encroach 
on unoccupied lands ; but the Dutch remonstrance of 1769 remains 
the one official communication between the two states suggesting a 
definite frontier. 

The Guiana Boundary 6 


As to Spanish occupation and Spanish aggressions, however, 
the Venezuelans produced fresh evidence of some importance. The 
existence of the westernmost of the Spanish missions, that of Cur- 
umo, was established by the contemporary testimony of the Ca- 
puchin prefect, from which we learn the date of its formal dedica- 
tion, or " founding " (June, 1749), the number and tribe of its Indians 
(180 Caribs), and the precise duration of its existence (a year and 
four months), and was confirmed by that of the Spanish governor 
of the province. Much of detail (which, however, as in the case of 
the Curumo mission, only strengthened results already reached for 
the American Commission) was gained, too, as to the identity and 
activities of these missions in general. Of the remoter Spanish 
movements in the Wenamu, the Mazaruni, the Siparuni, rumored by 
a scared Dutch postholder in 1756, nothing more could be learned. 
The existence and site of the Spanish fortified post on the Cuyuni, 
they were able, however, to support by added evidence. Regard- 
ing no point of fact was the controversy so keen or so stubborn. 
A page of Governor Marmion's manuscript '-was photographed in 
the Spanish archives to demonstrate that the ' new town which in 
October, 1793, he reported as having been begun was near the 
union of the Cuyuni with the Curumo, and not (as it had been un- 
intelligibly transcribed for Great Britain) with the Orinoco ; l and 
the original of Schomburgk's great physical map of Guiana had to 
be produced in court to show his representation of the ruins of this 
post (on the south of the Cuyuni, a little below its confluence with the 
Curumo), somehow left out in the British reproduction of the map. 
As to Spanish doings in the coast region, I have already spoken 
of the recovery of the interesting journal of Inciarte's bold recon- 
noissance in 1779, anc ' °f tne documents showing the Spanish 
schemes later based on it. Next to these in interest was perhaps a 
fragment, of the year 1785, from the diary of Captain Mateo Bel- 
tran, the Spanish coast-guard who during that decade was a terror 
to the Dutch in the region adjoining the Orinoco. But, while 
these amply illustrate the Spanish aim to control this district, there 
is in them no mention of the slightest actual settlement there. 

Such is what seems to me the most important new evidence 
brought to light during the course of the arbitral proceedings ; and 
such in brief are the changes which this evidence makes necessary 

1 There fell into my hands in 1 898, bought from the Paris bookseller Dufosse (in 
whose catalogue Professor Jameson, my old colleague of the boundary investigation, es- 
pied it and pointed it out to me), what is clearly an earlier draft of this report of Mar- 
mion's, corrected and annotated by his own hand. It tells nothing more, but confirms 
the testimony of the final document. It now belongs to the Cornell University Library. 

64 G. L. Burr 

in the historical conclusions reached for the American Commission. 
It goes without saying that I have left much undiscussed. The 
scholar who shall some day write in full the story ot Spaniards and 
of Dutch in South America must sift for himself afresh the whole 
of the vast unindexed mass. But, till he shall appear, I trust this 
postscript to the researches of the American Commission may be 
of some use to the student of this chaper of colonial history. 

George Lincoln Burr. 


Diary of John Narrower, 1773-1776 

That indented servants were a large class among the emigrants 
to the American colonies is well known, but it is not to be expected 
that we should ever obtain a large amount of knowledge of the 
fortunes of a class so obscure and inarticulate. It is known, also, 
that of the many Scottish indented servants who came to Virginia 
before the Revolution, some were employed as schoolmasters. But 
it was by no means to be expected that we should be able to print, 
not only the actual diary of an indented servant, but that of one 
belonging to this peculiarly interesting class. That we are per- 
mitted to do so is owing to the kindness of Mrs. Sally Nelson 
Robins, assistant librarian of the Virginia Historical Society. The 
document, printed with necessary omission of portions not now 
interesting, affords most valuable glimpses into the life of an in- 
dented servant in America, even though the writer was plainly 
above the average of that class in intelligence and not all his exper- 
iences are typical. The book in which the diary is written is a 
small quarto volume (about 8x6 in.) bound in vellum, and con- 
taining at present 145 pages. It once contained a few more. It 
was found among the papers of the Corbin family, of Moss Neck 
and Farley Vale, Virginia. 

Diligent efforts have been made to discover something of the 
earlier history of John Harrower, of Lerwick in Shetland. These 
have been seconded, with the utmost kindness, by James M. 
Goudie, Esq., of Lerwick, a devoted student of Shetland antiquities, 
and by Francis J. Grant, Esq., Rothesay Herald, Edinburgh. But 
little has been found. Mr. Goudie has obligingly sent a series of 
contributions by him to the Shetland Times, embracing extracts from 
the kirk-session records of Lerwick, and others entitled " Annals of 
the County of Zetland," edited by another hand. These cast light 
upon some of the friends mentioned by Harrower, they illustrate the 
surroundings from which he emigrated, and they to a certain ex- 
tent exhibit his points of contact with America before he thought 
of coming here. Thus, on October 15, 1773, only seven weeks 
before he left his home, a letter from the sheriff substitute is laid 
before the kirk-session asking charitable aid for the many destitute 

VOL. VI. — 5. ( 65 ) 

o(. Documents 

passengers of a ship wrecked at Walls, a few miles away, and con- 
fined there for a time by reason of the infection among them. It 
was an emigrant ship. The Rev. Mr. Mill says in his Diary l con- 
cerning it : 

"A vessel from Leith with 260 emigrants for North Carolina was by 
stress of weather put into Vela Sound in Walls. The smallpox at same 
time carried off severals, and some of their children crammed in the hold 
were said to be stifled to death and thrown overboard into the sea, before 
they landed ; after which the vessel was driven from her anchors, and so 
damaged that they could not, for several months, put to sea again. The 
people were dispersed through the several parishes for subsistence accord- 
ing to the Sheriff's decreet. They went back for Leith in April, and the 
project for America thereby miscarried." 

But only two direct references to John Harrower have been 
discovered in Lerwick records. One shows him, as one of the 
heritors or landholders of the parish, attending a meeting in De- 
cember, 1765, which votes to send to Scotland for a supply of oat- 
meal for the poor. The other, January 14 of the same year, is the 
record of his admission into the Morton Lodge of Freemasons, — 
"Harrower, John, Merchant, Lerwick." In records at Edinburgh 
Mr. Grant finds evidence that he came to Shetland after 1750. He 
also finds in the Sasine Register, under date of 1762, 1767 and 
1770, three evidences of tenements held by "John Harrower mer- 
chant in Lerwick and Anna Graham his spouse." This would 
seem to have been a previous wife ; or the pair may possibly have 
been our Harrower's father and mother. 

Evidently Harrower was a minor person in Lerwick. Yet he 
wrote a very good hand, and was fairly well educated at a time 
when schools hardly existed in Shetland. Whatever may have 
been the cause of his leaving home (there is no fuller indication than 
that contained in his letter to his brother-in-law), every page of the 
diary shows that he was frugal and industrious to a high degree, and 
he was evidently much regarded by Colonel Daingerfield. Finally, 
if Jock, his oldest child, was born in November, 1762, he may 
not improbably have been thirty-five or forty when he left Lerwick. 
Nothing more is known of his subsequent life than that, after his 
sojourn at "Belvidera," he became a sort of manager at "Moss 
Neck," near Fredericksburg, the home of Richard Corbin. For 
this information, and for some of the footnotes, we are indebted to 
Mrs. Robins. 

As to Mrs. Harrower, Mr. Goudie writes : 

" His wife belonged to one of the leading families in the town — the 
Craigies of Stebbiegrind. A portion of the sea-front of the town still 

1 Diary of the Reverend James Mill (Scottish History Society, V. ), p. 40. 

Diary of John Harrower 67 

bears their name — ' Craigie's Stane.' Miss Turnbull Stewart, a repre- 
sentative of the Craigie family whose residence is the Old Manse, informs 
me that Mrs. Harrower died in that house. She further says that she re- 
members coming across an old letter addressed to one of the Craigies, 
in which the hope was expressed that Mrs. Harrower was being cared 
for. Nothing is known about Mrs. Harrower' s children, but it is evi- 
dent that she did not join her husband in America." 

The old letter referred to may have been that of August 28, 
1775, addressed to Captain James Craigie. 


Munday, 6 th Ded 1773. This morning I left my house 1 and family 
at 4 OClock in order to travel in search of business and imediatly went 
on board a sloop ready to saile for Leith, Oconachie M r and at 5 OClock 
he sailed Accordingly with the wind at N. At this time I am Master of 
no more Cash but 8|d and stockins 2 &c. to the amount of ^3 st r 3 or 
thereabout, a small value indeed to traviel with/ 

Munday, 27th. Wind at S. E. with heavy rain. Both the Smacks 
in the River yet. This evening it being S* John's night the Free Masons 
made a very grand procession through the high street, they began at 6 
pm and it was n pm before the last loge hade done, they were attended 
by a party of the Grandideers 5 who carried their flambows and each 
Loge walked seperatly, they being three. 

Tuesday, 28th. Wind at E. fine weather, this day I once thought 
of engaging with the M. r of the Elizabeth Brigantine bound for North 
Carolina but the thoughts of being so far from my family prevented me. 
at noon the wind came all round to the N. V." and then Mr. began to 
make ready as fast as possible for sailing. 

Wednesday, 29th. At 2 AM left my Loging having been here 16 
days and my method of living was as follows Vizt for Breackfast 4-d. 
worth of bread -^d. worth of Cheese and a bottle of ale at id. For 
dinner id. worth of bread, -i-d. worth of Broath, id. worth of Meat and 
a bottle of ale at id. and the same for supper as for breackfast, and id. a 
night for my bedd. On leaving my logings at the time above mentioned 
I went onb!'the sloop Williams, Wm. Bell M r ., for Newcastle, and he im- 
ediatly hauled out of the harbour and made saile with the Wind at 
N. N. V. At 9 pm was obliged to ly too for the tide on Tynemouth bar. 
at midnight bore away for the Bar and got weel over it. 

Thursday, 30th. At 1 AM we passed by shiels 7 and went up the 
River Tyne, and at 2 AM made fast to Newcastle Key, we having been 

1 At Lerwick. 

2 Shetland stockings were famous, and were already an important article of export. 

3 Pounds sterling as distinguished from pounds Scots, the ordinary money of account 
in Shetland. 

4 Persuading the master to set him ashore at Montrose, Harrower walked thence to 
Dundee, where he remained from December 13 to December 29. 

6 Grenadiers. 
6/. e., NW. 
' Shields. 

68 Documents 

no more than 24 hours from Dundee here 3 of which we lay too. At 9 
AM I went ashore to Newcastle in Comp?' with M. r Bell and 5 others who 
were passangers along with me, and after drinking a English poynt of ale a 
piece I enquired at the Pilots and others if there was any Vessel presently 
at Newcastle bound for Holland but found there was none. At same 
time was informed that Sunderland was a more proper place to look out 
for a ship bound there. . . . 

Munday, 3 d Jan v , i~74- 1 This day snowing very hard, Wind at 
N. N. E. At 9 AM went out to see if I cou'd sell any stockins, but re- 
turned again at 10 AM without selling any ; I then paid mybedd for two 
nights which cost me 2d. each night at same time sent out for A- worth 
of bread and id. worth of cheese for my breackfast and I found both 
bread and Cheese far less for the money than at Dundee. Yesterday I 
neither eat nor drank any thing all day but my dinner which cost me 6i- 
and Just now I am Master of no more Cash than is. i|-d. and when I 
shall get more God only knows. At 1 1 AM Crossed the River to South 
Sunderland and Called to see Wm. Scollay, but was told he was not at 
home, after that I traviled the Town untill 2 pm in which time I sold 
three pair of stockins for four shillings and four pence, which was eight 
pence less than they cost me in Zetland. I then returned home and 
bought id. worth of bread id. worth of cheese and id. worth of small 
beer which served me for dinner and supper. 

Wednesday, jth. Wind and weather as yesterday, this afternoon I 
hear of a Brigantine called the Nancy ready load for Holland, and that 
she always used that trade. 

Thursday, 6th. Wind at S. and a verry gentle thaw, at 8 AM I 
went to Warmouth 2 and spacke with Mr. George Lacen [?] Com' of the 
Nancy Brigantine, who informed me, that he himself was not sure where he 
was to go, But that I might speacke to M.' John Taylor the Owner which 
I immediatly did and he told me, that if the Rivers was open the Nancy 
would go to Holland, if not probably to London, and that I was ex- 
treamly welcome to my passage. I then waited on Mr. Lacen and 
aquanted him of the same, and imediatly put my trunk and bundle on 

Freiday, jth. Got out of bedd at 6 AM this morning, at 8 AM 
went, at 9 AM they began to haul out of the harbour and came to an 
Anchor in the Roads at 10 AM and lay in the road untill four keels of 
Coals was put on board, each keel being Twenty Tun, and they were all 
Onb'. 1 by half an houre past noon. At 1 pm got under saile with the wind 
at N. B. E. 3 with a verry high sea runing, a great deall of which she 
shipped all this afternoon, steered until midnight S. S. E. 4 

1 At Sunderland, where no ships for Holland were to be found, the ice in the Dutch 
rivers precluding the voyage. 

2 Monk Wearmouth, opposite Sunderland. 
3 /. c, north by east. 

4 From this time till noon of the nth the brigantine sailed along the English coast, 
finally coming to anchor at Portsmouth, where the captain went ashore to sell his coal and 
where Marrower vainly sought passage to Holland. 

Diary of John Harroiver 69 

Wednesday, 12th. This morning fine clear weather but hard frost. I 
waited onb s . untill three pm for Cap' Lacoers [ ? ] returning. But when I 
found he did not I left a letter of thanks to him for his favours shown 
me, for he would take no passage money from me, Besides that he used 
me like a Brother making me sleep and eat with himself ; I then went 
ashore and immediately set out for London with no more cash in my 
pocket [but] is. 8^d. St? I pray, May God provide more for me and 
for all who are in strait. Immediatly as I left Portsmouth I fell into 
Comp? and conversaition on the road to whome I sold two pair of stock- 
ins 4/6d. it being the price they cost me in Zetland. I traveled four 
Miles this afternoon and lodged all night at Post doun 1 bridge and the 
House had a Battery of Twelve Canon round it. here I supped on eight 
Oisters and id. and X A worth of Bread, with a poynt of strong and a 
poynt of small beer which [cost] me 3d., being in all 4j^d. for supper, 
here I paid 3d. for my bedd, and it was warmed with a warming pan, this 
being the first time I ever seed it done. 

Thursday, ijth. Wind at E. so thick that I could not see above 
100 yards distance. I crossed over Post doun hill and Breackfast at 
Handen, 2 and after crossing a large barren Common of that name I 
dinned at Petersfield and then Got as far as Raik in the County of Sussex 
where I staid all night, having traviled twenty miles this [day] which is 
more than I did expect earring my Box and Bundle on my back ; They 
have for firing here, nothing but a kind [of] heath like flaws. 3 at this 
place I paid 3d. for my bedd, My diet being all the old storry, Bread, 
Cheese and beer, and I hade a Rush Candle to light me to bedd. 

Freiday, 14th. This morning I sold in my lodgings sundry articles 
to the amount of i8/qd. St r which Articles cost me ,£1.5/6 St r . So that 
necessity obliged me to lose 6/gd. . . . i 

Sunday, 16th. This day after breackfast and read e some Chapters 
on a Newtestament I found in my room, I made the two following verses 
which I here insert below. 

My absent friends God bless, and those, 
my wife and Children dear ; 
I pray for pardon to my foes, 
And for them sheds a tear. 
At Epsom here this day I ly, 
Repenting my past sins ; 
Praying to Jesus for his mercy, 
And success to my friends. 

Here I hade an extream good dinner in Publick, for sixpence, in the 
Afternoon I took a Walk and seed round this place a great many fine 
Houses and gardens most of them belonging to Londoners. 

1 Portsdown. 
2 Horndean. 

3 Flax. 

4 Harrower then walked on by way of Godalming and Guildford to Epsom, where 
he spent Sunday. 

yo Documents 

\Tuesday\, 18th. This day I got to London and was like a blind 
man without a guide, not knowing where to go being freindless and hav- 
ing no more money but fifteen shillings and eight pence farthing a small 
sum to enter London with ; But I trust in the mercys of God who is a 
rich provider and am hopefull before it is done some way will cast up for 
me. I took up my lodging at the old ship Tavern in little Hermitage 
street, 1 Mr. George Newton being the landlord, but in Prison for debt 
at present. 

]\ r cdncsday, igtJi. This day I shifted my cloaths and put on a clean 
Ruffled Shirt, clean Britches and waistcoat and my Brown Coat, I 
not having any other cloaths on ever since I left Lerwick but my blew 
Jacket and Bigg Coat above it and a plain shirt. At n AM I 
called to see Cap' Perry, but was told he would not be at home untill 5 
pm. Having eat nothing for 24 houres, I dinned in my Lodging this 
day which cost me 1/2 St r . After dinner I took a walk with the mate 
of a ship a Scotsman who carried me through Virginia street, London 
street, part of White Chappel street, down to London Hospitall, through 
Ragg fair, the Minnories, Round Tour hill, and the Tour, through 
Saint Catharins, and Bur street and so home. 

A 5 pm called again at Cap! Perrys and the first face I saw was 
Willie Holcraw of Coningsburgh 2 who I found staid here as a servant, 
and while I was speacking to him, Cap? Perry came home and he imme- 
diatly knew me, and desired me to walk in which I did, and after sit- 
ting some time and drinking some tea, I called Cap.' Perry aside and 
made my Intentions known to him, at same time begged his advice and 
assistance ; He told me he hardly thought there would be any Business 
got for me in London. But told me to call on him at the Jamacia Coffee 
House to morrow at Change time. I then went home, and soon went 
to Bedd. 

Thursday, 20th. This morning breackfast at home and paid 6d. for 
it. At noon called at the Jamacia Coffee House and soon after seed 
Cap! Perry and waited here and Change untill 3 pm but no appearance 
of any Business for me. the time I was in the Coffee house I drank 3ds. 
worth of punch, and I was obliged to make it serve me for Dinner, at 
night I hade Ld. worth of bread and id. of Cheese and a poynt of Porter 
for supper it being all I cou'd afford. 

Frciday, 21st. This morning I seed an advertisement for Bookeepers 
and Clerks to go to a Gentlemen [at] Philadelphia. I went as it directed 
to N? 1 in Catharine Court princes street, but when I came there I was 
told they^were served. I then waited again on Cap! Perry untill after 3 
pm But to no purpose. I this day offered to go steward of a ship bound 
to Maryland but could not get the birth. This day I was 3 or 4 miles 
through London and seed S! Paul's Church, the Bank of England where 

1 In Wapping, near the London Docks. 

2 Or Cunningsburgh, a village about eight miles south of Lerwick. The name Hal- 
crow appears frequently in the documents printed as appendixes to the Diary of the 
Reverend James Mill, Minister of the Parishes of Dunrossness, Sandwich and Cunnings- 
burgJi (Scottish History Society, V.). 

Diary of Jo Jin Harrower yi 

I seed the gold lying in heaps, I also seed Summerst house, 1 Gild hall, 
Drury Lane, Covingarden, 2 Adelphus Buildings and several other pleaces. 
I then returnd and near my lodgings I dinned at an eating house and 
hade 4d. worth of roast Beiff id. worth of bread and a poynt of small 
beer, in all 5^-d. 

Saturday, 22d. This morning I seed an advertisement in the Publick 
ledger for a Messenger to a publick Lodge, Sallery 15/ St r per week and 
another advertisement for an under Clerk to a Merch? to both which I 
wrote answers and went to the places apointed, and found at each place 
more than a dozen of Letters before me, so that I hade litle expectation 
that way they being all weel aquanted and I a stranger. I then went 
to change to see if any thing would cas[t] up but to no purpose, so I 
returned hom at 4 pm and spent the evening in a verry sollitary manner 
supping on bread and Cheese as usuall. 

Sunday, 23d. This morning I drank some purle for breackfast and 
then I took a walk in the forenoon through severall streets, and at 1 pm 
I returned to the eating house I hade formerly been at and dinned which 
cost me 61 today having hade id. worth of pudding more than I form- 
erly hade. In the afternoon I went to a Methodists meeting, the Text 
was in the V Chap : Mathew and the 20th Verse. After sermon I came 
home and being solitary in my room I made the following Verses which 
I insert on the other side of this leaf. 

Now at London in a garret room I am, 
here frendless and forsaken ; 
But from the Lord my help will come, 
Who trusts in him are not mistaken. 

When freinds on earth do faint and faile, 
And upon you their backs do turn ; 
O Truly seek the Lord, and he will 
Them comfort that do murn. 

I'll unto God my prayer make, 
to him my case make known ; 
And hopes he will for Jesus sake, 
Provide for me and soon. 

Mutiday, 24th. This morning I wrote six tickets to give to ship- 
masters at Change seeking a steward's birth onb'! some ship, but could 
not get a birth. I also wrote a petition in generall to any Merch! or 
Tradesman setting forth my present situation, and the way in which I 
hade been brought up and where I hade served and in what station, at 
same time offering to serve any for the bare suport of life fore some time. 
But all to no effect, for all places here at present are intierly carried by 

1 Somerset House. Not the building now so called, but its predecessor, the old 
mansion of the Protector Somerset. 
z Covent Garden. 

72 Documents 

freinds and Intrest, And many Hundreds are sterving for want of employ- 
ment, and many good people are begging. 

Tuesday, 25th. Having heard last night that John Ross sloop was 
come from Zetland, I took a Boat this morning and went onboard her 
and seed him and Robert Irvine. And then I hade the happiness to hear 
that my wife and Childrein were all well on the 3 d In 5 .' it being the day 
they left Bressaysound. 1 The rest of this day I was employed in present- 
ing the Petition I hade drawn up on the 24 1 !' Ins! to severall Merch 1 . 5 and 
others and doing all I cou'd to get into business of some kind near home 
but all to no effect. 

Wednesday, 26th. This day I being reduced to the last shilling I 
hade was obliged to engage to go to Virginia for four years as a school- 
master for Bedd, Board, washing and five pound during the whole time. 
I lave also wrote my wife this day a particular Acco! of every thing that 
\as happned to me since I left her untill this date ; At 3 pm this day I 
went on board the Snow Planter Cap! Bowers Com! for Virginia now 
lying at Ratliff Cross, and imediatly as I came Onb' 1 I rec' 1 my Ham- 
mock and Bedding, at 4 pm came Alex 1 ! Steuart onb r ! the same Ship, 
he was Simbisters Serv! 2 and had only left Zetland about three weeks before 
me. we were a good deall surprised to meet w! on another in this place. 

Thursday, 27th. This day ranie weather, the ships crew imployed 
in rigging the ship under the Direction of the mate and I was imployed 
in getting my Hammock slung, at 2 pm came onb* Alexf Burnet nephew 
to Mr. Francis Farquharson writter in Edinburgh and one Samuel Mitch- 
ell a Cooper from Yorkshire and both entred into the berth and Mace 3 
with Stewart and me. 

Saturday, 2gth. This day came on b d AlexJ Kennedy a young man 
from Edinb! who hade been a Master Cooper there and a Glasgow Man 
by trade a Barber both which we took into our Mace, which compleated 
it being five Scotsmen and one Yorkshireman, and was always called the 
Scots mace, And the Cap* told me he was from the Toun of Aberbothick 
in Scotland, but th* he [had] not been there since he was fifteen years of 
age but hade been always in the Virginia trade which I was verry glad 
to hear. 

Munday, 31st. This day I went ashore and bought a penknife, a 
paper Book, and some paper and pens and came on board to Dinner. 
It is surprising to see the N° of good tradesmen 4 of all kinds, th! come 
onb* every day. 

Freiday, February 4th. This day at 7 AM unmoored from Ratliff- 
cross and fell down the river with the tide there being no wind. This 
day I seed Deptfoord, Greenage 5 Hospitall, Blackwall and Ullage. 6 at 1 

1 The harbor of Lerwick. 

2 /. e., a servant of John Bruce Stewart of Sytnbister and Bigton, an important pro- 
prietor in the south of Shetland. Diary of Rev. James Mill, pp. 22, 151, etc. 

3 Mess. 

4 /. e., artisans. 
6 Greenwich. 

6 Woolwich. 

Diary of John Harrower jt, 

pm came to an Anchor a little below the \ way house. At 6 pm got 
under way again and fell down untill quite dark and then came to an 
Anchor a little above Pourfleet. 

Sunday, 6th. At 7 AM got under way with a fair wind and clear 
w!' and at 1 1 AM came to an anchor off Gravesend and immediatly the 
Merch! came onboard and a Doctor and clerk with him and while the 
Clerk was filling up the Indentures the doctor search' d every serv' to see 
that they were sound when . . . seventy five were Intend 1 to Cap' 
Bowres for four Years. 

Munday, yth. This forenoon imployed in getting in provisions and 
water, at 4 pm put a servant ashore extreamly bade in a fever, and then 
got under saile for Virginia with seventy Servants on board all indented 
to serve four years there at their differint Occoupations myself being one 
of the Number and Indented for a Clerk and Bookeeper, But when I ar- 
rived there I cou'd get no such birth as will appear in the place. 2 At 
pm we came to an anchor at the nore it blowing and snowing verry hard. 

Tuesday, 8th. At 5 AM made saile from the Nore with the wind at 
W. N. W. Clear weather and blowing hard, at 2 pm got off a Pillot 
from Dead to take our River Pillot ashore for which Boat Cap' Bowers 
paid one and a half Guineas, and after buying some Gin here we stood 
streight to sea Under Close R. T. sails 3 and our fore saile, a verry high 
sea running all this day. 

Sunday, ijth. Wind at V. B. S. 4 squally weather. Eight saile 
more at anchor in Company w' us. At noon the Indented servants was 
like to mutiny against the Cap' for putting them to Allowance of bread 
and Mate, but it was soon quelled, Our mace not joyning with the rest, 
in the afternoon he went ashore, But before he left the Ship he called 
me and begged I wou'd stand by the Mate if there arose any disturbance 
among the rest of the servants. 

Saturday, 26th. Wind at N. B. E. fine moderate weather, got 
up Yd? and Topmasts, at 10 AM The Cap' went ashore to get more 
fresh provisions, at 4 pm he came onb'! from Portsmouth with Bread, 
Beiff Pork and Water and then imediatly got under sail and stood out to 
sea. At this time we hade three men sick onb 4 one with the flux, one 
with the fever and Ego, 5 and one frost bitt in his feet. At 11 pm the 
wind came all round to the N. V. Blowing verry hard, at Midnight 
close reefd the topsails. 

Sunday, 27th. Wind at N. V. at 4 AM Tack'd ship. At same 
time the man who was bade with the flux was found dead in his ham- 
mock, at 8 he was sewed up in it and at 9 AM he was burried in the sea 
after reading the service of the Dead over him, which was done by the 

1 Indented. 

2 This and the entry of May 25, post, show that the entries down to the latter date 
are not in the absolute sense contemporary ; but a passage in a letter, under August 7, 
1774, seems to indicate that daily notes were taken. 

3 1, e., close-reefed top-sails. 

4 /. e ., west by south. 

5 Ague. 

; 4 Documents 

Freiday, March nth. Wind weather and course as yesterday, this 
forenoon clear but verry squally like, at 4 pm stowed the Maintopsail and 
at 7 pm stowed fore Top saile and close reefd the Main saile and scuded 
under it. The wind blowing excessive hard and a verry high sea running 
still from the westward, at 8 pm was oblidged to batten down both fore 
and main hatches, and a little after I really think there was the odest 
shene 1 betwixt decks that ever I heard or seed. There was some sleep- 
ing, some spewing, . . . some darning, some Blasting their leggs and 
thighs, some their liver, lungs, lights and eyes, And for to make the 
shene the odder, some curs' d Father, Mother, Sister, and Brother. 

Saturday, 12th. Wind weather and course as before, we are now 
past the skirts of the Bay of Biscay and entred into the Atlantick Ocean, 
going at the rate of 8 knots per houre. 

Sunday, 13th. Wind at S. S. E. course V. B. S. at n AM Mod- 
erate weather, let out all reefs, at noon in Latitude 44 North per ob- 
servation. This afternoon got most of sick and ailing to deck the num- 
ber of which I cannot really now ascertain. But I thank God I have as 
yet kept my health weel. At 3 pm there was two servants put in Irons 
for wanting other than what was served. But they were soon released on 
their asking pardon and promising to behave better. 

Sunday, 27th. Wind, weather, and course as yesterday, at 8 AM 
got up all hammocks and the sick likways they being now in number 
about 37, there being th[ree] sick in our mace Viz' Stewart, Burnet, and 
the Yorkshire Cooper, at noon we all betwixt decks cleand out, and 
washed with wineggar. 

Thursday, JJrst. Wind weather and course as before. The sick are 
now increased to the number of fifty betwixt decks, besides three in the 
steerage Viz 1 two seamen and a passanger. 

Sunday, April 3d. Wind weather and course as before. Last night 
Alexf Stewart was so high in the fever that I sat up with him all night, 
and Burnet and the Cooper are still verry bad, but not so high as Stewart. 
This day the Cap? ordered some Cock and hen to be killed and fresh 
broth made for the sick. 

Munday, 4th. Wind weather and course still as before and jogging 
on from 4 to 6 knots at an average per houre. at 5 pm I was oblidged to 
get Stewart blister' d and sat up again all night with him, having become 
his nurse for Country sake he being the first in the Mace that was taken 
ill, and I was not sure how soon it might be my own fate. But thank 
God I am as yet well and hearty. This night I supped on a dish called 
Scratchplatters. it is made of biscuits broack small and soacked in water 
until they are soft, and then Winegar, oile, salt, and Onions cut small 
put to it, and supped with spoons. 

Wednesday, 6th. ... I have wore no Britches nor stockins since 
we got into the trade winds 2 only a pair of long trousers down to my 
buckles. And this day having put on a shorter pair untill my longest 

1 Scene. 

2 Lat. this day 27 37' N. On the tenth they were near Barbadoes. 

Diary of Jo Jin Harrower 75 

pair was wash'd, I got both my Ancles burned by the sun, it is so verry 
hot here. 

Tuesday, igth. . . . This day I brought up M! Jones l Journall for 
five days back, also Cap? Bowers Journall for four days back and at same 
time begged me to mark the Logg Book and ordred that Whoever hade 
the charge of watch to aquant me what the ship went per Logg &c. 

Thursday, 21st. This morning a young lad, one of the serv'. 3 being 
verry ill with the Fever and Ague, he begged me to apply to Mr. Jones 
the Cheif Mate, and told me he cou'd give him something that would 
cure him ;. Mr. Jones first desired me to give him a Womite and then 
wrote the following lines on a slip of paper and after folding it up gave 
it to me, to see it tyed up in the corner of his handkirchif or Cravat and 
wear it at his breast next his skin with strick charge not to look at it 
himself nor let any other person see it or look at it untill he was got wel. 
The words are as follows. 

When Jesus saw the Cross he trembled, 
The Jews said unto him why tremblest thou, 
You have neither got an Ague nor a fever. 
Jesus Answered and said unto them 
I have neither got an Ague nor a fever 
But whosoever keepeth my words 
Shall neither have an Ague nor a fever. 

Mr. Jones told me when he gave me the above copy it [was] a ser- 
tain cure for the fever and Ague, the paitient being first womited and 
then wearing the lines as above directed, But if they show it to any or 
look at it themselves it will have no effect. 

Freiday, 22d. This day I was seased with a sever Cold and Aching 
in my bones, But I thank God I am weel car'd for and has every thing 
sent me from the Cabin I can desire. 

Wednesday, 27th. This morning I am fairly got the better of my 
cold and the Aching in my bones and am able to stir about. ... At 7 
pm we made Cape Henry and the Coast plain, we then highesed our flagg 
for a Pillot Boat and at pm we hade four Pillot boats along side and 
Cap! Bowrs took one M* Cooper who brought us within the Capes, and 
to an Anchor at 10 pm where we lay all night. 

Thursday, 28th. At 7 AM the Pillot wegh'd Anchor and wrought 
the ship up to Hampton Roads where we came to an Anchor at 10 AM. 
This morning I was employ' d in Making out a Clean list of the servants 
names and Business and age, and how soon I was done 2 Cap! Bowers 
went ashore in the Pillot boat to Hamton on Elizabeth river, we have 
some goods to put out before we leave this place, at night, a deal of 
Thunder, lightning and rain. 

Monday, May 2d. Wind as before, fine fair warm weather, got out 
the rest of the goods that was for Hampton, at 2 pm the Cap! Carried 

1 James Jones, chief mate, then sick. 2 I. e., as soon as I was done. 

7 6 Doaunents 

five serv <s ashore to Hampton in order to sell their Indentures, But re- 
turned again at Midnight with [out] selling any more but one Boat 
Builder, he brought onb'! with him four Barrells Virginia Pork and one 
Puncheon D° rum, and 3 live hogs. 

Tuesday, 3d. Wind at W. N. W. fine moderate weather, at 6 AM 
weigh' d Anchor from Hampton Roads, and stood out to sea untill we 
made the Entry of Rappahannock river, which we did at 10 AM, pro- 
ceeding up the same for Fredericksburgh. at 6 pm came to an anchor at 
Arrabanna. 1 

Freiday, 6th. Wind as before, at 4 AM got under saile and stood 
up the river and at 9 AM passed by the Town of Hobshole 2 and let it on 
our Larboard hand as we did the Town of Arrabanna. at Hobshole 
there was five Glasgow ships and an English Brigantine lying, at 2 pm 
we passed by Leedstown 3 on our Starboard hand where there was a ship 
from London lying with Convicts, at night came to anchor about 6 Miles 
above Leedstown. 

Saturday, yth. This morning thick weather, at 10 AM got under 
way and stood up to Port Royall on our Larboard hand where we arrived 
at 2 pm, The Cap! going ashore to change his Pillot, and at 4 pm re- 
turned with Another and we imediatly got under way again and got 
about 7 miles above Port Royall before dark, all along both sides of the 
River there is nothing to be seen but woods in the blossom, Gentlemens 
seats and Planters houses. 

Sunday, 8th. Early this morning died the old German, a man be- 
tween 60 and 70 years of age. at 5 AM weigh' d Anchor and tow'd and 
warped up, it being quite calm, at 9 AM was obliged to come to an 
Anchor, and ly untill the tide made, and then weigh' d and got about 3 
Miles above Port Morton where we lay all night, this forenoon we lost 
one of our live hogs, he Jumping overboard and swiming ashore and 
imediatly got into the woods, at night the Cap! carried the old German 
ashore and Burried him somewhere in the woods. 

Tuesday, 10th. At 2 AM weigh' d and stood up with the tide, came 
to an anchor at 6 AM and lay untill Do. 8 when we weigh' d with a fair 
wind and got to our Moorings at 6 pm at the Toun of Fredericksburgh. 

Wednesday, nth. At 10 AM Both Coopers and the Barber from 
our Mace went ashore upon tryall. At night one Daniel Turner a serv 1 
returned onb 4 from Liberty so drunk that he abused the Cap 4 and chief 
Mate and Boatswan to a verry high degree, which made to be horse 
whip 1 put in Irons and thumb screwed, on houre afterward he was un- 
thumbscrewed, taken out of the Irons, but then he was hand cuffed, and 
gagged all night. 

Thursday, 12th. All hands quite on board this day. Turner un- 
gagged But continoued in handcuffs. 

1 Urbanna, in Middlesex County. 

2 Hobb's Hole, in Richmond County. See American Historical Review, V. 
313, 314, Journal of Philip Fithian, August 2 of this same year. 
3 Leeds, in Westmoreland. 

Diary of John Harrower yy 

Freiday, 13th. This forenoon put ashore here what bale goods we 
hade remaining onboard, in the afternoon Mr. Burnet, Stewart and 
myself went ashore on liberty to take a walk and see the Toun, who's 
principal street is about half an English Mile long, the houses generally 
at a little distance one from another, some of them being built of wood 
and some of them of brick, and all covered with wood in the form of 
sclates about four Inches broad, which when painted blue you wou'd not 
know it from a house sclated with Isedell sclate. 1 In this Toun the 
Church, 2 the Counsell house, the Tolbooth the Gallows and the Pillory 
are all within 130 yd? of each other. The Market house is a large brick 
Building a litle way from the Church, here we drank some Bottles of 
beer of their own brewing and some bottles of Cyder for which we paid 
3-|- per bottle of each, returned on board in the evening. Turner still 
in handcuffs. 

Munday, 16th. This day severalls came onb a to purchase serv'. s In- 
dentures and among them there was two Soul drivers, they are men 
who make it their business to go onb d all ships who have in either Ser- 
vants or Convicts and buy sometimes the whole and sometimes a parcell 
of them as they can agree, and then they drive them through the Coun- 
try like a parcell of Sheep untill they can sell them to advantage, but 
all went away without buying any. 

Tuesday, 17th. This day M* Anderson the Merch! sent for me into 
the [cabin] and verry genteely told me that on my recomendations he 
would do his outmost to get me settled as a Clerk or bookeeper if not as 
a schoolmaster which last he told me he thought wou'd turn out more to 
my advantage upon being settled in a good famely. 

The ships crew and servants employed in getting ashore all the cask 
out of the hould, no sales th s day. 

Wednesday, 18th. This day the ships crew and servants imployed in 
getting out the ballast and unrigging the ship. One Cooper, one Black- 
smith and one Shoemaker were settled with Masters this day. 

Thursday, igth. One Farmer's time sold and one Cabinet Maker 
on tryall. 

Saturday, 21st. This day one M r . Cowly a man 'twixt fifty and sixty 
years of age, a serv!, also three sons of his their ages from eight to four- 
teen were all settled with one McDonald a Scotchman. 

Munday, 23d. This morning a great number of Gentlemen and 
Ladies driving into Town it being an annuall Fair 3 day and tomorrow 
the day of the Horse races, at 1 1 AM Mf Anderson begged to settle as 
a schoolmaster with a friend of his one Colonel Daingerfield* and told 

1 Easdale or Eisdale, a small island among the Hebrides, entirely composed of slate, 
and at this time famous for its quarries. 

2 Of the parish of St. George. 

3 A law of 1738 (Hening, V. 82), ordered that fairs should be held at Fredericks- 
burg twice a year for the sale of " cattle, victuals, provisions, goods, wares and mer- 
chandizes." The law, continued from time to time, had last been renewed in 1769. 

* Col. William Daingerfield of Belvidera was the son of Edwin Daingerfield and 
Mary Bassett, daughter of Col. William Bassett of Eltham. The Bassetts were near of 

7S Documents 

me he was to be in Town tomorrow, or perhaps tonight, and how soon 
he came 1 he shou'd aquant me. at same time all the rest of the servants 
were ordred ashore to a tent at Fredericksb g and severall of their Inden- 
tures were then sold, about 4 pm I was brought to Colonel Dainger- 
field, when we imediatly agreed and my Indenture for four years was 
then delivered him and he was to send for me the next day. at same 
time ordred to get all my dirty Cloaths of every kind washed at his ex- 
pense in Toim ; at night he sent me five shillings onb'! by Cap! Bowers 
to keep my pocket. 

Tuesday, 24th. This morning I left the Ship at 6 AM having been 
sixteen weeks and six days on board her. I hade for Breackfast after I 
came ashore one Chappin 2 sweet milk for which I paid 3-^- Curf. at 1 1 
AM went to see a horse race about a mi lie from Toun, where there was a 
number of Genteel Company as well as others, here I met with the 
Colonel again and after some talk with him he gave me cash to pay for 
washing all my Cloaths and something over. The reace was gain'd by a 
Bay Mare, a white boy ridder. There was a gray Mare started with the 
Bay a black boy ridder but was far distant the last heat. 3 

Wednesday, 25th. I Lodged in a Tavern last night and paid 7-i- 
for my Bedd and 7! for my breackfast. this morning a verry heavy rain 
untill 11 AM. Then I rec'! my Linens &c. all clean washed and pack- 
ing every thing up I went onboard the ship and Bought this Book for 
which I paid i8d. Stf. I also bought a small Divinity book called the 
Christian Monitor and a spelling book, both at 7I and an Arithmetick 
at i/6d. all for my Acco*. 

Thursday, 26th. This day at noon the Colonel sent a Black with a 
cuple of Horses for me and soon after I set out on Horseback and aravied 
at his seat of Belvidera about 3 pm and after I hade dined the Colonel 
took me to a neat little house at the upper end of an Avenue of planting 
at 500 yd? from the Main house, where I was to keep the school, and 
Lodge myself in it. 

This place is verry pleasantly situated on the Banks of the River Rap- 
pahannock about seven miles below the Toun of Fredericksburgh and the 
school's right above the Warff so that I can stand in the door and pitch 
a stone onboard of any ship or Boat going up or coming doun the river. 
Freiday, 2jtJi. This morning about 8 AM the Colonel delivered his 
three sons to my Charge to teach them to read write and figure, his 
oldest son Edwin 10 years of age, intred into two syllables in the spelling 
book, Bathourest [Bathurst] his second son six years of age in the Alpha- 
bete and William his third son 4 years of age does not know the letters. 

kin to Martha Washington. Col. Daingerfield's grandfather was William Daingerfield, 
who married Elizabeth Bathurst, daughter of Lancelot Bathurst of Virginia, fifth son of 
Sir Edward Bathurst of Sussex, England. 
x I. c. , as soon as he came. 

2 A Scottish measure, about equivalent to an American quart. 

3 The Fredericksburg races were by this time a long-established institution. See 
Mr. W. G. Stanard's notes on Virginia horse-racing in the Virginia Magazine, II. 293- 

Diary of Jo Jin Har rower jg 

he has likeways a Daughter whose name is Hanna Basset Years of age. 
Soon after we were all sent for to breackfast to which we hade tea, 
Bread, Butter and cold meat and there was at table the Colonel, his Lady, 
his Children, the housekeeper and myself. At n AM the Colonel and 
his Lady went some where to pay a visite, he upon horseback and she in 
her Charriot. At 2 pm I dined with the Housekeeper the Children and 
a stranger Lady, at 6 pm I left school, and then I eat plenty of fine 
strawberries, but they neither drink Tea in the afternoon nor eat any 
supper here for the most part. My school Houres is from 6 to 8 in the 
morning, in the forenoon from 9 to 12 and from 3 to 6 in the afternoon. 
Sunday, 29th. There is no church nearer Belvidera than Fredericks- 
burgh, and for want of a sadle I was oblidged to stay at home all day and 
when I was alone in the school I thought on the following verses. 

In Virginia now I am, at Belvidera settled, 

but may they ever mercy find, who hade the cause 

that I am from my sweet wife seperated 

And Oblidged to leave my Infant Children Fatherless. 

As a schoolmaster, I am here ; 
And must for four years, remain so ; 
May I indeavour the Lord to fear, 
And always his commands do. 

5 ■ 
For in Gods strength I do rely, 
that he at his appointed time, 
Will bring me back my family, 
if I his precepts do but mind. 

4 ,h 
O May my God provide for them, 
Who unto me are near and dear ; 
tho they afar off me are from 
O Jesus keep them in thy fear. 

Do thou enable me to labour, 
and my fortune do thou mind ; 
that what I get by thy favour, 
I to my family may send. 

6 th 
O Lord my God do thou them save 
from dangers and from death 
And may they food and rayment have 
and for the same may thankfull be while they have breath. 

8o Documents 

/ • 

And may we all ever gloryfie thy name 

and loud thy praises sing 

and unto all make known the fame 

of Jehova our almighty king. 

8 ,h 
O ever blessed be the Lord, 
the King of all the earth is he, 
let us exalt his name with one Accord 
and thankfull unto him be ye. Finis. 

After dinner I took a walk about a Miles distance from the house 
along the highway, and by the road side seed a Corn Mill and another 
pretty house called Snow Creek belonging to the Colonel. 

Tuesday, 31st. This day there was about fifty white Ewes and 
Lambs feeding 'twix the main house and the school door and so tame 
that they wou'd come and look in at the door and see what we was doing, 
the lambs here are as large at this date as in Zetland at Michelsmass, being 
of the english bread. 

Wednesday, June 1st. This day there was prayers in all the Churches 
in Virginia 1 on Acco! of the disagreement at present betwixt great 
Brittain and her Colonies in North America, On Acco! of their not 
agreeing to pay a duty on Tea laid on them by the british parliment and 
the Bostonians destroying a Quantity of Tea belonging to the British East 
India Comp! in 1773. 

Freiday, 3d. This day I eat green pease at dinner, this being the 
last of them this season here. 

Wednesday, 8th. This day I eat plenty of fine ripe Cherries brought 
out of the woods this morning by the Colonel. 

Freiday, 10th. Rec' 1 two pair fine new brown thread stockins. 
Below is an Inventory of the Cloaths &c I brought to Belvidera with me 

One Superfine Brown Cloath Coat full mounted. 

One D° vest Coat. 

One floored 2 silk D° 

One fine marsyled 3 D° 

One Brown Duffel D° 

One pair new black Stockins Britches 

One pair new Doe skin D° 

One pair flannen Drawers. 

One pair Osenburgh * D° 

1 The fast-day decreed by the Virginia House of Burgesses. See Jefferson's autobi- 

2 Flowered. 

3 Marseilles. 

4 Osnaburg. 

Diary of John Harrower 8 1 

Six Ruffled Shirts 
five plain white D° 
One Cheque D° 
One Blue Cloath Jacket 
Seven Musline Stocks 
One Black silk Cravate 

One pair Ribbed Cotton Stockins ' Severall other 

Ten pair worsted D° Articles besides 

One new Hat and one D° Wigg. what are here 

Five pocket Napkins. ' mentioned but 

two hand Towels are too tedeous 

two pair Trousers \ to mention. 

One pair Shoes ; with Pinchback shoe, stock and 
knee buckles. 

One trunk, with fine lock and hinges. 

Saturday, nth. At 9 AM left the school and went a fishing on the 
River with the Colonel his eldest [Son] and another Gentleman in two 
Canoes, Mrs. Dangerfield another Lady and the other two boys mett us 
at Snow Creek in the Chair at 2 pm when we all dined on fish under a tree. 

Sunday, 12th. This day at Church at Fredericksburgh and at same 
time settled a Correspondance at Glasgow for getting letters from home, 
by their being put under cover to Messrs. Anderson and Horsburgh 
Merch'. 51 in D° and the expence charged to Mr. Glassel ' Merch \ in Fred- 
ericksb? Virginia. 

Tuesday, 14th. This morning entred to school William Pattie son 
to John Pattie wright, and Salley Evens daughter to Thomas Evens Planter. 
This day I wrote my wife a particular Acco*. of all my transactions since 
I wrote her from London 26 th Jan! last, the Coppy of which I have by me. 2 

Thursday, 16th. This eveng the Colonel told me he hade about 400 
Acres of land in wheat and as much in Indian Corn every year and that 
he com only exported about 3600 bushels of wheat every year besides 
serving his own Family. But that he did not expect to have above the 
one half th s . year owing to a strong frost they had in Aprile last. 

Freiday, ijth. This day rec? two pair new Rushia drill britches and 
two new short Coats of Brown Holland. 

Munday, 20th. This morning entred to school Philip and Dorothea 
Edge's Children of M? Benjaman Edge Planter. Same day Colonel 
Dangerfield began to cut down his wheat, which they do with a syth. 

Tuesday, 21st. This day M" Samuel Edge Planter came to me and 
begged me to take a son of his to school who was both deaf and dum, 
and I consented to try what I cou'd do with him. 

1 John Glassell was a Scotsman who came to Fredericksburgh and became a promi- 
nent merchant there. A wharf there is still known as Glassell' s. He returned to Scot- 
land at the beginning of the Revolutionary War. His only daughter, whose marriage- 
portion was fifty thousand pounds sterling, married in 1820 Lord John Campbell, after- 
ward the seventh duke of Argyll ; and was the mother of the late duke. 

2 See its text under August 7, post. 

vol. VI. — 6. 

82 Documents 

Thursday, 2jd. This day entred to school John Edge son to the 
above named M! Sam: Edge, he is a lad about 14 years of age and is both 
deaf and dum. 1 

Saturday, 25th. This afternoon I went and took a walk in the wheat 
field and under a tree I filled all my pockets of as fine walnuts as ever I 
eat, But so hard shell that I was oblidged to have a hammer to breack them. 

Sunday, 26th. After Breackfast I took a walk 3 Miles to Mr. Edge's, 
the dum lad's fathers where I dined and drank some grogg and returned 
home in the afternoon, at night I had a small Congregation of Negroes, 
learng their Catechisim and hearing me read to them. 

Sunday, July jd. At home all the forenoon, in the afternoon went 
to see One Mr. Richards an Overseer and his wife where I eat plenty of 
honney out of the Comb, it being taken out of a Beehive in a tree in the 
woods last night. 

Freiday, 8th. After school houres I went two Miles to see the Taylor 
who made my Cloaths he being a Brittoner but married to a Buckskine, 2 
and I found his wife and Daughters drinking tea, at which I joyned them, 
The Taylor not being at home. 

Tuesday, 12th. Sold the spelling book that I bought Onb d the 
Planter 25" 1 May last, and got the same money for it that I paid for the 
Christian Monitor and it. 

Saturday, i6tli. This afternoon the Colonel finished the cutting 
down of His wheat which cost of wages to hired people ^23 : 10 Curr- V 
besides their victualls and drink. 

Munday, 18th. This morning entred to School Lewis Richards. 
Same day I put on a pair of new shoes made in Fredericksburgh of Eng- 
lish calf leather the price of them 12/6 Cur ry . Same day gave one pair 
of old worsted stockins for 22 foot of Gum plank 10 Inch broad and one 
thick to make me a Chest. 

Tuesday, igtJi. On Freiday 15'." Ins! John Edge the Dumb lad left 
the school at 6 pm and has not returned since. 

Wednesday, 20th. On Munday 4'." Ins* at 6 pm William Pattie left 
the school and has not returned since. 

Munday, 25th. Nothing remarkable. Jn? Edge return 1 ! to school. 

Sunday, August 7th. This afternoon meeting accidentaly with a 
Gentleman here who was on his way to London I wrote my wife a few 
lines by him having wrote her fully i4 t . h June last but having omitted to 

1 Nothing in the diary surpasses in interest the entries relating to John Edge. He 
was, in fact, so far as is known, the first deaf mute instructed in America. No 
instance so early occurs in Dr. Alexander Graham Bell's " Historical Notes concerning the 
Teaching of Speech to the Deaf," in the Association Review for February, 1900, and sub- 
sequent numbers. John Boiling of Cobbs, Virginia, the first American deaf mute to receive 
an education, was sent to John Braidwood's school in Edinburgh in 1 77 1, and did not 
return till 1 783. What methods Harrower used, we can only guess. It is highly improb- 
able that he knew those of Braidwood, who carefully kept them secret ; and Cobbs was 
far away. For subsequent details of Harrower' s experiment, see the entries of July 19 
and 25, 1774, March 18 and May 20, 1775, but especially the letter of December 6, 1774. 

2 I. e., American. 

Diary of John Narrower 83 

insert the Coppy in it's proper place I now do it here before I insert the 
coppy of my second Letter to her from this country. 

Belvidera i4'. h June 1774. 
My Dearest Life 

I wrote you from London on Wednesday 26'!' Jan? last which Im 
hopefull came safe to hand, and found you and my dear Infants in perfect 
health, and am hopefull this will find both you and them in the same 
state, As I am at present and have been I bless God since I left you. You 
will remember when I wrote you last, I informed you that I was to go for 
Baltimore in Maryland, But I altred my design in that and came here 
it being a more healthy pleace. I sailed from London on Freiday the 4'! 1 
Feb:' last, and arrived in Hampton roads in Virginia on the 27 April, hav- 
ing been a Month of the time at Spithead in England. As to particulars 
of our Voyage cc™ it would take up too much room here to insert it. 
But I have a Journal of every days transactions and remarcable Occur- 
ances since the morning I left you which will be amusing to you when 
please God we are spared to meet, for I design to see and prepare a way 
for you all in this Country how soon I am able. — I shall now aquant you 
w 1 my situation in this Country. I am now settled with on Colonel W".' 
Dangerfield Esq' of Belvidera, on the Banks of the River Rappahannock 
about 160 miles from the Capes or sea mouth, and seven Miles below the 
Toun of Fredericksburgh. My business is to teach his Children to read 
write and figure, Edwin his oldest son about 8 years of [age] Bathurest 
his second 6 years of age and William his youngest son 4 years of age. 
he has also a Daughter whose name is Hanna Basset. I came to this 
place on Thursday 26 th May and next morning I received his three sons 
into my charge to teach, the two youngest boys I got in A : B : C. and 
the oldest Just begun to syllab and I have now the two youngest spell- 
ing and the oldest reading. I am obliged to teach in the English method 
which was a little aquard to me at first but now quite easy. I am also 
obliged to talk english the best I can, 1 for Lady Dangerfield speacks 
nothing but high english, and the Colonel hade his Education in Eng- 
land and is a verry smart Man. As to my agreement it is as follows Viz' I 
am obliged to continue with Col! Dangerfield for four years if he insists 
on it, and for teaching his own children I have Bed, Board, washing and 
all kind of Cloaths during the above time, and for what schoolars I can 
get more than his Children I have five shillings currency per Quarter for 
each of them, which is equall to four shillings sterling, and I expect ten 
or twelve to school next week, for after I hade been here eight days and 
my abilities and my behavior sufficiently tried, the Colonel rode through 
the neighbouring Gentlemen and Planters in order to procure scollars for 
me, so that I hope in a short time to make something of it. And as I 
have no Occasion to spend a farthing on myself every shilH I make shall 
be carefully remitted you, for your support and my Dear Infants. But I 

1 The Norse language was not quite extinct in Shetland in 1774, according to Low, 
Tour through the Islands of Orkney and Shetland, and the ordinary speech of the island- 
ers was a dialect much mixed with Norse words and forms. 

84 Documents 

must be some time here before any thing can be done, for you know 
every thing must have a beginning. 

As to my living I eat at their own table, and our witualls are all 
Dressed in the English taste, we have for Breackfast either Coffie or 
Taculate, 1 and warm Loaf bread of the best floor, we have also at table 
warm loaf bread of Indian corn, which is extreamly good but we use the 
floor bread always at breackfast. for Dinner smoack'd bacon or what 
we cal pork ham is a standing dish either warm or cold, when warm we 
have greens with it, and when cold we have sparrow grass, we have also 
either warm roast pigg, Lamb, Ducks, or chickens, green pease or any 
thing else they fancy. As for Tea there is none drunk by any in this 
Government since I s .' June last, nor will they buy a 2 ds worth of any 
kind of east India goods, which is owing to the difference at present be- 
twixt the Parliment of great Britton and the North Americans about lay- 
ing a tax on the tea ; and I'm afraid if the Parliment do not give it over 
it will cause a total revolt as all the North Americans are determined to 
stand by one another, and resolute on it that they will not submit. I 
have the news paper sent me to school regularly every week by the Col 1 . 
— Our family consists of the Col 1 , his Lady and four Children a house- 
keeper an Overseer and myself all white. But how many blacks young 
and old the Lord only knows for I belive there is about thirty that works 
every day in the field besides the servants about the house ; such as Gard- 
ner, livery men and pages, Cooks, washer and dresser, sewster and wait- 
ing girle. They wash here the whitest that ever I seed for they first 
Boyle all the Cloaths with soap, and then wash them, and I may put on 
clean linen every day if I please. My school is a neate litle House 20 
foot long and 12 foot wide and it stands by itself at the end of an 
Avenue of planting about as far from the main house as Rob' Forbes's 2 is 
from the burn, and there comes a bonny black bairn every morning to 
clean it out and make my bed, for I sleep in it by myself. I have a verry 
fine feather bed under me, and a pair of sheets, a thin fold of a Blanket 
and a Cotton bed spread is all my bed cloaths, and I find them just 
enough, as for myself I supose you wou'd scarce know me now, there 
being nothing either brown, blew, or black about me but the head 
and feet, I being Dressed in short cloath Coat, vest Coat, and britches 
all made of white cotton without any lyning and thread stockins and 
wearing my own hair curled round like a wigg. at present a suite of 
Cloaths costs five and twenty shillings here of making which I really 
think verry high. 

I was Sunday last at Fredericksburgh at church and I then settled a 
safe Correspondance for your letters to come to me, and shall give you 

1 Chocolate. 

2 In the " Annals of the County of Zetland ", referred to in the introductory lines, 
supra, this entry is to be found, under date of 1767 : " Compeared Robert Forbes and 
James Forbes, both Operative Masons in Lerwick, Who undertook to furnish and work 
all the Free Stone necessary in the foresaid Intended Tolbooth," etc. Passages in 
the letters of December 6, 1774, August 28 and September 8, 1775, which see, post, 
serve to identify the former of these two brothers with Harrower's former friend. 

Diary of John Harroiver 85 

the proper directions below. As for myself I thank God I want for 
nothing that is necessary, But it brings tears from my eyes to think of 
you and my infants when at the same time it is not in my power at 
present to help you. But how soon I am able you may depend upon it. 
I have litle else to say at present ; only may the great God who governs 
all things wisely suport you and my Infants, and guide and direct you 
in all your ways. 

I shall write you again soon and when you write me direct my letters 
as follows Viz 1 to John Harrower at the seat of Colonel W m Dangerfield 
Esq! of Belvidera near Fredericksburgh on Rappahannock River Vir- 
ginia ; Then you must take half a sheet of paper and write another letter 
the contents of which may be as follows Viz! Gentlemen, being desired 
by my husband to send his letters under cover to you, You will please 
forward the inclosed by the first ship bound for any part in Virginia and 
charge M5 Glassel Mercht! in Fredericksburgh with the expence you are 
at ; I am yours & oa Signed A. H. After you have closed my letter and 
directed it as above, You will inclose it in the above, and direct it as 
follows To Mess 1 . 3 Anderson and Horsburgh Merchf in Glasgow. You 
must get some person to fold up your letters properly and on who writes 
a clear Distinct hand to direct them. Pray write me verry particularly 
how it is with you and my D" Infants, likeways any thing that is remarc- 
able in the Country. I shall conclude this with offering my Comp? to 
all enquiring freinds if I have any and my sinceer prayers both evening 
and morn? for you and my Children. My Blessing to you all, is all at 
present from my Dearest Jewell your ever aff *. e Husband untill Death. 
Signed, John Harrower. 

Addressed, To Mrs. John Harrower in Lerwick, Zetland. 

2 d Letter from Virginia. 

Belvidera 7 Aug* 1774. 
My Dearest Life 

1 wrote you verry fully 14 th June last to which I refer you it being 
verry full, but meeting Accidentally Just now with a Gentleman bound to 
London, I have just time to write you a few lines while he is at Dinner 
to let you know that I am still in good health I thank God for it, and 
am hopefull this will find you and my D r Infants the same. I gave you 
verry full Directions in my last how to write me but in case this should 
come to hand before it, I shall here again repeat them. — See Directions 
page 63. * — If this or my other letter comes to hand before the Pacquet 
leaves Zetland for the last time this winter 2 pray do not faill to write 

1 A reference to the preceding page of the manuscript book. 

2 The compiler of the eighth edition of A Tour through the Island of Great Brit- 
ain, London, 1778, says, IV. 324, that the Shetlanders are deprived " of all foreign cor- 
respondence from October to April, during which time they hear nothing of what passes 
in other parts of the world. A known instance of this was, that though the Revolution 
[of 1688] happened to begin in November, they knew nothing of it till the May follow- 
ing." This is taken from Brand's Brief Description of Orkney and Zetland, 1701, 
(Pinkerton, III. 773) but was doubtless practically true seventy years later; for it will 
be observed, under date of May 27, 1775, infra, that Harrower's first letter from his wife, 
in answer to his letter of June 14, 1774, is dated March 1, 1775. 

86 Documents 

me verry fully by her. I have Just time to aquant you that I am settled 
here as a Schoolmaster and can really say with great truth that I never 
lived a genteel regulare life untill now. I shall write you again soon 
verry fully and untill then I am with my blessing to you my Dear and 
my Dear Infants Your ever Aff 1 . 1 ' husb' 1 untill death — Signed — John 

Adressed, To Mrs. John Harrower, Lerwick, Zetland. 

Tuesday, August 16th. Expecting a visit of one M? Kennedy an 
Edinburgher, a Cooper now in Fredericksburgh, I this day sent to Toun 
for a Quart of the Best Vestindia Rum which cost me Eighteen pence Vir- 
ginia Currancy. 

Wednesday, ijth. This evening entred to school Thomas Brooks 
Mf Spotswoods 1 carpenter in order to learn Writing and Arithmetick at 
nights and on Sundays. 2 

Freiday, igth. This day at noon Col! Will? Daingerfield finished 
his wheat harvest by getting the last of it brought home and stacked. 

Sunday, 21st. At home teaching Brooks. Nothing remarcable. 

Munday, 22d. This afternoon Col! Daingerfield begun to sow wheat 
again for the next years crope. They sow their wheat here in the field 
where there Indian Corn is growing and plough it into the ground, so that 
the Corn and wheat both Occopy the ground from this date untill Jan- 
uary next and then the Corn is cut down. 

Tuesday, 23d. This day at noon was finished at one of Col! Dain- 
gerfields Barns a new Machine for beating out of wheat, it is a circle of 
60 feet diameter in the center of which their is a paul [pole ?] fixed in 
the ground from which there goes three beams that reach the outer edge 
of the great circle and betwixt the outer ends of them are fixed four 
rollers, each roller having 320 spokes in it, they are 6 feet long, viz! the 
rollers, and goes round upon a floor of 3 Inch plank of 7 feet long from 
the outer edge of the great circle and round the outer ends of the floor 
plank there is a thin plank upon it's edge and round the inner edge the 
same which keeps in the wheat, the Machine is drawn round by 4 Horses 
and beats out 100 Bushels of wheat every day. It was begun i s .' instant. 

Sunday, 28th. At home all day teaching Brooks. 

Sunday, September nth. D? teaching Brooks, at 1 pm came MF Ken- 
nedy from Fredericksburgh here to see me and after we had dined we 
ended the Quart of Rum I Bought 16 th Last M?. 

Tuesday, October 4th. Went to Fredericksb. 8 and seed a Horse Race 
for a Hundred Guineas, Gained by MF Fitchews Horse. 3 

1 Presumably Alexander Spotswood of Newport, afterward brigadier-general ; grand- 
son of the famous governor. 

2 Mill's Diary shows, passim, how a Shetland minister of that day regarded the 
"Sabbath"; but it also shows that he could not induce all the islanders to observe it 
with the same strictness. 

3 Sporting readers, if there are such among the votaries of history, will find the de- 
tails of these days' races, derived from the pages of the Virginia Gazette, in Mr. W. G. 
Stanard's article already referred to, on Racing in Colonial Virginia, Virginia Maga- 

Diary of John Harrower 87 

Wednesday, jth. This day a Horse race at Fredericksburg for Fifty- 
pound, and it was gain'd by a Horse belonging to Col! Tailo. 1 

Thursday, 6th. This day a Horse race at Fredericksburg for Fifty 
pound, and it was gained by a Horse belonging to Mf Fitchew. 

Freiday, jth. The race this day at Fredericksburg for Fifty pound 
was gained again by another Horse belonging to Mf Fitchew. 

Saturday, 8th. This day the races at Fredericksburg was finished 
and this night finishes the Puppet shows, roape dancings &c, which has 
continowed every night this week in town. I only seed the purse of a 
Hundred Guineas run for, and that day I hade the Misfortune to have 
my Horse, saddle and bridle stole from me, while I was doing some 
business in town. And I never could hear, nor get any intelligence of 
either of them again. 

Sunday, 2jd. At church but there was no sermon only prayers. This 
day I carried home a Westcoat with a silver sprig through a strip' d white 
satine and Padasoy silk, which I had formerly bought made as it was being 
nothing worse than new for 8/6 Virginia Currancy, and a Brass Inkholder 
with a penknife in it bought at 1/6 C J .. 2 

Munday, jzst. This morning two Carpenters was put to new weather 
board my house on the outside with featherage plank, and to new plaster 
it on the Inside with shell lime. 

Tuesday, November ist. This day Col! William Daingerfield finished 
sowing his Wheat, having sown in all this year 160I bushels. This day 
I eat extream good green Pease they being the second croap this season. 
In the afternoon they began to gather new corn and brof home 8 Ba". s at 
night from iooo Corn hills. 

Sunday, 27th. This day at Church and heard Sermon by Mr. Muree 3 
his text was in Hebrews i3*. h Chap : and i8 ,h verse. Bought a hanging 
lock for my Chest at 7-^ Currancy. 

Rec d from Colonel Daingerfield New Coat and veastcoat of Claret 
couler'd Duffel. 

Tuesday, December 6th. Wrote home. — 3d Letter from Virginia. 

zine, II. 293-305. The first day's race, "Jockey Club Plate," 100 guineas, open to 
members only, was won by Wm. Fitzhugh's Regulus, beating Alexander Spotswood's 
Eclipse, Mann Page's Damon, Wm. Brent's Figure, Wm. Fitzhugh's Master Stephen, 
and Moore Fauntleroy's Faithful Shepherdess. On the second day, a purse of £ $0, 
4 mile heats, was won by John Tayloe's Single Peeper. On the third day the " Town 
Purse,'' 4 mile heats, was won by Wm. Fitzhugh's Kitty Fisher. On the fourth 
day the "Town and Country Purse," 4 mile heats, was won by William Fitzhugh's 
Volunteer. These were the last of the great races at Fredericksburg. The Revolution 
was impending, and there was a general sentiment to the effect that racing should stop. 

1 Col. John Tayloe of Mt. Airy in Richmond County. See American Historical 
Review, V. 307. 

2 Currency. 

3 Rev. James Marye was rector of St. George's Parish from 1767 to 1780. He was 
the son of Rev. James Marye, the former rector, a Huguenot refugee. 

SS Documents 

Belvidera 6'.' 1 Dec! 1774. 

My Deafest Life, 

Since my aravil here 1 wrote you 14'! 1 
June and 7 th Aug! last to both which I shall partly refer you. I now rite 
you with a shaking hand and a feeling heart to enqair of your and my 
D! Infants welfare, this being the return of the day of the year on which 
I was obliged to leave you and my D! Infants early in the morning which 
day will be ever remembred by me with tears untill it shall please God 
to grant us all a happy meeting again. I trust in the mercies of a good 
God this will find you and my D r Infants in perfect health as I am and 
have been ever since I came here, for neither the heat in summer nor 
what I have as yet felt of the cold in winter gives me the least uneasiness 
I thank God for it. About 20 days ago I only laid aside my summer 
dress, and put on a suit of new Claret Coulerd Duffle neatly mounted but 
no lyning in the Coat only faced in the breasts. I wrote you in my first 
letter, that I was designed Please God to prepare a way for you and my 
Infants in this Country ; And I begg youll give me your thoughts fully 
upon it, in your first letter after receipt of this with respect to your 
moving here. If you do your method must be thus ; Take your Passage 
to Leith, from thence go to Glasgow and from that to Greenock where 
you will ship for this country. But this you are not to attemp untill I 
have your thoughts upon it and I send you a recomendation to a Merch' 
in Glasgow and cash to bear your expences. I have as yet only ten 
scollars One of which is both Deaff and Dumb and his Father pays me 
ten shilling per Quarter for him he has been now five M°. s with [me] and 
I have brought him tolerably well and understands it so far, that he can 
write mostly for anything he wants and understands the value of every 
figure and can work single addition a little, he is about fourteen years 
of age. 1 Another of them is a young man a house Carpenter who attends 
me every night with candle light and every Sunday that I don't go to 
Church for which he pays me fourty shillings a year. He is Carpenter for 
a gentleman who lives two miles from me and has Thirty pound a year, 
free bedd and board. 

The Col ls Children comes on pretty well, the Eldest is now reading 
verry distinctly in the Psalter according to the Church of England and the 
other two boys ready to enter into it ; the Col! and his Lady being ex- 
treamly well satisfied w! my Conduct in every respect ; On 31st Jully last 
M" Daingerfield was deliv'! of a fourth son who is now my nameson. I am 
now verry impatient to hear from you and I [beg] of you not to slip a 
Packqut without writting me, Accord to the directions I formerly sent 
you which I shall again repeat in this for fear of my former letters being 
miscarried which I hope not ; The next time [I] write you I hope to be 
able to make you a small remittance. 

1 The entries under March 18 and May 20, 1775, seem to indicate that the experi- 
periment did not proceed beyond the date of this letter. 

Diary of John Harrower 89 

I would have at this time wrote your Brother M'. Craigie, 1 for I truely 
belive his private good wishes to me was always sinceer, But I want to 
hear from you first by which I hope to learn how every one's pulse in 
your place beats towards me and his among the rest, which I hope you'll 
not fail to take notice of. — I now as far as my sheet of paper will allow 
me, for your Amusements and information, shall write you some of the 
news of this Western World, and first with respect to myself. Know that 
I have not drunk a dish of Tea this six M°. a past, nor have I drunk a dram 
of plain spirits this seven M 08 past, nor have I tasted broth or any kind 
of supping mate for the above time unless three or four times some soup ; 
Notwithstanding I want for nothing that I cou'd desire, and am only 
affraid of getting fatt, tho we seldom eat here but twice a day. for 
Breackfast we have always Coffie with plenty of warm loaf bread and fine 
butter, at 1 2 oClock when I leave school, I have as much good rum 
toddie as I chuse to drink, and for Dinner we have plenty of roast and 
boyld and good strong beer, but seldom eat any supper. There has been 
a hote War here this last summer betwixt the fronteer Countys of this 
Collony and the united tribes of the Shawaneses, Delewars, Mingoes and 
Tawa Indians settled on the otherside of the Banks of the Ohio. On Mun- 
day morning io'I 1 Octf last a Deccisive Battle was fought at the mouth of 
the great Canhawa' 2 Betwixt 150 of Augusta County troops under the Com- 
mand of Col) Cha! Lewis 800 of the troops belonging to Botitourt, Bedford 
and Fincastle County, under the Command of Col 1 Fleming and Col 1 Field ; 
The Battle began half an hour after sun up and continowed verry hot until 
after noon, when the above Indians being above 800 in number were 
put to flight. In this Action were killed the above Col! Cha! Lewis and 
Col! Field, Four Captains three subalterns and 44 private men. Col. 
Fleming was wounded three Captains four subalterns and 79 private 
men. The same evening after the Battle an express aravied at the Camp 
from Lord John Dunmore Governour of Virginia for this Division of the 
Army to Joyne him, he being then 75 Miles further up the Ohio on the 
Indian side with 600 more of the troops belonging to the foresaid Coun- 
tys, he then knowing nothing of the Battle. Next day this part of the 
Army decamp'd and when they hade Joyn'd His Lod 1 '. 1 ' All the Army 
march' d foreward in order to Burn and destroy the whole Indian Touns ; 
But when they were within three Miles of them, The Indians came out 
naked as they were born and Begged for Mercy and peace, they having 
lost above double the number of men that we did in the late engage- 
ment. Accordingly peace was granted them on the following terms Viz! 
I s .' They are to deliver up all the white prisoners they have, next they are 
to deliver up somany of their principall men of each nation, to be keept 
as hostages for their good behavour in time to come, lastly they are to 

1 Mrs. Harrower' s brother, Captain James Craigie, to whom a letter printed later is 
addressed, was a leading merchant of Lerwick. In the " Annals of the County of Zet- 
land,'' referred to in the introduction, supra, he appears as appointed in 1763 to be over- 
seer and superintendent of the building of the new tolbooth. In 1766, however, he is 
permitted to resign, his health having recently become impaired. 

2 The celebrated battle of Point Pleasant. 

9 o 


pay the whole expence of the war in land at three pound per M Acres. 
So much for Indian news. 

You no doubt have heard of the present disturb" Betwixt Great Brit- 
ain and the Collonys in N. America, Owing to severall Acts of Parliment 
latly made greatly infringing the rights and Liberties of the Americans, 
and in order to enforce these Acts, The Harbour and Toun of Boston are 
at present blockt up by a fleet and armie under the Command of Gen! 
Gage. The Americans are determined to Act with Caution and prudence 
in this affair, and at same time are resolved not to lose an inch of their 
rights or liberties, nor to submit to these Acts. And in order to enforce 
a repeal of them, A Generall Congress was held at Philadelphia by Dele- 
gates from the following Provinces Viz' New Hampshire, Massachusetts 
Bay, Rode Island and Providence Plantations, Connicticut, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, The Countys of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex 
on Delewar, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina. 
The Delegates were chosen from the Houses of Burges of each of the 
above Collonys and met on the 5 th Sept! last and continued sitting untill 
the last of Octy And it is resolved that they will allow no goods to be im- 
ported into America from Great Britain, Ireland, or any of the Islands 
thereto belonging a" the I s * Ins 4 Nor will they export from America to 
Great Britain or Ireland or any of the Islands thereto belonging any 
goods after the i s .* Dec r 1775 during which time any that are indebted to 
Great Britain may pay up their ballances. Ma[n]y and pretty are the re- 
solves of August Assembly, but room wou'd fail me here to insert them. 
By the Congress the Bostonians are desired not to leave the Toun nor to 
give any offence to Gen! Gage or the troops under his Command, But if 
he or they offers to commit the least Hostielyties in order to enforce any 
to the Obedience of these Acts, they are to repel force by force and the 
Bostonians can raise in their Collony in 24 Hours warning ods of 60 M 
men well disiplined and all readdy provided w' arms and amunition. And 
the resolves of the Congress every one of the above Collonys and each 
man in every Collony are determined to abide by. And it is my oppin- 
ion that the laboring part and poor of Boston are as well supplied at 
present by controbutions sent free to them from the other Collonys as 
when their trade was oppen. M. r Daingerfield this year for his own 
hand gives them fifty Bushels of wheat and One Hundred Bushels of In- 
dian Corn, By which ye may Judge of the rest. 1 

The 19'!' August last, M! Daingerfield finished his wheat hearvest and 
began to plow and sow wheat again for the next crop 22 said M° and 
after sowing 260 Bushels finished it the i"! of Nov r . they are now gath- 
ering Indian Corn of which he will have better than 4000 bushels 3000 
of which he will Use for his Nigers and horses, the rest for sale ; so much 
for American and Plantation news the Veracity of which you may depend 
upon and may show the same to any of your freinds or well wishers. 

1 There is on record at the Virginia State Library a list of contributors to 'this supply 
of the Bostonians. It embraces the names of many well-known men of the day, and the 
gifts range from one barrel of corn up. 

Diary of John Harrower 91 

Your directions for me is to Jn° Harrower at the seat of Col! Will™ 
Daingerfield Esq" of Belvidera near Fredericksburgh Rappahannock River 
Virginia, and then inclose it in a letter to Mess r . s Anderson and Horse - 
burgh Merch'. 5 in Glasgow and desire them to foreward the same under 
Cover to M. r John Glassel Mer! in Fredericksb! their Correspondent who 
will pay all charges for my acco': . — Pray my Dearest let me know what my 
D" Boys and Girle are doing. I hope Jock ' and George are still at school 
and I begg of you to strain every nerve to keep them at it untill I am 
able to assist you, for he who has got education will always gain Bread 
and to spare, and that in a genteel way in some place or other of the 
World. I supose Betts is at home with yourself, but pray keep her tight 
to her seam and stockin and any other Housold affairs that her years are 
capable of and do not bring her up to Idleness or play or going about from 
house to house which is the first inlet in any of the sex to laziness and 
vice. Send me an Acco* of their Ages from the Bible which ye may do 
verry short by saying Jo : Born day Nov. 1762 Geo : Born &? 

1 yet hope please God, if I am spared, some time to make you a 
Virginian Lady among the woods of America which is by far more pleas- 
ent than the roaring of the raging seas round abo't Zetland, And yet to 
make you eat more wheat Bread in your old age than what you have done 
in your Youth. But this I must do by carefullness, industry and a Close 
Application to Business, which ye may take notice of in this letter I am 
doing Sunday as well as Saturday nor will I slip an honest method nor 
an hour whereby I can gain a penny for yours and my own advantage. 

There grows here plenty of extream fine Cotton which after being 
pict clean and readdy for the cards is sold at a shilling the pound ; and I 
have at this time a great high Girl Carline as Black as the . . . spinning 
some for me for which I must pay her three shillings the pound for spin- 
ning it for she must do it on nights or on Sunday for any thing I know 
notwithstanding she's the Millers wife on the next plantation. But Im 
determined to have a webb of Cotton Cloath According to my own mind, 
of which I hope you and my infants shall yet wear apart ; I cou'd write 
to you for a week for it gives me pleaser while I am writting to you, But 
as room fails me I must conclude with offering my good wishes to your 
Broth 1 :, M! and M r < Vance, 2 M! and M 1 ? Forbes 3 and W. Ferguson' 1 if 
deserving at your hand with my Comp'f to all who asks for me. And my 

1 In 1810 a J. Harrower, Caledonia Lodge of Masons, Edinburgh, affiliated at Lodge 
Morton, Lerwick, and lie was appointed Proxy Master of the latter in 1815. This may 
have been our Harrower's son. 

2 James Vance seems to have been one of the most prominent and most esteemed men 
in Lerwick. He was land-waiter and postmaster for the government, and the kirk ses- 
sions records show him as precentor, and afterward as session clerk, kirk treasurer and 
elder. He was warmly interested in the promotion of education and other good works. 
His wife was Barbara Craigie, sister of Mrs. Harrower, and of Captain James Craigie. 

3 See note 2, on p. 84, supra. 

4 William Ferguson was married to Ann Ross, sister of Margaret Ross, wife of 
James Craigie. He was supervisor of excise at Lerwick, and was a native of Thurso in 

9 2 


sinceer prayers to God for you and my D! Children and belive me to be 
ever while I have breath, My Dearest Jewell, your AfP? husb d till death. 
Signed J. H. Addressed To M': s John Harrower in Lerwick Zetland By 
Edinburgh, North Britain. 

Saturday, iotJi. This day after 12 Oclock rode to Town and deliv d 
my letter dated 6'.' 1 Ins! to Ml John Glassell to be forewarded to Britain 
per first ship. Bought 1 PadLock at 1 / Curr'' and 1 Doz n Vest buttons 
silver plated at 1/ Curry and pocket expence 9'. 1 Curry. 

Wednesday, 14th. This day M! Daingerfield hade 35 Hoggs Killed 
weighting at an average about 150 lb. and they are to serve for salt 
Beacon untill the return of next year this time, all the Hams and 
Shoulders are cured with salt peter. Sold J- doz? horn Buttons at 3^. 

Tuesday, 20th. last night I dreamt that my wife came to me here, 
and told me she had sent Johnnie and Bettie to Deall * to stay and left 
George in the house with M. J. the servant. 

Sunday, 25th. Christmas day, stayed at home all day along w! the 
Overseer and Childreen because I hade no saddle to go to the Church 
with. In the morning the Col! Ordred up to school two Bottles of the 
best Rum and some suggar for me. 

Munday, 26th. This forenoon the Col! wou'd have me to take his 
saddle and ride to Toun and Amuse myself, and when I was going gave 
me Six Shillings for pocket money. I went to Toun and Dined in a pri- 
vate house and after buying i-| Doz n Mother of Pearle buttons for my 
white morsyld Vest I return' d home in the evening. 

Tuesday, 27th. St. Johns day. This day 2 a Grand Lodge in Toun, 
And the whole went to Church in their Clothing and heard sermon. 

Thursday, 20th. I began to keep school. 

Frciday, jot//. This day there was severall Gentlemen from Fred- 
ericksburgh here at Dinner with whom I dined. 

Tuesday, January iot/1, 1775- This day Tho B Brooks who has at- 
ten[d]ed ever night and on Sundays left school being obliged to go 40 
miles up the country to work, at same time he gave me an order on 
Col! Daingerfield for -£\. 10. 8. Curr? of which £x. 5. 2 was for teach- 
ing him. 

Saturday, 21st. Some time ago I having got a present of piece of 
Lead coul d Cloath from Miss Lucy Gaines 3 I got made in a Vest by Kid- 
beck the Taylor for which I have this day paid him 3/ i-i- Cur y . 

Sunday, 22nd. This day at Church in Town and heard MF Maree 
preach Text 2 d Corf 4 Chap : and i8 ,h Verse. 

Tuesday, jist. 1 pm yesterday Ja" and W m Porters, sons of M' 
William Porter Merch! in Fredericksb g came here to School. 

Tuesday, February 14th. This day the Col! on finding more wheat 
left among the straw then should be blamed M" Lewis the Overseer for 

1 A village on the mainland of Scotland, in Caithness, about ten miles south of 
Thurso. Harrower may have come from there or had relatives living there. 

2 Always a day of especial festivity at Fredericksburg, ending in a ball at the Sun 
Rise tavern. 

3 The housekeeper. 

Diary of Jo Jin Harrower 93 

his carelessness, upon which Mr Lewis seem'd verry much enraged for 
being spoke to and verry sawcily threw up all the keys he hade in charge 
and went off; upon which the Col! sent for me and delivered me the 
keys of the Barn and begged I would assist him in his business untill he 
got another Overseer. 

[ Wednesday^ , 15th. This morning the Col! sent to scholl for me, and 
begg'd me to go to Snowcreek Barn and deliver the wheat that was 
there first to the Vessel who was come to receive the whole of it. She 
was a schooner of 120 Tun M r . s name Jn? Lurtey. 

Tuesday, 21st. Empl? as Yesterday. This day the Col! engaged a 
young man for an Overseer Whose name is Anthony Fraser. 

Thursday, 2jd. This day finised trading out wheat, also deliv? the 
last of it having delivered One thousand five hundred Bushels and 240 
Bushels formerly deliv? by M! Lewis which with 260 Bushels sown makes 
2000 Bushels besides serving the Famely and some bushels sold to people 
who works on the plantation. 

Munday, 2jth. This day Ml Fraser came here and entred to take his 
charge as Overseer, and he is to have his bed in the school along with me. 
he appears to be a verry quiet young man and has hade a tolerable edu- 
cation, his Grandfather came from Scotland. 

Saturday, March 18th. Last night a verry keen frost so that all the 
fruit that is blossom' d is in danger of being killed by it. Same day I 
wrote Mf Samuel Edge the following letter Viz' 

When I hade the pleasure of seeing [you] on the 4'!' Febr last at your 
howse you then told me you was to be in Town the week after, and pro- 
posed calling here in your way home, in order to pay me the twenty 
shillings as agreed on ; but since have heard nothing from you. Nothing 
but the real necessity for some books (which I greatly want) Oblidges 
me now to trouble you with this, hopping if it is any ways convenient for 
you, that you will send the cash per the bearer (and if required) how soon 
time will permit me to see you shall give you an ample discharge. My 
compliments to yourself M r . s Edge and Miss Sally and am & ca 

Saturday, 25th. At noon went to Newport to see M r Martin 
Heely schoolmaster to M" Spotswood's Children, and after Dinner I 
spent the afternoon with him in conversation and hearing him play the 
Fiddle. He also made a Niger come and play on an Instrument call'd a 
Barrafou. The body of it is an oblong box with the mouth up and 
stands on four sticks put in bottom, and cross the [top] is laid 1 1 lose 
sticks upon [which] he beats. 

Sunday, 26th. 9 AM Set out on horseback for Mount Church ' in 
Caroline County in Company with M' Richards, M r . s Richards, M 1 . Mar- 
tin Heely, M' Anthony Frazer and Miss Lucy Gaines. And heard M r . 
Waugh preach his text being the i s .' V. of the 12'!' Chapter of Ecclesias- 

1 For Mount Church, in St. Mary's parish, see Bishop Meade's Old Churches, 
Ministers and Families of Virginia, I. 410-412. Rev. Abner Waugh was the incum- 
bent of the parish, having recently succeeded the more famous Rev. Jonathan Boucher. 



tes. After which we all returned to My Richards before 3 pra where we 
dined and spent the afternoon. From Belvidera to Mount Church is 10 

Saturday, April 1st. At 6 pm M? Martin Heely schoolmaster at 
Newport for Mf Spotswoods Children came here to pay me a Visite and 
staid with me all night. 

Sunday, gth. This day a good number of Company dined here 
among which was My and M r . s Porter from Town, who heard their eldest 
son read and seemed verry well pleased with his performance since he 
came to me ; Myself at home all day. 

Frciday, 14th. This being good Freiday, I broke up school for 
Easter Holly day, and the Col 1 . 8 three sons went to Town with My Por- 
ter's two sons this forenoon I went a money hunting but cate'd none. 

Saturday, 15th. This forenoon I went a Money Hunting again an 
other way but hade no better success then yesterday. This afternoon 
My Frazer went up the Country to see his Mother and friends, and I give 
out corn for him, untill he returns again. 

Munday, lyth. At 8 AM I rode to Town in order to see the boys 
and Amuse myself fore some hours. On my Aravel in Town the first thing 
I got to do was to dictate and write a love letter from My Anderson, to 
one Peggie Dewar at the Howse of My John Mitchel at the Wilderness. 
After that I went to My John Glassell's store to enquire for letters from 
home but found none ; here I mett with the Col! who gave me two pair 
brown thread stockins for my summers wear. At 2 pm I dined with him 
in M! Porters, and soon after Returned home. 

Thursday, 20th. This morning all the boys came to school again at 
their Usual hour. On tuesday last was missed out of the pasture a breed- 
ing mare, search being made fore her by the Overseer he found this 
afternoon the Neiger fellow who hade rode her off and after riding her 
about 24 Miles from the Plantation turned her loose in the high road, he 
is a Blacksmith by trade and belongs to and works at a Plantation of 
M. r Corbins, 1 and after he had confessed the fact My Frazer ower Over- 
seer stript him to the [skin] and gave him 39 laches with Hickry switches 
that being the highest the Law allows at one Wheeping. 

Munday, 24th. This morning the Col! began to have his Indian 
Corn planted which they do in following maner Viz! The plowers 
plow three furrows close together from one end of the field to the other, 
the midle furrow of each three being 6 feet distance from the middle of 
the next three and so on from the one side of the field to the other, 
Then they run one furrow across the field and at 6 feet distance another 
and so on in streight lines from the one end of the field to the other 
which leaves the whole field like a dambrod 2 then the Neigers drop the 
corn in every square and at the same time with a strock of their How cover 
[them] . the grown betwixt the furrow are brocke up Afterw J . s at Liesure 
with the Ploughs without any Damage to the corne. But the best method 
is when the ploughs is lay off the ground withe one furrow a Neiger 

'To whom Ilarrower was afterward overseer. 2 Checker-board. 

Diary of John Harrower 95 

ought to follower every Plough drop the corn and immediatly cover it 
up. Some are now done planting of corn, last night Mr. Frazer found 
the Mare that was rode off and brought her home. 

Freiday, 28th. This day by an express from Boston we are informed 
of an engagement betwixt the British troops and the Bostonians, in which 
the former were repuls'd with loss, but no particulars as yet. 

Saturday, 2Qth. This day there was at Fredricksburgh about 600 men 
under Arms composed of the independant companys of severall Coun- 
ties, they designed to have Marched to Williamsburg and to have made 
the Governor deliver back some poweder he caused to be Clandestinlly 
carried off, but was prevented by an express from the speacker with ad- 
vice that the Governor was readdy to give it up on ten minutes warning. x 

Wednesday, May jd. This day the Col! bought and rec d ten bush- 
els of Span? Salt for ten bushels Indian Corn, at noon the Col'. s Nigers 
finised planting Indian Corn having planted about 300 Acres of land, 
which took about 25 Bushels of sead. 

Saturday, 6th. This afternoon I planted 41 hills of grownd with 
Cotton seed. 

Sunday, yth. At 2 houses this day seeking money that was owing me 
but got none. 

Munday, 8th. This morning I planted 22 Hills of grownd with 
Water Mellon and Mush Mellon Seed. This afternoon I eat ripe straw- 

Saturday, 20th. This day I wrote the following letter to Sam! Edge 
for Twenty shillings that has been due me since the 25 th Novf 1774. 

M" Samuel Edge 

Sir — I wrote you i8 lh March last requesting you then to 
send me per the Bearer then sent, the twenty shillings you are indebted 
to me, which money you promised to have paid a Month before that 
time. Notwithstanding of which I have neither seen nor heard from 
you since, which to me appear some what Strange. 

On Saturday last I was informed you intended to send me a wild 
Goose hunting by giving me a Draught on another. But if any one is 
owing you I do not chuse to demand the debt ; Therefore I hereby aquant 
you that I will not accept a draught upon none ; Therefore I am hope- 
full you will now send the money by the bearer hereof as I really have 
pressing occassion for it and cannot be longer without it, having neither 
stock nor store here to receive money with to purchase what I really 
cannot be without, your complyance to the above will greatly oblige and 
wherein I can serve you may freely command Sir yours &°. a 

Signed J H 
Addressed To Mr. Samuel Edge, Overseer. 

This afternoon I was invited to a Gentlemans house in order to eat 
plenty of ripe Cherries. 

1 See Henry' s Patrick Henry, I. 277-279; Sparks' s Washington, II. 507-509. 

g 6 Documents 

Sunday, 21st. This day I hade sent me a present from M r . s Porter in 
Fred? two silk Vestcoats and two pair cotton britches all of them having 
been but verry little wore by Mf Porter. 

Saturday, 27th. This afternoon I rode to Town and bought at 
M!" Porters Store 2 handkerchiefs and one Yd Bedd Tyke 1 at 2/2d Curr y 
being all 5/ 2d. Cunf. At same time reel 1 a letter from my Wife dated 
I s .' March 1775. It came under cover to AT John Glassed Merch.' in 
Toun and cost me i/3d Cunf. At same time rec': 1 from Thof Anderson 
a pair of new Shoes on the Col 1 ? Acco!. 

Saturday, June jd. At 9 AM M" Porter's two son's was sent for and 
they went to Toun to keep Whitsuntide holliday. 

Wednesday, ////. Began to keep school again. 

Freiday, 16th. This day at 9 AM Col" Daingerfield set out for his 
Qy down the Country at Chickahommanie to receive his Cash for the last 
years produce of said plantation from John Miller his Overseer there. 

Sunday, 18th. This day at 10 AM went to John Pattie's and 
rec' 1 6/ for teaching his William \ of a year and from [thence] to 
Thomas Evans's and rec a 20/ for teaching his Daught. r Sarah for One 

Saturday, July 1st. At noon I went to Frederick! and bought 1 5 
bigg Double Guilt buttons at 4/9 One hank silk twist at 1/ and one 
ounce brown thread at 6d. my pocket expence this day 1/. I returned 
home an houre before sun down. 

Freiday, yth. This day at sunset Col" Daingerfield finished cutting 
down 260 Bushels sowing of wheat in fifteen days with seven Cradlers 
and it was done in 6 days less time than 203 bushels sowing was last 
Harvest and with fewer hands. For this Harvest his money payments 
to Out labourers is reduced no less than ^18.4. 6d. lower than it was 
last and at same time the Wheat better put up all which is chiefly owing 
to the Activity of Anthony Frazer the present Overseer. 

Saturday 8th. This moring began to bring Wheat to the Barn with 
two Carts Six Oxen in the One and three Horses in the Other. 

Sunday, 16th. This day I went to Church in Toun and heard ser- 
mon preached by one M! Murray his text was Math : 6" 1 and 24 th V. I 
was no pocket expence this day. 

Wednesday, igth. This day I was Informed that M r . 5 Daingerfield 
hade made a Complaint upon me to the Col° for not waiting after Breach - 
fast and dinner (sometimes) in order to take the Children along with me 
to scholl ; I imagine she has a grudge against me since the middle of 
Feb?' last the reason was, that one night in the Nursery I wheep'd Billie 
for crying for nothing and she came in and carried him out from me. 
Some nights after he got into the same humour and his Papa The Col'.' 
hearing him call'd me and Asked why I cou'd hear him do so and not 
correct him for it ; Upon that I told him how M r . s Daingerfield had be- 
haved when I did correct him. At that he was angry w' her. 

1 Bed-tick. 

Diary of John Harrozver 97 

Saturday, 2 2d. On Saturd!' 13 Ins! some words happned betwixt 
John M'Dearmand and the Col'.' about John's not being expedecious 
enough About stacking and requiring too many hands to attend him 
upon which John left the work immedeatly and has not returned since. 
And by the Acco'f in my hands I find the Col? is in Johns debt ^9.10.9 
Virg a Currancy. 

Sunday, 23d. M r . s Porter having been here all night from Town ; 
I this day after breackfast brought all the boys with their books into the 
passage to the Col who heard each of them read and was highly pleased 
with their performance. M? Porter likeways told that her sons did me 
great honour ; as well as the rest. 

Wednesday , 26th. This day at noon was finished the bringing horn 
and stacking the Col os Wheat having 18 Stacks of 100 Bushels each by 
Computation besides a Large Barn fill'd up to the roof. It was brought 
home this year in 1 5 days less time than it was last year. I this day ate 
Watermelon of my own planting it being the first I ate this season. 

Wednesday, August 2d. Yesterday the CoP Began to Sow Wheat for 
the ensewing croop. This day came to School W m John and Lucy Pat- 
ties, and are to pay conform to the time they Attend, expecting a Visit 
of M r Kenedy sent to Town for a bottle of Vest India Rum which cost 
me 1/3 Currancy. 

Tuesday, 2 2d. This morning the CoP began to trade out wheat in 
the Yard with horses which is done in the following manner Viz! They 
take wheat from the stack and spreads it about eight foot broad in a large 
circle, and with as many horses as they have they ride upon it round and 
round and 3 or 4 men keep always turning and stirring it up, and by this 
method they with 10 or 12 horses will trade out 100 Bushels in a day. 
where they trade Just now is 300 feet Circumference. 

Munday, 28th. Coppy of my 4th Letter wrote this day to my wife. 

My Dearest Life 

Your most agreeable favours I rec d 2 7 *!' May last, which 
was dated i s . f March, And you may belive me it gave me the greatest 
satisfaction I have hade for twelve months past to hear from your own 
hand that you my Dearest Jewell and my sweet Infants are and has been 
in a good state of health since I left you, As I still am and has been for 
the above time, For which we have all great reason to render all due 
praise to that ever Glorious Being who wisely governs and directs all 
our Acctions ; And may he for the sake of him who suffered on the 
Cross for all sinners continoue to protect and direct you and all that 
conserns us for the better. I would have wrote you sooner after the 
recept of yours, had I not been waiting an Answer to a verry long letter 
I wrote 6'. h Dec" last which I find had not come to your hand when you 
wrote me but am hopefull it has long before now and an Answer to it on 
its way here. When you write me I intreat you to do it on a sheet of 
the largest post paper you can get and leave no waste room in it, as the 
postage is no more than if it was three lines on \ sheet. And sure I am 
you can find subject enough to fill a sheet of paper as you well know that 

VOL. VI. 7. 

98 Documents 

whatever comes from your hand must be agreeable. I am extreamly glad 
to hear you are Chiefly directed by your Broth r Cap! Craigie and I think 
myself highly obliged to him both for his advice and assistance to you in 
my absence, I having of this date wrote him myself and given him my 
most hearty thanks for his good offices to you and begged his continou- 
ance of the same. 

I begg you to advise with your Brother on that paragraph of my last 
letter with respect to your moving here, and I have likeways now begged 
him to write me his thoughts on the same subject, so that I expect you 
will both write me fully on recept of this, and I begg you to put him in 
mind of it. I have also wrote him to be assisting to you, untill such time 
as the ports are oppen for trade betwixt Britain and the Collonies and the 
disputes made up betwixt them, for untill that is done there is no such 
thing as remitting money or goods from any part of America to Britain, 
which gives me a good deall of trouble on your Ace! of which your 
Broth!' can more fully inform you of, As also of the engagements that has 
been betwixt the British troops and the forces of the united Collonies 
before Boston as room wou'd faill me here to do it. As to M! Forbes 
pray make my Comptf to him and spouse and tell him from me that I 
make no doubt from the information I have of his making good bread in 
this Country for that a Journaman Bricklayer here has no less than five 
shillings a day Currancy which is equall to four Shillings St!. And I am 
aquanted with an Undertaker in that branch of business who is now set 
down on good Estate and rides in his Chair every day. But if he was 
to come over he must resolve to give closs application to business and 
keep from drinking. About 7 months ago a Gentleman in Fredericksb! 
hade his two sons taken from the high school there and put under my 
care for which he pays me ^5 a year. He is an English man himself 
and his Lady from Edinburgh, 1 and I have the pleasure to have given the 
parents such satisfaction that I hade sent me in a present two silk vest- 
coats and two pair of britches ready to put on for changes in summer. I 
observe my Dear Dogg George writes me his name at the foot of your 
letter, But I am surprized that you take no notice of Jack and Bettie. 
But I hope you will not faill to be more particular about them in your 
next, and give my blessing to them all and tell them from me that I hope 
they will be obedient to you in every respect and mind their books. Be- 
fore I get things brought to a bearing was any vessell by chance to put 
into Bressaysound 2 bound for any part of Virginia or for Pawtomack 
river which divides this Collony from Maryland, I wou'd have you at all 
events Make your Brother apply for your Passage with the Children and 
a servant and imediatly dispose of every article in the house your Feather 
Bedds Bedding and Cloaths excepted, and if any money to spare lay it 
out in Linen f and write me imediatly on your Aravell here by post 

1 Mr. and Mrs. Porter. 

2 The harbor of Lerwick. 

3 Linen was one of the chief articles of domestic manufacture and export from Shet- 
land in the eighteenth century. 

Diary of John Harrower 99 

and I shou'd soon be with you. May God grant that such a cast may 
happen to you. I must now conclude by offering my Compt"; to M r and 
M r . s Vance, and all who enquires for me in a friendly way, with my bless- 
ing to you my sweet life and my Dear Infants is all at present from, My 
Dearest Jewell, your ever affectionate Husband while — Signed J. H. 

Belvidera 28* Aug? 1775. Addressed to M" John Harrower in Ler- 
wick, Zetland, by Edinburgh, North Britain. 

Same date. A Coppy. 

IX Sir 

I make no doubt but by my not 
laying my mind oppen to you sooner I have partly incur' d your dis- 
pleasure, But before I am done shall hope for your excusing me, And 
allow me to take this opportunity of returning you my most gratefull Ac- 
knowledgements for your good advice and Assistance to my Dearest Wife 
and Children since we have been absent from one another, and I 
earnestly intreat your continouance of the same and am hopefull you will 
not see her in strait untill I am able to repay you, and wherin I can 
serve you or yours it shall never be wanting on my part. My design of 
leaving Zetland for some time was only known to my wife ; And the 
making it known to any person else wou'd not in all probabilitie wou'd 
not have hundred it ; I being so straitned that nothing but money upon 
Intrest for some Considerable time cou'd have saved me from being per- 
sonally exposed ; But when I left the Country, I did not intend going 
further than Holland, or even London cou'd I have found business there 
to my liking but not finding that, and the frost being strong in Holland, 
I was determined to see what I cou'd do in this Western World. And 
as to my business and situation here, Annie can fully inform you if she 
has not already done it. Here I have keept my health much better than 
ever I did before in any place, and am as happily situated as I cou'd wish 
hade I my wife and Children with me, Only not in a way at present to 
make much money, tho I hope in a short time I shall be able to make 
more ; I have now wrote Annie to advise with you with respect to her 
moving to this Country with the Children, and shall expect her thoughts 
upon it in her next ; And I earnestly begg of you that on receipt of this 
you take the trouble to write me yourself and give me your mind on the 
same subject, likeways let me know how trade goes with any thing else 
that is remarcable in the country, And Annie will give you the proper 
directions for me. 

Untill the disputes betwixt Goverment and the Collonies are set- 
tled there is no such thing as getting any remittance made to any part 
in Britain ; Hostilities being already begun at Boston and three Engage- 
ments already fought betwixt the British troops and the provincialls the 
last of which on the 17 th June last at Charleston near Boston, when the 
Provincialls gained the day as they did of the other two. In this last 
Eng' Gen 1 ! Gage hade above a thousand men left dead on the field of 
Battle and 500 wounded. Among the dead are many of the British offi- 

i oo Documents 

cers, which is owing to the Americans taking sight when they fire, An 
instance of w! 1 I shall here give you. Col Washington of this Collony 
being appointed Generalissimo of all the American Forces raised and to 
be raised, made a demand of 500 RifHemen from the fronteers of this 
Coll y . But those that insisted on going far exceeded the number wanted 
when in order to avoid giving offence, The commanding Officer chuse 
his Comp^ by the following method Viz 4 He took a board of a foot 
squar and w! Chalk drew the shape of a moderate nose in the center and 
nailed it up to a tree at 150 yd s distance and those who came nighest the 
mark with a single ball was to go. But by the first 40 or 50 that fired the 
nose was all blown out of the board, and by the time his Comp?" was up 
the board shared the same fate. How or when these differences will [end] 
God only knows, But the Americans are determined to stand by one an- 
other to the last man and all exports and imports are intirely stopt also 
planting of Tobacco. On 26 th last M? wheat Harvest was finised on 
this Plantation by getting the last of it brought home and stacked, the 
Amount of which will be about 3 thousand bushells, and now ten ploughs 
are at work every day ploughing wheat into the ground again for the 
next croop. It is sown here in the same field where the Indian corn is 
growing, so that both grow together untill the M? of Novy when the corn 
is gathered and the field cleared of the stalks. Indian corn is planted at 
six feet distance each way as streight and regular as you do Cabbage in a 
garden and when it is sprung up only two stalks left in a hill ; It will 
grow from five to twelve or fourteen high and each stalk will have two if 
not three Ears on it and each Ear will have from five to Eight hundred 
grains on it, the size of which you know. But from Ap 1 ! the time it is 
planted untill now that the wheat is sown among it, It is kept as clean of 
grass and weeds as a garden by the Ploughs running continually betwixt 
the rows first the one way and then the other, and the Howers going 
round the hills with their hows, and without this work it wou'd come to 
no perfection. Of Corn there will be on this Plantation about 8 or 9 
Hundred Barrells at five Bushells to the Barrell, about 350 Barrell will 
be used for the Nigers and Horses, the rest for sale, the price about 10/ 
per B". As for what the White ates of it is but triffling for three Barrell 
of Corn is rather more than any one Man can use in a year let him ate 
no other bread, the value of which is only 30/. All the white people on 
the Plantation is the Col , his Lady, five Children, a Housekeeper an 
Overseer and myself, But I think no more now of seeing 40 or 50 Nigers 
every day, than I did of seeing so many [Dabling ?] wifes at Johnsmiss 1 with 
single stockins, two or three of the best of which if I hade here I cou'd 
sell to Good Acco*. On casting my Eye out of the window I cannot 
help most heartily wishing you hade some of the most Charming Water- 
mellons I have now growing and some of them ripe within less 3 Yd s of 
where I sitt. Some of which will weigh from 20 to 30 lb. My Plan- 
tation for my Amusement consists of the following Articles Viz.' Water 

1 St. John's Day. 

Diary of JoJui Harrower 101 

melons, mushmelons, Cucumbers, Pumpkins, Gourds Spanish Pitatoes 
and Cotton. So much for Plantation information. 

I am truly affraid I have incroached on your patience already in 
giving you the trouble of reading this long epistle therefore I shall con- 
clude at this time by earnestly entreating you to write me at Large and 
let me know your thoughts on the present disputes betwixt the Collonies 
and the Ministry. My Compt? to M r . s Craigie Miss Peggy and your two 
sons to M' and M? Sands 1 and their children and please accept of the 
same yourself from him who is with sinceer regaird D" S? your Most Aff* 
Broth r and Hu' Serv! J. H'. 

Belvidera 28 th August 1775. Addressed to Cap' James Craigie in Ler- 
wick, Zetland, by Edinburgh, North Britain. 

Saturday, September 2d. At noon rode to Town and delivered two 
letters to Mr. Henry Mitchell, One for my wife and one for her Brother 
Cap' James Craigie After which I retur' 1 home by sundown. 

Wednesday, 6th. This day I was informed by M r . Frazer that M? 
Daingerfield talking to them of me that morning about some Glue dis- 
resptfully calld me Old Harrower by which and her behaveiour to myself 
I find her grudge continous tho she has not courage to say any thing to 
myself well knowing she has [no] foundation to go upon. 

Sunday, iotJi. This day came Dick a Serv? belonging to M 1 ' Anderson 
from Toun and a Comerade of his to see me and Brought me a pair new 
shoes and a pair for M. r Frazer also a Bottle Vest India Rum which we 
drank in school in Company with M r Frazer. 

Munday, nth. This day sent my letter to wife to Fredericksb! by 
M. r Frazer and gave him 1/6 to give with it at the post office as Postage to 
New York. But M. r Brown my friend the Clark told M! Frazer he wou'd 
send it home free for me by a Ship going to saile. 

Friday, 15th. Wrote my 5" 1 Letter this day from Virginia, This Be- 
ing the Coppy. 

My Dearest Life, Yours of the 12 th May last I received 2 d Ins' ime- 
diatly after sending off one for you and one for your Aff'.' brother dated 
28'! 1 last M° Both which will come to your Hand I imagine at the same 
time that this will as I am oblidged to send this to New York by post in 
order to come to London by the Pacquet, There being no more Oppor- 
tunities from this Collony to Glasgow this season, by reason that the 
Nonimportation and Nonexportation Acts of the Continental Congress 
now takes place and will continue until! the disputes betwixt Great Brit- 
ain and the Colonys be settled. And I intreat you imediatly on receipt 
of this letter to wait on your Brother and show it to him, and he will 
more fully inform you of these Matters than room will permit me to do 
here, As my principal Design of writing you this so soon after my last is 
to make you as easy as possible I can, both with respect to my not send- 
ing for you and making you a remittance. As to the first of these I 
cou'd not be certain if you wou'd come to this Country or not untill I 

1 Rev. James Sands was the minister of Lerwick. 

102 Documents 

rec* your last letter. But as I find by it you are satisfied to come here, 
you may believe me nothing in this world can give me equall satisfaction 
to my having you and my D" Infants with me. As a proof of which I 
have ever signified the same in my letters to your brother. And I now 
declare unto you as I sinceerly write from my heart before God, that I 
will how soon I am able point out the way to you how you may get here, 
and at same time make you what remittance I can in order to Assist 
you on your way. But you must consider that as I hade not a shilling 
in my pocket when I left you It must take me some time befor I can be 
able to make you a remittance. Therefore I even pray you for Gods 
sake to have patience and keep up your heart and no means let that fail 
you : For be asured the time is not Longer to you than me, And the 
National disputes and the stopage of trade betwixt this and the Mother 
Country if not soon settled will of course make the time longer as your 
bro' will inform you. As to your Jocks upon me with respect to my 
getting a Virginian Lady it is the least in all my thoughts and am deter- 
mined to leave that Jobb for you by aiding your sons with your advice 
to them in their choise of wifes among the Virginian Ladys : For I am 
resolved (as at first) to do as much for you as God is pleased to put in 
my power. 

I am glad you are moved to a place of the Toun, as you say agree- 
able to your own disposition, but am extreamly fearfull for you on Acco! 
of the earthen floor : And considering Forbes behavour to you, what I 
wrote you in my last conserning him you have prudence enough to keep 
it to yourself, and I will give myself no further trouble here about him. 
I am verry uneasy about your being so tender this spring But am hope- 
full you have quite got the better of it before now. At same time it 
gives me great satisfaction to hear the Children are all well, and that 
Jock is still at Walls. 1 I hope he is now making some progress in his 
Education, and am hopefull George will do the same. As for Betts Im 
not afraid of her considering whose hands she is under. I have nothing 
further to add at present only I again begg of you to keep a good heart 
and do the best you can untill it please God to enable me to assist you 
and for aught I think you shall hear no more from me untill I be able to 
remitt you either more or less. 

My Compliments and sinceer good wishes to your Brother M? Craigie, 
his spouse and Family likeways my Comp'. s to M r and M rs Vance, and all 
others wh may enquire for me in a friendly way ; with my sinceer love 
and prayers to God for you my Dearest Jewell and Children is all at 
present from your ever Aff" Husb 1 signed J. H. Belvidera 15'!' Sept r 
1775. Addressed To M r . s John Harrower in Lerwick Zetland by the 
New York Packet to London and by Edinf North Britain. 

Thursday, 28th. This morning I rec d from Benjamin Edge by the 
hand of his daughter two Dollars, one half and one Quarter Dollar being 
in all sixteen shillings and Sixpence in part payment for teaching his son 

1 On the west of the island of Mainland, about ten miles from Lerwick. 

Diary of John Har rower 103 

and daughter. Same day I seed a Comp y of 70 Men belonging to one 
of the Regiments of Regullars raised here for the defence of the rights 
and liberties of this Coll? in particular and of North America in Generall. 
They were on their March to Williamsburg. 

Thursday, October 12th. Company here last night Viz! Old M" Wal- 
ler, her son and his wife and at school there M" Heely Schoolmaster and 
Mr Brooks Carpenter and they w! M! Frazer and myself played whist and 
danced untill 1 2 OClock, M T . Heely the Fidle and dancing. We drank 
one bottle of rum in time. M r . Frazer verry sick after they went home. 

Munday, 16th. This morning 3 men went to work to break, swingle 
and heckle flax and one woman to spin in order to make course linnen for 
shirts to the Nigers, This being the first of the kind that was made on 
the plantation. And before this year there has been little or no linnen 
made in the Colony. 

Tuesday lyth. Two women spining wool on the bigg wheel and 
one woman spinning flax on the little wheel all designed for the Nigers. 

Munday, 2jd. One Frieday last I lent to Miss Lucy one pair of my 
shoes to spin with. This day General Washintons Lady dined here, As 
did her son and Daug. r in Law, 1 M r . s Spotswood, M? Campbell, M r f 
Dansie, Miss Washington and Miss Dandrige, They being all of the 
highes Rank and fortunes of any in this Colony. 

Saturday, 28th. Last night came here to school M' Heely and Tho! 
Brooks in order to spend the evening, but by reason of M r Frazer' s not 
coming from the House, and some stories told them by M? Richards in 
order to sow disention, She being really a Wolf cloathed with a lambs 
skin and the greatest Mischief maker I have seen in all my Travels, The 
first time I seed her, I cou'd observe in her countenance Slyness and 
deceit, and I have always avoided going to the House as much as possi- 
ble, But now I really think she ought to be avoided by every christian 
who regairds peace and their own character, They both went home at 10 

Sunday, 2Qth. Yesterday at noon M' Heely came here and asked 
me to take a walk with him in order to see Miss Molly White late house- 
keeper at Newport she having some shirts of his making for him, and 
after crossing the river we found her at an Aunts house of hers one M? 
Hansfords where we stayed all night, and this day Miss Molly came with 
us two Miles to a Gentlemans house in our way home, and after aquant- 
ing M" Heely where his shirts was ready for him the conversation turned 
upon clearing themselves to each other of most malicious stories raised by 
the above M r . s Richards in order to set them at variance and included 
with them was Miss Lucy Gaines our housekeeper, and myself. But now 
that every one has discovered the snake, I belive in time coming her 
bite will be avoided. 

1 John Parke Custis and his wife Eleanor Calvert. The Mrs. Spotswood referred to 
was probably the wife of Col. Alexander Spotswood of Newport, a niece of Gen. Wash- 
ington. Mrs. Campbell was probably Mary, the widow of John Spotswood, son of the 
governor, who married John Campbell, Gentleman. Miss Washington must have been a 
niece of Gen. Washington, and Miss Dandridge was perhaps a niece of his wife. 

1 04 Documents 

Thursday, November gth. Upon Thursday 2 d Ins' there was a Camp 
Marked out close at the back of the school for a Batalion of 500 private 
men besides officers and they imediatly began to erect tents for the 
same. 1 And this day the whole was finished for 250 men being 50 tents 
for the privates and 6 D? for officers and 3 D° for the Comissary and his 
stores, with one for a Buffalo which is to be shown which I shall afterwards 
describe. — This day the 250 men being 5 Companys from different parts 
aravied at the Camp the other 5 Companys not being as yet compleated. 

Saturday, nth. At 1 r OClock forenoon I rode to Toun and bought 
one stone Mugg and Tin pot at iod. and ij{ yd. Linen at 5/ of 
which I wanted two stocks for winter wear, and the rest of it I made 
a present to Miss Lucy, for her readyness to do any little thing for 
me ; I seed no worsted stockins for sale but one pair all Moth eaten and 
as they were they asked no less than 6/ for them. I dined at M r . Porters 
spent 7 -J- at M! Anderson and then came home by sun down. 

Sunday, 12th. This day a great number of company from Toun and 
Country to see the Camp four of which (Gentlemen) paid me a visite 
which put me to 1/3 expence for a bottle of rum. at noon by Accident 
one of the Captains tents was set on fire and all consumed but none of 
things of any Acco! Lost. 

Muuday, ijth. This forenoon the Col! sent a waggon Load of Tur- 
nups and Pitatoes to the Camp as a present for all the men. 

Tuesday, ijth. All the minute-men in the Camp employed learning 
their exercise. 

Wednesday, ijth. This morning I drank a small dram of rum made 
thick with brown suggar for the cold, it being the first dram I have 
drunk since I lived on the Plantation. 

Thursday, 16th. The soldiers at muster. 

Freiday, iyfh. The soldiers at D°, and I left of going into the Nur- 
sery and taking charge of the children out of school. 

Wednesday, 29th. This day the camp was brocke up and the 
whole Batallion dismissed after each private receiving 22 days pay at 1/4 
per day and 1/ for provisions out and home. During the time the camp 
was by the school it cost me 8/ \\ of expences which is more by 2/ than 
it cost me for 1 2 Months before. 

Saturday, December 2d. At noon went to Toun and seed two Com- 
panys of regulars from the Ohio among which was one real Indian, he 
was of a Yelow couler short brod faced and rather fiat nosed, and long 
course black [hair] quite streight. he spoke verry good english. I staid 
in Toun all night and slept at M'.' Andersons ; I bought from M' Porter a 
black Silk Handkerchief at 5/. 

Sunday, jd. After breackfast I went and found out Miss Molly 
White and left with her cloth to make me two winter Stocks and a stock 
to make them by. Dined in Toun, came home in the afternoon. 

1 An ordinance of the July Convention had provided for twenty days' drill on the part 
of the minute-men of each group of counties. The minute-men of the district composed of 
Caroline, Spotsylvania, King George and Stafford were to number five hundred rank and 
file. Hening, IX. 16 

Diary of John Harrozver 105 

Wednesday, 27th. 

i st Both the last nights quite drunk was I, 

Pray God forgive me [of] the sin ; 
But had I been in good company, 
Me in that case No man had seen. 

2 A Plac'd by myself, without the camp, 

As if I were unclean — 
No friendly soul does my floor tramp, 
My greiff to ease, or hear my moan. 

3 d For in a prison at large I'm plac't, 

Bound to it, day and night ; 
O, grant me patience, god of grace. 
And in thy paths make me walk right. 

4th This day alone, at home I am, 

Repenting sadly and full sore 
That ever the like unto me came. 
When this I see, The cause I will repent for ever more. 

Wednesday , January 10th, 1776. This day we hade the Confirmation 
of Norfolk being reduced to ashes by the Men of War and British Troops 
under Command of Lord Dunmore. It was the Largest Toun in the 
Collony and a place of great Trade, it being situated a little within the 
Capes. Severall Women and Child" are killed. 

Saturday, ijth. After 12 O Clock I went six Miles into the Forrest 
to one Daniel Dempsies to see if they wou'd spin three pound of Cotton 
to run 8 yds. per lb., \ of it belonging to Miss Lucy Gaines for a goun 
and \ belonging to myself for Vestcoats, which they ag d to do if I car- 
ried the cotton there on Saturd 3 ! 2 7 V 1 Ins! 

Sunday, 14th. At n AM I Sett out for Mansfield the seat of Man 
Page, 1 Esql' in order to see one M' Reid Gairdner 2 who came from Dun- 
kell in Scotland. M!' Scott Watch maker from Toun being also with 
him. I staid with them untill after sundown, having dined and being 
verry genteely entertained. M! and M'. s Porter and all their Children 
came here to dinner and staid all night. 

Munday, 15th. Miss Lucy spinning my croop of Cotton at night 
after her work is done ; to make me a pair of gloves. 

Wednesday, 17th. This evening Miss Lucy came to school with 
M 1 . Frazer and me, and finished my croop of Cotton by winding it, after 
its being doubled and twisted the whole consisting of two ounces. 

Tuesday, 23d. This day I entred Edwin into the Latin Gramer. 

Saturday, 27th. After 12 pm I went to the forrest to the house of 
Daniel Dempsies and carried with me three pound of pick'd Cotton two of 
which belongs to Miss Lucy Gaines and one to me, which his wife has 

1 Mann Page of Mansfield, half-brother of Governor John Page, was a member of the 
Continental Congress in 1 777. 

2 J. e., gardener. 

uu) Documents 

agreed to spin to run 8 Yd? per lb., I paing her five shillings per lb. for 
spinning it and it is to be done by the end of May next. 

Tuesday, March jt//. This morning Bathurest Daingerfield got don 
reading through the Bible and the Newtestament, and began to learn to 
write 15 Ult" I gave them Holyday this Afternoon. 

Saturday, April 20th. At noon I asked the Col for a bottle of rum 
as I expected two Countrymen to see me tomorrow, which he verry cheer- 
fully gave and desired me to ask him for one any time I wanted it and 
told me to take them to the Howse to dinner with me. in the afternoon 
he, his Lady, and Daughter went over the river to M' Jones's in King 
George County. 

Tuesday, 23d. At noon rode to Town, got the Newspapers and 
settled with M" Porter for teaching his two sons 12 M os when he verry 
genteely allowed me £6 for them, besides a present of two silk vests 
and two pair of Nankeen Breeches last summer and a Gallon of rum at 
Christenmass, both he and M r . s Porter being extreamly well satisfied with 
what I hade don to them. 

Wednesday, 24th. General Muster of all the County Malitia in 
Town today, at Breackfast the Col desired me to go and see it if I pleased, 
But being in town yesterday I chose to stay to day with my boys. 

Sunday, 28th. This day came here to pay me a visit Mf Reid from 
Mansfield and Mf Scott from Toun and dined with me in the great house 
by the Col? order, and after we hade spent the afternoon verry agreeably 
together they returned home in the evening. 

Sunday, May 5th. Early this morning I went to Mf McCalley's and 
entred his oldest son (about 8 years of age) to writting, stayed there all 
day and rode his horse home in the evening. The Col went to Newport 
and dinned there. 

Tuesday, fth. Billie ended reading through his Bible. 

Thursday, gth. After dinner I took the boys with me to Massa- 
ponacks Briges to see 56 prisoners that was taken at the late battle in 
North Carolina, ' among them was a great many Emigrants from Scot- 
land who were all officers. I talked with several of them from Ross 
Shf and the Isle of Sky. 

Freiday, 17th. Gen! 1 Fast by order of the Congress. I went to 
Church in Toun but no sarmon. dined at M. r McAlleys and came home 
in the evening. The Col? and his Lady at Mount C h . 

Munday, 27th. At 9 AM I went to M. r McAlleys and staid teaching 
his Son and sister untill dark and then rode home bringing with me \\ 
Yd. Linen for summer breeches. 

Thursday, June 6th. In the afternoon I went to Mf Becks, when he 
told me that M™ Battle wanted to see me and to talk to me about teach- 
ing her two daughters to write, upon which I imediatly waited upon 
her and engaged to return upon Saturd next by 1 pm and begin them to 
write but made no bargain as yet. 

1 Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, February 27, 1 776. In the list of prisoners, 
Force's American Archives, Fourth Series, V. 63, are many Highland names. 

Diary of John Harrower 107 

Saturday, 8th. At noon I went to M r . s Bataile's and entred two of 
her Daughters to writting, Viz. Miss Sallie and Miss Betty and contin- 
oued teaching them until night, when I agreed to attend them every Sat- 
urday afternoon and every other Sunday from this date until 8 1 ! 1 June 
1777 (If it please God to spare me) for four pound Virginia currancy. 

Sunday, gth. After breackfast I rode to M. r McAlleys and teach' d his 
son to write untill 4 pm and then came home in the evening. 

Freiday, 14th. At noon Went to Jn? McDearmons and had 6 Yd! 
stript Cotton warped for 2 Veastcoats and two handkerchiefs all prepared 
at my own expence. 

Wednesday, igth. At noon went to snow creek and the boys and 
dined at the spring on Barbaque and fish. At 5 pm I went to M'. s Bat- 
taile and teac'd until ^ an hour past 7. 

Wednesday 26th. At 5 pm I went to M* Becks and had a short Coat 
cut out of cotton cloth wove Jeans. I bought the cotton and paid for 
spinning it at the rate of 2/6 per lb. and one shilling per Yd. for weaving. 

Sunday, July yth. This morning I rode to Mansfield and breackfast 
with M. r Reid and stayed and dined with him and in the afternoon he 
and I rode to see the Rowgallies that was building where we met with 
Mf Anderson and Jacob Whitely and went to Town with them to 
Whitelys where we Joyned in Comp?' with M' Wright and one M r . Bruce 
from King George, about 1 1 pm we brock up and every one went to his 
own home as I did. 

Wednesday, 10th. At 6 pm went to M" Battaile's and teach' d untill 
sunset and then return' d home and soon after hea[r]d a great many guns 
fired towards Toun. about 12 pm the Col Despatched Anth y Frazer 
there to see what was the cause of [it] who returned, and informed him 
that there was great rejoicings in Toun on Acco 1 of the Congress having 
declared the 13 United Colonys of North America Independent of the 
Crown of great Britain. 

Thursday, 25th. I imployed this morn! and forenoon getting Lead 
off Snowcreek house. 1 

1 Probably for military uses. 


Primitive Love and Love-Stories . By Henry T. Finck. (New 
York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1899. Pp. xvii, 851.) 

The present volume may be regarded as a sequel to the author's 
earlier work, Romantic Love and Personal Beauty. The central thesis of 
this earlier production was that human love, far from being " always the 
same, ' ' as the poets and even the psychologists have commonly regarded 
it, has been subject to the laws of development and change, and that ro- 
mantic love, which differs from conjugal affection, is an essentially 
modern experience, of which no trace can be found among primitive 
peoples, or even among the Greeks and Romans. This position was at- 
tacked by many of his critics, and it is in defense of it that Mr. Finck 
has written Primitive Love and Love-Stories, which is an exhaustive treat- 
ment of the whole question at issue. It embodies the results of a study 
of a large body of primitive and classical literature, and of the leading 
works on ethnology which throw light upon the subject. The book it- 
self is a valuable contribution to the special subject with which it deals. 

The first three hundred and fifty pages of the work are devoted 
mainly to an analysis of romantic love, and to a direct exposition and 
defense of the author's theory. The remainder is chiefly occupied with 
an account of the customs and sentiments attending love and marriage 
among different races, as revealed in their literature. A closing chapter 
is devoted to "Utility and Future of Love," and excellent indexes are 
added. A bibliography and index of authors is given, separate from the 
index of subjects. 

Mr. Finck prepares the way for an acceptance of his theory by show- 
ing how other sentiments besides that of love have been transformed in 
the course of their development. He appeals to the well-known fact that 
not only do savages the world over stand in mortal terror of certain wild 
and romantic aspects of nature, which often arouse the profoundest 
emotions of delight in educated moderns, but the Greeks and Romans 
also shared the same feeling of dislike and dread, as Humboldt, Fried- 
laender, and Rhode have shown. He also discusses the change in reli- 
gious ideas and emotions, which in primitive religions have been as crude 
and coarse as were the beginnings of the sentiment of love. For other 
illustrations of the transformation of ideas and their attendant emotions 
certain moral notions' are chosen — murder, polygamy, incest, chastity, 
etc., conceptions which have manifestly changed so radically in the 
moral evolution of the race that they have in some instances been com- 
pletely inverted. 


Finck : Primitive Love and Love-Stories 109 

The author then proceeds to offer a psychological analysis of love, 
and finds fourteen distinct ingredients, seven of which are egoistic and 
seven altruistic. The latter are sympathy, affection, gallantry, self-sacri- 
fice, adoration, purity and admiration of personal beauty. Each of the 
fourteen elements receives a detailed treatment, and its presence or ab- 
sence among primitive peoples is illustrated from ethnological data. 
While the egoistic ingredients of love have changed, it is in the emergence 
of the leading altruistic ingredients, such as sympathy, gallantry, and 
self-sacrifice, that romantic love, as it exists among the most highly de- 
veloped moderns, differs from anything found among primitive peoples, 
or even the classical nations of antiquity. One cannot refrain from 
wondering, much as in the case of Kant's categories, how it happens that 
there are just fourteen of these ingredients, that there is this perfect 
balance in the two groups, and whether a more searching analysis might 
not show that there are other essential elements, or that some of those 
given are reducible to still more elementary forms. 

The student who has endeavored to trace the historical evolution of 
moral sentiments will find no a priori difficulty in the general features of 
Mr. Finck's theory. He will rather be inclined to view it with favor. 
For modern historical and anthropological studies have ruthlessly de- 
stroyed the sentimentality of the Rousseau type, which looked upon the 
" noble savage ' ' as the embodiment of all the elemental virtues of human 
nature. The more the light of actual knowledge has been turned upon 
his life the more clearly has it been seen that Hobbes's terms more truth- 
fully characterize it, — "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short." The 
book may well be recommended to those who still accept intuitionalism 
in morals. It should prove a specific in all except those hopeless cases 
in which the facts are made to fit a cherished theory. 

Mr. Finck's general position is, I think, well sustained. As against 
the platitudes which have declared that "love is always the same," it 
seems abundantly vindicated. Love could always be "the same " only 
if human nature were so. And, despite all the maxims, human nature 
has not always been the same. It is rather a thing of growth and change, 
capable of assuming radically different forms in different environments. 
In the past it has often manifested itself in contradictory ways, develop- 
ing in one place a mode of life and a set of ideals the direct antithesis of 
those found in another. And, as for the future, " It doth not yet appear 
what we shall be. ' ' The point at which the author seems to me chiefly 
to err is in expounding his theory somewhat too summarily, — in not giv- 
ing his statement of it sufficient elasticity to fit all the complex facts of 
history and of human experience. If his view is correct there surely must 
have been a beginning of the higher, the romantic, form of love. It did 
not spring up suddenly as a new element in life, but was closely linked 
to what went before. It seems unnatural that there should have been 
absolutely no manifestation of it prior to the dawn of the modern era. 
Is it not far more reasonable to suppose that for its beginnings, imperfect 
and crude as they may have been, one must look to the later classical 

1 1 o Reviews of Books 

world, or even to the more highly developed among still more primitive 
peoples? Occasionally, too, there seems to be a want of imagination, 
and a consequent failure to allow for the contradictions and anomalies 
which appear in the character of the same individual. Thus he thinks it 
impossible that Odysseus, who behaved so cruelly to women, could truth- 
fully be represented as wiping away a tear when he sees that he is recog- 
nized by his faithful dog Argos. Is it not, on the contrary, often the 
fact that men capable, on occasion, of extreme cruelty, have displayed 
great fondness for a favorite animal ? It should be added, however, that 
the case of Odysseus is not a significant illustration for either the one 
view or the other. His emotional experience is dependent upon the total 
situation in which he finds himself, and the recognition by his old dog is 
merely the occasion for the overflow of feelings already highly charged 
with emotion. 

Walter Goodnow Everett. 

The Races of Man. An Outline of Anthropology and Ethnogra- 
phy. By J. Deniker. (New York : Charles Scribner's Sons. 
1900. Pp. xxiii, 611.) 

This compact little volume by the librarian of the Museum of Natural 
History at Paris is by all odds the best compendium of these sciences 
extant in English. It is far more complete and reliable than Brinton's 
Races and Peoples ; more thoroughly digested and scientific than the re- 
cently published erudite volumes by Keane ; and less narrowly Gallic in 
its sources of information than De Quatrefages in his Human Species. 
In this latter respect, as well as in its comprehensive scope, it most 
nearly approaches the type of Peschel's Races of Man; which for a 
quarter-century has been a standard classic. The principal defect, if it 
be one indeed, is that the learned author has sought to cram too many 
facts and too much detail of classification within the compass of a single 
small volume. The result may, not improbably, be to produce a 
blurred and confusing effect upon the mind of the undergraduate student 
or the general reader. Viewed as a defect from this standpoint, how- 
ever, such a wealth of detailed knowledge renders the book for the 
specialist a veritable mine of information, suitable for comparative study 
and further elaboration. 

The book naturally divides itself into three distinct parts. The first 
of these in three chapters is concerned with physical anthropology, in- 
cluding the relation of man to the anthropoid apes. In this domain our 
author in virtue of his own special investigations is at his best. We note 
with surprise, however, the absence of any reference to such standard 
authorities as Huxley, Hartmann or Darwin. Awkwardness of expression 
also results in many places from failure to adopt our English distinction 
between the cranial and the cephalic index. As would be naturally ex- 
pected from the author's recent detailed researches upon the distribution 
of the cephalic index in Europe, especial stress is laid upon the im- 

Denikcr : The Races of Alan 1 1 r 

portance of the head-form as a criterion of racial descent. It is refresh- 
ing to have so clear an expression of opinion upon this point, in view of 
the insular and sceptical attitude assumed by certain of our American 
scientists. In one matter alone do we take issue flatly with his data and 
his conclusions ; namely in his optimistic views (p. 118) concerning the 
possibility of acclimatization of the European in the tropics. As we 
have elsewhere pointed out, this view is entirely out of joint with the ex- 
pressed opinion of nearly all scientific authority. 

The second portion of the book, dealing with psychic and sociolog- 
ical phenomena, constitutes perhaps the least satisfactory portion. It is 
obviously an impossible task to treat of such topics in a philosophical 
way within the limits of three chapters. The chapter upon language, for 
example, failing to point to the parallel between the child-mind and the 
ideation of the savage, is hopelessly inadequate. The absence of any 
use of Romanes's work in this field is indicative of this defect. The 
author revives our interest again, however, in the concluding seven chap- 
ters, devoted to ethnography. Each of the continental groups of man is 
described in a masterly way, with a wealth of bibliographical knowledge 
which is most commendable. Our author seems to be acquainted with 
practically all of the best authorities, and that too at first hand. Only 
one section of this part of the work seems to us to be seriously at fault. 
We refer to his treatment and complicated classification of the population 
of Europe. Space forbids that we should enter upon criticism of his 
ten-fold division into European " races " in place of the traditional three ; 
especially since we have already done so in detail in our own work upon 
the Maces of Europe. The weight of authority still persists in regarding 
his "races" rather as "types" ; and recent publication of data upon 
the subject has confirmed this objection to his scheme. 

One of the great merits of this excellent book consists in its wealth 
of detailed citation of authorities. This renders it all the more lament- 
able that the bibliographical work should be so villainously out of form. 
There is scarcely a part, wherein some careless slip of spelling, accent 
or punctuation does not occur. One might indeed excuse the misspell- 
ing of proper names such as Gonner (p. 74), Euscalduna (p. 348), 
Braemer (p. 335), Erismann (p. 31) or Regalia (p. 77), or even the 
woful miscapitalization of German texts ; but the persistent neglect of 
accent in such common French words as Memoire (pp. 29, 34 and 42 for 
example) is inexcusable in a work of this kind, from which copied cita- 
tions are certain to be made. Only a few slips of a more serious order 
occur, such as the omission of "percent." (p. 56), the mistranslation 
of broad into our English word large (p. 71) and Niederle 1897, which 
should be 1896 (p. 344). 

The book is well illustrated from refreshingly original photographs ; 
and as we have already said, despite its defects, many of which may be 
eliminated in its certain future editions, is a notable contribution to 

William Z. Ripley. 

1 12 

Reviews of Booki. 

Religion of Israel to the Exile. By Karl Budde, D.D., Professor 
of Theology in Strassburg. (New York and London : G. P. 
Putnam's Sons. 1899. Pp. xix, 228.) 

In 1S92 a committee was organized for the purpose of arranging courses 
of popular lectures on religious history, to be styled " American Lectures 
on the History of Religions." Series have been given on Buddhism (by 
Rhys Davids), on the religions of primitive peoples (by Brinton), and 
on Jewish religious life after the exile (by Cheyne) ; the fourth series is 
published in the present volume. The Israelitish religious history natur- 
ally divides itself into three periods : the pre-Mosaic, or pre-Yahwistic, 
or nomadic, about which little or nothing is known, the stories of the 
patriarchs in Genesis being a legendary reflection of later times ; the first 
formative and creative period, in which the sole worship of Yahweh was 
established ; and the period of strict ecclesiastical organization. It is 
the second period, extending from the thirteenth century B. C. to the 
sixth, that Professor Budde here describes. 

The first question he considers is the origin of the Israelitish worship of 
Yahweh. The Pentateuch narrative is compiled from three documents : 
the Yahwistic (the earliest, known as J), the Elohistic (E), and the late 
Priestly (P). In E (Ex. iii. I3f.) and P (Ex. vi. 2ff. ) it is said that 
the name Yahweh was revealed for the first time to Moses, while J (Gen. 
iv. 26 al. ) assumes that it was known from the earliest times, long before 
the period of the patriarchs. What is the meaning of this discrepancy ? 
Dr. Budde, in agreement with a large number of scholars, explains it as 
follows : the cult of Yahweh was practised by the Midianites or Kenites, 
from whom it was taken by Moses and introduced into Israel ; a Kenite 
colony established itself in the south of Canaan, the territory of judah, 
and the Kenite tradition, embodied in J (which was composed in that 
region), represents the worship of Yahweh as primeval, since the Kenites 
knew no other deity ; on the other hand, E (followed by P) embodies 
the Ephraimite tradition, which was conscious of having received Yah- 
weh from an outside source. Dr. Budde further holds that the story in 
Ex. xviii. (in which the Midianite priest Jethro takes the leading part 
in a national sacrifice to Yahweh) really describes a solemn covenant by 
which Israel adopted Yahweh as its god, and this, he says, is the oldest 
known example of such adoption, by a people, of a foreign deity. Such 
a procedure does not seem to me probable ; I should rather suppose that 
the Yahweh cult came to Israel through a slow process of social inter- 
course ; the episode is, however, obscure, and a definitive judgment is 
hardly possible. It is probable that the Israelites took the Yahweh cult 
from Midian ; how Midian got it, and what is the meaning of the name ' 
Yahweh, we do not know. 

This preliminary question is of less interest than the history of Isra- 
el's religious career in Canaan. How the Hebrew nomads, entering ag- 
ricultural Canaan, gradually adopted the social and religious customs of 
its more cultivated people, and how the Yahweh religion maintained it- 

Wheeler : Alexander the Great 1 1 3 

self against the attractions of the local Baals and of splendid for- 
eign cults, growing out of its original crudeness into a substantially 
monotheistic faith with a high moral standard — all this is clearly and for- 
cibly told by our author, who handles his vast mass of materials with 
great skill. Of necessity much that he says is common property, the 
generally received outcome of recent criticism. He has, however, fresh 
points of view, as, for example, in his treatment of Manasseh's introduc- 
tion of the Assyrian astral worship. This worship, he observes, came 
in as the fashion of the day (imitation of the cult of the suzerain power), 
but the very fact that the King assigned a place in Yahweh's temple to 
sun, moon and stars shows that these were looked on as vassals of the 
god of Israel, to whom, therefore, Manasseh was not untrue. And im- 
mediately on Manasseh followed the Deuteronomic law (Dt. xii.-xxvi.) 
which is bitter against foreign customs. Dr. Budde calls attention, on 
the other hand, to the ease with which the people slid into foreign ways 
of worship — witness the naive speech of the Jerusalem women to Jere- 
miah (Jer. xliv. 1 5 ff . ) . He thinks, also, that some of the stories in Gen. 
i.-xi. were adopted at this time from the Assyrians — a view less popular 
now than formerly, many scholars holding that the Genesis myths came 
to Israel through the Canaanites from the Babylonians. Dr. Budde's work 
may be commended as eminently trustworthy and interesting. 

C. H. Toy. 

Alexander the Great ; The Merging of East and West in Universal 
History. By Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the Univer- 
sity of California. ["Heroes of the Nations " Series.] (New 
York and London : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1900. Pp. xv, 520.) 

The greater part of this book is already known to many in the twelve 
copiously and strikingly illustrated articles on Alexander the Great which 
appeared in the Century Magazine, Vols. LVII. and LVIIL, November 
1898 to October 1899 inclusive. The last nine of these articles reappear 
in book form with text substantially unchanged, pp. 227-501. To the 
first three extensive additions have been made, and some slight changes 
in the text which is common to magazine and book. Chapters V.-VIII. 
(pp. 81-148), entitled in order "The Old Greece, 336 B. C"; "Old 
Greece — -Its Political Organizations, 336 B. C.;" "The Political Ideas 
<jfof the Fourth Century, 404-338 B. C.;" are almost entirely new. Pp. 
35-63, on the education of Alexander, are a welcome expansion of what 
occupies little more than a single page of the magazine. Perhaps a dozen 
pages of new material have also been inserted here and there in the first 
and third papers of the magazine, supplementing the information first 
given about the Macedonian and Persian peoples, their countries, political 
and religious principles. None of this new matter reads like addenda to 
the original articles, but as though it had been once excised from the 
work to adapt it better for popular presentation in the pages of a monthly 
magazine. It is generally such material as the scholar and the historian, 
vol. vi. — 8. 

1 1 4 Reviews of Books 

rather than the general reader, will welcome. In the slight changes of 
text common to book and magazine which have been made necessary by 
these expansions and additions, several flippancies of expression, which 
originally offended the more judicious reader, have" been eliminated. 
Alexander, for instance, in rebuking Aristotle for publishing the " acro- 
amatic doctrines," no longer figures as "one of the earliest opponents of 
university extension." The book would have gained in dignity if this 
eliminating process had been carried beyond the original first three maga- 
zine articles. 

In its illustrations the book gains decidedly upon the magazine, though 
its gain is chiefly in its loss. It loses the flamboyant and utterly un- 
historical full-page illustrations by Castaigne and Loeb, which were such 
a feature of the magazine articles, which doubtless caught the eye of the 
"groundlings," but which illustrated anything and everything except 
Alexander's career. The invaluable illustrations from coins and portrait 
statuary generally remain in the book. We miss unwillingly the Boston 
head of Alexander, found at Ptolemais, and even the so-called "Dying 
Alexander" of the Uffizi, but more than either the Etruscan statuette of 
the Tyrian Hercules, or the bronze statuette of Alexander in armor, with 
the Lysippus portrait touch. We miss also the drawings by Harry Fenn 
(can one ever forget the view of Budrum from the rock tomb?), and 
cannot reconcile ourselves to accepting in their place the unauthenticated 
and really useless drawings of the Acropolis of Sardis (p. 196), the scene 
on the coast of Asia Minor (p. 242), and the Gygean Lake (p. 246), 
which are evidently meant to vary the monotony of busts and coins. 
The maps of the book are generally better than those of the magazine, 
and for two new ones, "The Persian Empire about 500 B. C, and 
the Empire of Alexander the Great" (p. 192) and "Alexander's 
Crossing of the Hydaspes and Battle with Porus " (p. 440), we cannot 
be too grateful. We would, however, gladly exchange Thorwaldsems 
" Triumph of Alexander " (p. 180), which is well enough as a paginal 
head-piece in the Century Magazine, but worthless as historical illustra- 
tion, for the meanest Macedonian coin. Perhaps, however, publishers' 
amenities lie back of the singular choices and variations from the Century's 
wealth of illustrative and ornamental material. Nor must the book be 
denied its right to ornament pure and simple, regardless of illustrative ac- 

The book is the best popular history of Alexander extant. It is the 
best kind of a popular history, written by a Greek scholar of minute and 
expert detailed knowledge, who has at the same time a broad and sound 
historical philosophy. It is written from within outwards, — centrifugally, 
after mastery of the original and primary, as well as of secondary and 
modern sources. In general its tendency is rather too romantic. It 
gives too much weight in many cases to the imaginative traditions about 
Alexander which were incorporated in the work of Kleitarchos, and 
which were passed on by Diodorus, Curtius Rufus, and Plutarch, when 
they are not substantiated and even when they are contradicted by the 

Holmes : Caesar s Conquest of Gaul 1 1 5 

testimonies of Kallisthenes, Eumenes, Chares, Nearchus, Aristobulos or 
Ptolemy Lagus. Occasionally, too, the rhetoric of Arrian is not taken 
with the proper grains of salt. But perhaps this tendency was natural 
and even inevitable in preparing a history of this scope and purpose. 
Barring the flippant touches here and there, already alluded to, the book 
is written with power and charm, and will help to dislodge from the 
popular mind many ideas of Alexander and of his career which have been 
fastened there by Rollin's History and Plutarch's Lives, even if it is not 
as corrective along this line as the severest historical critic might wish. 
In the main issue it is wholesomely corrective, inasmuch as it teaches that 
Alexander's work was not destructive, nor his career that of a mere mad 
conqueror. As a great sower he went forth over all the world to sow, 
but the soil of the world had first to be prepared for the sowing. 

In another respect President Wheeler's work is most helpful and in- 
structive. It keeps before the reader the modern political conditions, 
the modern geography, commerce, ' routes of travel, social states, and 
local or national ambitions which tax the statesmanship of our day in ad- 
ministering the incoherent fragments of what was once the world-empire 
of Alexander. Had Alexander penetrated further into India, and into 
China, and performed there too his work of sower, European civilization 
might not at this moment be confronted with so ghastly a problem. 

Caesar s Conquest of Gaul. By T. Rice Holmes. (London and 
New York: The Macmillan Co. 1899. Pp. xliv, S46.) 

"It is to be wished rather than hoped that the appalling mass of 
printed matter which, for four centuries, has been accumulating around 
the Commentaries, may not be swelled in the future by mere verbiage " 
(pp. xvii. f. ). An author who thus writes in the preface to a volume of 
nearly nine hundred large octavo pages devoted to the one hundred and 
ninety-three small Teubner pages of " the unpretending little book which 
Caesar wrote two thousand years ago in the scanty leisure of a busy life, ' ' 
must certainly be unconscious of the irony of his situation. But the 
book is fascinating, in spite of its undeniable verbiage and quite un- 
necessary bulk. And when the reader once becomes conscious of the 
magnitude of the task which the author has undertaken, and of the long 
years of patient, exhaustive labor which the performance of the task has 
cost, he will not cavil at discursiveness here and there, especially as the 
style is always agreeable, nor at what often seems superfluity of theme. 

The design of the book is to give an annotated English narrative of 
Caesar's conquest of Gaul, which shall be not only useful to teachers and 
interesting to general readers, but also worthy of the notice of scholars 
and students of the art of war. This might well have been done in pp. 
1-162, the actual narrative, with the addition of pp. 607-807, the run- 
ning commentary, the latter judiciously enriched with some of the 
critical, ethnological, geographical, political, historical and military ma- 
terial which now bulks out into pp. 165-606. We should then have 

1 1 6 Reviews of Books 

had a book of about half the size of this, likely to win more readers and 
do far more good, even though less of a thesaurus. 

For that is what Mr. Holmes's book now is, a thesaurus of all that has 
been written, good, bad and indifferent, on Gaul and its conquest by 
Caesar. It serves the student of Caesar's Gallic War much as Frazer's 
Pausanias serves the student of that author. Not only are the monu- 
mental editions and epoch-making treatises called forth by the Commen- 
taries duly named, described, and conscientiously utilized, with excellent 
independence of judgment ; but obscure articles hidden away among the 
transactions of various archaeological societies, numberless monographs, 
pamphlets and even medieval chronicles have been diligently hunted 
down and collated. The "bibliographical note" which forms part of 
the introductory matter (pp. xxv.-xxvi.), is a bibliography of biblio- 
graphies. " For fear I might have overlooked any reference to articles 
in foreign periodicals, I also worked through the back numbers of all the 
transactions of learned societies, French and German, which I could find 
on the shelves of the gallery which they occupy in the British Museum." 

After the preface (pp. v.-xix. ), which is written con a more, and tells the 
reader how the work grew to its present dimensions from the first modest 
projection, comes a short paper on " The Busts of Julius Caesar " (pp. 
xx.-xxv.); then the " Bibliographical Note " ; then a controversy entitled 
"Mr. Stock's Edition of Caesar's Gallic War and Colonel Stoffel's Ex- 
cavations " (pp. xxvi.-xxx. ) ; and then the usual table of contents. 

Part I. (pp. 1-162) consists of the narrative proper of the conquest 
of Gaul. It is not a translation, nor even a free paraphrase of Caesar, 
but a connected narrative based more or less closely on the words of 
Caesar. The author's exhaustive study of the topography of the various 
routes and sites enables him to supply, where they most aid the narrative, 
ample geographical and strategical details. Gaps in the terse story of 
Caesar are inferentially filled, and, on the other hand, those episodes 
which do not bear directly on the conquest of Gaul, like the inroads into 
Britain, are omitted. Again, not all of Caesar's movements in Gaul 
are fully determined, but only those sections of his devious track which 
can be followed with certainty. The student of Caesar and above all 
the lover of Caesar's Latinity, will use this " narrative " only as an ac- 
companiment to the immortal text. The general reader, who may not 
know Latin, will get almost no idea of the literary features of the great 
Commentaries. At the risk of seeming ungrateful to one who has confer- 
red a boon on all lovers of Caesar, the wish might be hazarded that Mr. 
Holmes had given us in Part I. a straightforward, idiomatic translation 
of Caesar's words, as Mr. Frazer has translated his Pausanias, and incor- 
porated all the interesting " Fuellmaterial " in the running commentary 
which now constitutes Section VII. (pp. 607-823). 

As a fair specimen of the liberties of omission and commission which 
Mr. Holmes has allowed himself with the words of Caesar, it will be suffi- 
cient to cite Caesar's account of that part of his first great battle with the 
Plelvetii which followed the dangerous flank and rear attack of the Boii 

Holmes : Caesar s Conquest of Gaul 1 1 7 

and Tulingi, the Helvetii returning to the charge in front (2?. G., I. 26), 
and the corresponding "narrative " of Mr. Holmes. Caesar says : " Ita 
ancipiti proelio diu atque acriter pugnatum est. Diutius cum sustinere 
nostrorum impetus non possent, alteri se, ut coeperant, in montem re- 
ceperunt ; alteri ad impedimenta et carros suos se contulerunt. Nam hoc 
toto proelio, cum ab hora septima ad vesperum pugnatum sit, aversum 
hostem videre nemo potuit. Ad multam noctem etiam ad impedimenta 
pugnatum est, propterea quod pro vallo carros obiecerant et e loco supe- 
riore in nostros venientes tela coniciebant, et nonnulli inter carros ro- 
tasque mataras ac tragulas subiciebant nostrosque vulnerabant. Diu cum 
esset pugnatum, impediments castrisque nostri potiti sunt. Ibi Orge- 
torigis filia atque unus e filiis captus est. Ex eo proelio circiter hominum 
milia CXXX superfuerunt eaque tota nocte continenter ierunt." 

Corresponding to these terse words Mr. Holmes has (p. 35): " Long 
and fiercely the battle was fought out. In due time the cohorts of the 
second line relieved those of the first, advancing between the files as the 
latter withdrew ; and again the first line relieved, in its turn, the second. 
Gradually the Helvetii were forced further up the hill ; while the Boii 
and Tulingi retreated to their baggage. Standing behind the wall of 
waggons, they hurled down stones and darts upon the advancing Romans, 
and thrust at them with long pikes when they attempted to storm the 
laager. The struggle was prolonged far into the night. At length the 
legionaries burst through the barrier. Women and children who could 
not escape were slaughtered ; and the flying remnant of the invading host 
disappeared in the darkness of the night. . . . What despair fell upon 
the baffled emigrants ; how the jaded cattle were headed round again to- 
wards the north, and goaded through that night ; how those who escaped 
the slaughter tramped after, and told the tale of the calamity; the din, 
the confusion, the long weariness of the retreat, — these things it is easy 
to imagine, but those only who have shared the rout and ruin of a beaten 
army can adequately realize." 

The Second Part is intended more for scholars. Section I. (pp. 
165-244) deals with the MSS., text, and editions of the Commentaries 
on the Gallic War, with the questions ' ' When did Caesar write the 
Comi?ientaries on the Gallic War, and when were they published, ' ' and 
with the various attacks which have been made upon the credibility of 
Caesar's narrative. Section II. deals with the ethnology and population 
of Gaul (pp. 245-327). Section III. (pp. 328-514) is "purely geo- 
graphical, ' ' and consists for the most part of an elaborate geographical 
index. Section IV. (pp. 515-547) is entitled "Social, Political and 
Religious," and discusses such topics as monarchy, democracy, private 
property in Gaul and the Druids. Sections V. and VI. (pp. 548-562, 
and 563-606) contain such historical summaries and technical details of 
the Roman art of war as are necessary or helpful in introducing or sup- 
plementing the narrative of Caesar. Section VII. , finally, is the running 
commentary on the narrative of Caesar (pp. 607-811), and closes with a 
chapter on Celtic names, and various addenda (pp. 811-825). 

1 1 S Rev i civs of Books 

In this second part the author has conscientiously given the argu- 
ments for as well as against all the conclusions adopted by him in his 
" narrative." He does this for his own satisfaction, for that of scholars, 
and of the "few general readers who are not contented with mere re- 
sults, but want to know the evidence on which they are based." He 
has here attempted " to collect, co-ordinate, and estimate the results of 
the innumerable researches which have aimed at throwing light upon the 
problems of Gallic History. " He is not a mere chronicler of opposing 
views and theories. He pronounces judgment, and with the air of au- 
thority which his long and thorough researches give him the right to as- 
sume. " Von Kampen is quite right, and the author of the article has 
thought himself into a muddle " (p. 784), is only one of many clear and 
positive decisions which greet the often muddled reader of controversial 
views. Possibly too many and too inferior views are given the dignity 
of a discussion. One could wish that Mr. Holmes had here applied the 
scorn which he so well expresses towards limitless conjectural emenda- 
tions of Caesar's text (p. xviii.). But this failing shall not detract from 
the gratitude due for a helpful thesaurus of discussion on Caesar's Belhtm 

Twenty Famous Naval Battles. Salamis to Santiago. By Edward 
Kirk Rawson, Professor United States Navy, Superintendent 
Naval War Records. (New York and Boston : Thomas Y. 
Crowell and Co. [1900]. Two vols., pp. xxx, 344, 730.) 

One would expect to find a great sameness in twenty naval battles, 
but the reader of these volumes goes on from chapter to chapter with 
eager and increasing interest. This is partly due to the fact that, in 
spite of certain eccentricities of style, the author has the power of dra- 
matic narrative, and partly to the fact that the book improves both in 
matter and manner as it approaches the more modern periods. But even 
after the higher level of excellence is reached the interest does not flag 
and there is no feeling that one sea-fight is after all but a repetition of 
another. A further reason for the sustained interest lies in the constantly 
changing conditions of naval warfare. The book takes us through all 
stages of its evolution. Salamis, Actium and Lepanto illustrate the first 
era, that of oars. The Armada marks the transition to the second era, 
the era of warfare under sail. We see the Spaniards with characteristic 
indecision compromising between the old and the new and perhaps, too, 
hampered by their traditions as a power partly Mediterranean, partly 
oceanic, hesitating in this as in all things to leave the Middle Ages be- 
hind them. While they put galleys and the famous Neapolitan galleasses 
amongst the more modern galleons, the English, having thoroughly 
broken with the past, sent out a homogeneous sailing fleet, relegating 
their only galleys to humiliating river service. 

After the signal and fateful victory of the northern and Teutonic 
navy over the school of Spain comes the fierce struggle between two Teu- 

Rawson : Twenty Famous Naval Battles 1 1 9 

tonic peoples with navies of the same type. England after varying 
fortunes emerges victorious from this ordeal only to find herself once 
again pitted against a Latin and Romanist navy. Trafalgar is of course 
the culmination of this period, the first victory of England over the 
combined fleets of the two Latin empires which had disputed with 
her one after the other the supremacy of the sea and whose navies were 
now, strangely enough, united in the supreme effort against her. Trafal- 
gar was furthermore the culmination of the second era of the naval art, 
the culmination though not the end. As after the Spaniards the Dutch, 
so, in a smaller way, after the French, a Teutonic race still more closely 
related to the British than the Hollanders sent out their ships under a 
flag that John Paul Jones had already made famous on the sea, to seek 
and fight the ships of England. Not that we should forget, and Professor 
Rawson neither forgets nor permits his readers to forget, the historical 
perspective. Our battles of 181 2 are placed among the twenty with Le- 
panto and Trafalgar, but there is no attempt to exaggerate their intrinsic 
importance. It is not only in the case of America that the author in- 
cludes fights that are not fleet actions. Indeed it is an avowed object of 
his to relate doughty deeds upon the sea, whether done by Greek or Ro- 
man, by English or Spaniard, by Dutch, Frenchman or his own Amer- 
icans. One of the great lessons of the book is the comparative useless- 
ness of fine ships and splendid abilities without conspicuous physical and 
intellectual pluck. 

After describing Perry's achievement on Lake Erie, the author ushers 
in the third and last era of naval warfare, that of steam. He describes 
the memorable fight between Monitor and Merrimac, where, as he sug- 
gests, two types of ironclads prophesied to the world what the ingenious 
foes might accomplish when reunited under the olden flag. The duel 
between the Kearsarge and Alabama and Farragut's brilliant achieve- 
ment in Mobile Bay complete the actions chosen from our Civil War. 
The scene now shifts to the Adriatic and we see the Italians in their fine 
fleet succumbing to the Austrians, another victory, it is perhaps fair to 
say, of Teuton over Latin. In Tegetthoff the author is as ready to see 
great qualities as in Perry or Farragut, and with similar impartiality his 
next chapter celebrates the valor of Chilians and Peruvians. The last 
two chapters contain vivid accounts of Manila Bay and Santiago. 

The Twenty Famous Battles thus ranges over a period of twenty-four 
centuries. Professor Rawson does not claim to offer considerable addi- 
tions to the historian's knowledge. He has written a most interesting 
book, but a book that is intended for a wide class of readers and not, 
except possibly in the American chapters, for the special student of any 
period of naval history. He aims simply to tell the story of these sea- 
fights accurately and vividly, but chiefly from sources generally known, 
and to impress upon the reader certain fundamental and eternal laws of 
strategy and tactics, holding up constantly before him the qualities with- 
out which no sailor can deserve to win his battles. The author has the 
facilities of his position for examining governmental naval records, so 

1 20 Reviews of Books 

that his chapters relating to American history doubtless contain valuable 
hints for the special investigator. It is perhaps pardonable to express 
here the hope that the American sailor may never fail to illustrate the 
high ideals which speak in Professor Rawson's pages. 

W. F. Tilton. 

A Manual of Church History. By Albert Henry Newman, D.D., 
LL.D., Professor of Church History in McMaster University. 
Vol. I. Ancient and Mediaeval Church History, to A.D. 1 5 1 7- 
( Philadelphia : The American Baptist Publication Society. 1900. 
Pp. xiii, 639.) 

The author here presents in text-book form the results of his twenty 
years' experience as a student and teacher of ecclesiastical history. His 
work is thus arranged : an Introduction discusses the nature, method, and 
divisions of church history, with a history of the discipline. The Graeco- 
Roman civilization and Judaism are treated as preparatory to Christianity. 
Period I. (to about 100 A.D.) covers the life of Jesus, the work of the 
apostles, and the constitution of the apostolic churches; Period II. (to 
312 A.D.), the relation of Christianity to the Roman government, the 
doctrinal development, and the early Christian literature ; Period III. 
(to about 800 A.D.), church and state, theological controversies in the 
age of the great councils, the growth of the papacy, and various aspects 
of the Christian world and the Church in the eighth century ; Period IV. 
(to 1517 A.D.) includes a miscellaneous chapter, entitled "Some 
Aspects of Mediaeval Civilization" {e.g., the Holy Roman Empire, 
canon law, monasticism, the crusades, the inquisition, universities, schol- 
asticism, and the Renaissance), and chapters on the papacy and various 
reformatory movements. This, it will be observed, is the familiar, con- 
ventional division of the field of church history, which it is so hard for us 
to get away from. We go on giving to civil rulers, especially to Con- 
stantine and Charlemagne, an ecclesiastical significance which they do 
not deserve, and we fail to understand that the only proper division of 
the history is into primitive, Catholic and Protestant Christianity. 

The merits of Professor Newman's book are that it is clearly written, 
compact, comprehensive, and well adapted for use in the class-room. It 
contains extensive bibliographies, from which however one misses here 
and there an important title, and it is well indexed. The sections which 
treat of medieval theology, sects and parties, are among the best in the 
book, yet their arrangement is sometimes poor and the treatment frag- 
mentary. Why are the Taborites (p. 581), the Bohemian Brethren (p. 
593), the Hussite movement (p. 607), and the Brethren of the Common 
Life (p. 617) put in that order, and with other sections sprinkled in 
between them? And why must we read about the Lollards (p. 5S9) 
before we have made the acquaintance of Wyclif (p. 600) ? More than 
once our author lays himself open to the criticism recently passed upon 
many writers of general history, viz. that they give prominence to the ex- 

Lang : History of Scotland 1 2 1 

ceptional and picturesque, at the expense of that normal line of progress, 
which after all constitutes the most important part of history. 

Aside from the defects already alluded to, it should be noted that the 
book before us contains no maps or chronological tables ; also that the 
treatment of church organization, government, discipline and worship is 
regrettably meagre. The proof-reading might have been more carefully 
done, and there are occasional slips of a more serious kind, in statements 
of fact. Yet on the whole Dr. Newman's Manual will be welcomed in 
many institutions where text-books are employed, and it is sure to give 
better satisfaction than most books of a similar character. 


A History of Scotland from the Roman Occupation. By Andrew 
Lang. Vol. I. (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co. 1900. 
Pp. xxvi, 509.) 

Dr. Liebermann has lately been complaining of the tendency of 
English students of history to produce readable essays rather than to de- 
vote themselves to laying the dry foundations upon which a future mas- 
ter may build. In this connection Professor Seeley's denunciation of 
" mere literature " is remembered. Literature is what Mr. Lang has ac- 
customed us to expect from him, but he now presents himself as a serious 
and even ambitious writer of history. In this capacity, then, and in no 
other, must he be judged. 

A history of Scotland, at the present stage of historical study in that 
country, must be one of two things. Either it must be the fruit of a 
scholar's prolonged and painful study of original sources, or else the dis- 
cerning and compact restatement of results obtained by specialists work- 
ing in various parts of the general field. In the first of these classes Mr. 
Lang's work cannot be included, in the second it probably will not oc- 
cupy a distinguished place. 

The present volume — a second is promised — comprises the period 
from the Roman occupation to the middle of the sixteenth century. 
The field is wide, but perhaps less so than would at first appear. The 
dynastic history of Scotland may be said to have begun with the consoli- 
dation of the Celtic — or non-Teutonic, for this point is in dispute — peo- 
ples of North Britain under Kenneth MacAlpine (844-860). But the 
national history of the Scots can scarcely be regarded as older than the 
battle of Carham (1018), a victorious defeat of the Anglo-Saxons, by 
which the Northumbrian kings lost the province of Lothian and the 
Scottish dynasty was swept into the current of Teutonic development. 
In the succeeding century the marriages of Malcolm Canmore with St. 
Margaret — a princess of the line of Cerdic and Alfred — and of David I. 
with that Matilda who, as heiress of Earl Waltheof, brought a dower of 
claims to an English earldom, definitely mark the triumphs of Teuton 
over Celt between Tweed and Forth. Thus a Celtic dynasty sprung 
from an ancestor half Scot half Pict — and so, perhaps, something more 

1 2 2 Reviews of Books 

than Celt — reaching southward to add the plains of Lothian to its do- 
minion is, in the course of three generations, conquered in a silent, 
bloodless struggle which is completed under St. Margaret, by the assimi- 
lation of the Scottish Church to Rome. Henceforth the Scottish king- 
dom will grow north and south from Lothian, striving on the one hand 
with centripetal England, on the other with centrifugal Pictland. 

A new factor is added, in the twelfth century, to the problem of na- 
tional development. Norman adventurers — the terms are almost con- 
vertible — balked in their hope of feudal independence by the vigorous 
statecraft of the Conqueror and his sons, passed the Border, bringing 
Norman feudalism into infant Scotland. These Normans and their polit- 
ical ideals found a ready welcome at the hands of David I. and Scotland 
presently became as feudal as the France of Philip I. 

Meanwhile the English government was consolidated and the at- 
tempt of Scotland to grow southward at the expense of England failed. 
But to the north and west Celts and Scandinavians had eventually to give 
way before the feudal monarchy of the Lowlands. 

On a much smaller scale, though without the stimulus of a local 
throne, much the same process was going on in the marches of Wales 
where, on terms of high feudal independence, Norman barons were al- 
lowed to hold what they could wrest from the hostile Welsh. Regarded 
from this point of view the history of Scotland up to the death of the 
Maid of Norway appears rather as a series of unrestrained Norman ag- 
gressions resulting in a loose complex of fiefs than, in any true sense, a 
national history ; and this point of view was not unknown to the thirteenth 
century, for John Hastings, formulating his claim to the Scottish throne — 
or rather to a share of it — denied that the land was a kingdom, comparing 
it rather to the great franchises of the Welsh and Scottish Borders. 

The War of Independence, of course, evoked a Scottish national con- 
sciousness. But the nation which realized itself under so great tribula- 
tions was cast in a feudal mould, a community in which the notion of con- 
tract as the principle of national cohesion was still strong. 

From this point of view accordingly the drama — say rather the trag- 
edy — of the growth of the Scottish nation will be criticized in a manner 
differing materially from that followed by Mr. Lang. Care will be taken 
to guard against too early an introduction of the notions of patriotism on 
the one hand and treachery on the other. The turbulent barons who rise 
against their king are not always fighting for "one national idea, Inde- 
pendence "(p. 269) ; nor when, like Douglas (pp. 263, 364), they de- 
sert him, is the idea of a dissolution of contract wholly absent. 

So much, then, for the point of view. Mr. Lang's story is pains- 
taking but somewhat languid ; he needs a battle to rouse him. His ac- 
counts of the Battle of the Standard, of Bannockburn and of Flodden 
Field are clear and spirited, but they shine by contrast with the listless 
narrative in which they are set. 

The constitutional history of Scotland remains to be written. To 
the achievement of this desirable end Mr. Lang's work is in no sense a 

Lapsley: The County Palatine of Durham 123 

contribution. His constitutional history is literary — not to say jour- 
nalistic. He has relied on the works of Robertson, Skene and Innes, 
drawing freely, for analogies — which he sometimes regards as proof — 
upon the writings of Bishop Stubbs and Professor Maitland. These au- 
thorities, unfortunately, he has not always read with care. He is capable, 
for example, of likening Celtic tribal land held in common ownership to 
the Anglo-Saxon folcland of Kemble's dreams (p. 82), although Vino- 
gradoff's teaching has reached him through Maitland (p. 86). Again 
he writes of peers of the realm in the eleventh century (p. 94) and of 
"the important statute de tallagio 11011 concedendo' n (p. 185). On the 
intricate question of boroughs (p. 145 and App. D.) an amateur is less 
to be blamed for going wrong, but if Mr. Lang had consulted Professor 
Maitland's Township and Borough he would have seen that the views ad- 
vanced in Domesday Book and Beyond have not passed unquestioned. 
An understanding of the nature of tallage would have resolved the diffi- 
culty raised (p. 147) by the burghal contribution to the ransom of 
William the Lion. This lack of training is further betrayed in the ap- 
plication of the title of Dauphin to the heir of Philip Augustus (p. 119), 
and in the ingenuous belief implied on page 253 that the Lex Salica pro- 
vides that women shall not succeed to the crown of France. 

A few misprints have also been remarked. Hcniy II for Henry I. 
(p. 128), Carlaverock for Caerlaveroek (pp. xxi, 189), Loraine for Lor- 
raine (p. 308). 

On the whole one fails to understand why, with Mr. Hume Brown's 
excellent work already in the field, the present book should have been 
put forth. 

Gaillard Thomas Lapsley. 

The County Palatine of Durham. A Study in Constitutional History. 
By Gaillard Thomas Lapsley, Ph.D. (New York and Lon- 
don : Longmans, Green and Co. 1900. Pp. xii, 380.) 

The author well calls his book A Study ; each chapter is a particular 
study of its field. It is only as a series of studies that so much of detail 
as constantly appears can find justification. Investigation in detail is of 
course the sort of work expected in the Harvard Historical Studies, to 
which the subject of this review belongs. Had the work been published 
as a history, it would have been open, on this point, to obvious criticism, 
which the author's modesty and good sense have disarmed. The dis- 
tinction is worth drawing and emphasizing, and Dr. Lapsley deserves 
thanks for observing it and so helping it on. 

But this praise must itself be seasoned with criticism. Surely there 
is a distinction between the work of the antiquary and that of the student 
of constitutional history. The pursuit of details as such is not the work 
of the latter ; and one would not have to go far to feel that the author 
has sometimes lost his place. The origin of the Durham palatinate in 
the darknesss of pre-Norman England has possibly some value in consti- 

1 2 4 Reviews of Books 

tutional history ; but to spend almost the best part of the book, the first 
thirty pages, in wandering about for what only the antiquary would suffi- 
ciently value when found, might tempt one to cast aside a first-rate piece 
of work. Five pages should have been enough. 

Let us have done with criticism at once. How could the author de- 
vote these thirty pages to the Origin of the Palatinate, and, without a 
helpful syllable, dismiss a court of the Law Merchant, which he finds in 
Durham in full operation ? "A court of pie-powder was held in the fairs 
and markets belonging to the bishop ;" but that and other small courts 
' ' present no peculiar features. ' ' The author is nodding ; one so learned 
in legal history must know that the smallest word unearthed about these 
courts of the merchants is worth tons of suggestions and guesses, or even 
of records, in regard to the origin of the Durham palatinate. Thence 
came (transplanted from the Continent) the body of that most potent in- 
fluence in English and American life, our lex mcrcatoria. Will not Dr. 
Lapsley tell us something about the pie-powder courts of Durham, as 
well as about the Council of the North ? 

For another thing, we cannot but wonder why the author should 
stop, as he does several times, to justify his method. An author is en- 
titled to his own method ; the only justification called for is its fruits. 
On that justification Dr. Lapsley might safely have rested, quite as safely 
as by challenging the reader to consider his method. Again, the author 
is apt to discredit his reader's intelligence ; as where, after giving (p. 
234) two reasons for a certain thing, which tell their own story, he com- 
ments thus : " The first is a matter of expediency, the second a matter of 

We had noted other things for criticism, but we gladly brush them 
away, with all that we have said, as only the small dust in the balance. 
The merits of the work before us are conspicuous, its defects of the 
slightest in comparison. The idea of making the Durham palatinate a 
special study was a happy one ; but for some other workers we might call 
it an inspiration. It was worth doing, and has been well done. 

The scope of the work is comprehensive, and the plan is so well carried 
out that Lapsley's Durham Palatinate must long stand as the final work 
on the subject. What it contains may be briefly shown. 

After the first chapter, on origins, we have a careful study on The 
Bishop as Lord Palatine. Here the author treats of the Bishop's regality, 
under powers /'/; impcrio, in dominio, and in jurisdictione ; a not very 
illuminating set of titles, though the author assures us that it " has in 
compensation the great advantage of clearness. " Under the first desig- 
nation the Bishop appears as king of Durham ; under the second, as 
feudal landlord ; under the third, in relation to the law. 

The second chapter treats of the less interesting subject of the Officers 
of the Palatinate ; under which we find Officers of State and Officers of 
the Household fully dealt with. 

A valuable chapter follows on The Assembly and the Bishop's Coun- 
cil, which all students of our own colonial history will read with pleasure 

Mackinnon : The History of Edward the Third 1 2 5 

and profit. We have in this connection, first, the Development of the 
Assembly," then the Composition and Functions of that body ; following 
which we have a like treatment of the Council, and other matters of in- 
terest pertaining to that branch of the palatinate. 

The fifth and sixth chapters are, for us, the best in the book. The 
fifth chapter opens indeed, like the book itself, with a vain thing, a too 
serious delay over the Development of the Judiciary from 635 until 1 195 ; 
at which latter date, or a little before, under the reforms of Henry the 
Second, the subject really begins. From that time on the author easily 
carries the interested reader through a long category of courts, until he 
reaches the pie-powder tribunals — of which no more. The Transition 
from a Feudal to a Royal Court is well told. The sixth chapter treats of 
the Palatine Courts in relation to the Royal Judiciary, and leaves nothing 
to be desired ; a surprise to a lawyer, because the author himself does not 
profess to be a man of law. Here will be found all the details of judicial 
procedure, much of it extremely technical, and all of it, so far as we have 
observed, accurate. It is curious, by the way, that the author missed the 
chance, on page 218, of remarks on foreign attachment. "It is ques- 
tionable," says Dr. Lapsley, "whether the bishop could have been put 
to exigent or outlawed on such proceedings," proceedings in the nature 
of foreign attachment. Could a citizen of Massachusetts be proceeded 
against personally, on attachment of lands of his in New York, without 
service of process on him ? Chapter VI. closes with some useful remarks 
in regard to the Council of the North and the Palatine Judiciary, a sub- 
ject of which the author has since shown himself a master. Here the 
author accordingly deals with what theologians, in another way, call last 
things. He is speaking of a plea of land in the palatinate drawn in 1547 
into the (royal) Council, and closes with a passage which we must quote. 
"This tells the whole story. In the administration of law the palatinate 
has become a negligible quantity. It is not destroyed or swept away ; 
that would have been inconsistent with the genius of the English race, 
which is before all things conservative of appearances ; but the life that 
was in it has gone. . . . The living organism with which we were con- 
cerned has become a heap of dry bones. ' ' 

The final chapters deal with Financial, and Military and Naval, Ar- 
rangements in the Palatinate. Several appendices of considerable value 
follow, the last one a full bibliography. 

We have read this book with genuine satisfaction. The Torrey Fund, 
which is responsible for the publication of it, has borne no better fruit. 

Melville Madison Bigelow. 

The History of Edzvard the Third (1 327-1 377). By James Mac- 
Kinnon, Ph.D. (London, New York and Bombay : Longmans, 
Green and Co. 1900. Pp. xx, 624.) 

Dr. MacKinnon's book is based on laborious and independent in- 
vestigation of sources. No phase of the reign is entirely neglected, but 

1 2 6 Reviews of Books 

he deals chiefly with military history. He excels Longman and War- 
burton in accuracy of statement, corrects chronological errors of various 
writers, and treats certain periods of Scottish history with a fulness of 
detail never before attempted. His account of the battle of Neville's 
Cross is based partly upon a source heretofore used by no English writer, 
and the narrative of events in Scotland for the decade after Halidon Hill 
deserves especial mention for its novelty. Such are the chief merits of 
the volume. They are due, in part, to priority in the use of Letten- 
hove's Froissart. 

Apparently Dr. Mackinnon has not employed all available contem- 
porary materials. Certain minor chroniclers are not cited, and no evi- 
dence exists that the author has consulted the important Calendars of 
Close and Patent Rolls. A specific bibliography is lacking. 

The opening sentence of the preface states : "In writing this work I 
have limited myself to the investigation of contemporary evidence." It 
is a pity the assertion is so true. How much the author could have 
learned from recent writers is evidenced, for example, by his description 
of the battle of Dupplin Moor. He ascribes the victory of the English 
to the "courage of despair " and "the idiocy of Mar and his ill-disci- 
plined rabble;" of the significance of English archery tactics, he has 
never a word to say. Again, with reference to the battle of Poitiers, he 
names with evident pride the authorities by whose use he has ' ' departed 
considerably from the conventional descriptions of previous historians." 
He does not seem to know that by the ' ' careful examination ' ' of these 
same authorities Mr. Oman had already written an account of the battle 
better, because more critical and less dogmatic, than his own. 

The favorable reception accorded Dr. Mackinnon' s work on the 
Union of England and Scotland can hardly be extended in its fulness to 
the present publication. Apart from Scottish annals, it contains too 
little which is new. Much of the military history, and all the constitu- 
tional history, has been handled as well or better elsewhere ; the re- 
ligious and economic features of the reign are portrayed essentially along 
familiar lines ; and the character of Edward himself, as man and sov- 
ereign, stands out but little more clearly as the result of Dr. Mackinnon's 

Regarding the warriors of the time as ' ' picturesque fighting maniacs, ' ' 
he abhors chivalry. This sharp contrast between the spirit of the author 
and one prominent manifestation of the spirit of the age apparently leads 
him to adopt a style of cheap sarcasm and railing mockery which too 
often falls below the standard of historical dignity and defaces with vul- 
garisms page after page of his work. The infiltration of modern human- 
itarian ideals and the use of the nineteenth-century interpretation of the 
rights of nationalities as a test for the acts of the fourteenth, detract 
greatly from the value of the book. 

Oliver H. Richardson. 

Atkinson: Michel de P Hospital 127 

Michel de V Hospital. Being the Lothian Prize Essay, 1899. By 
C. T. Atkinson, Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford ; late Demy 
of Magdalen College. (London, New York and Bombay : 
Longmans, Green and Co. 1900. Pp. viii, 200.) 

The important part taken by the great Chancellor in the exciting 
drama of the French political and religious struggles of the sixteenth cen- 
tury amply justifies the production of this little book, and might have 
warranted the composition of a still larger work. In the madness of the 
contending parties, 1' Hospital perhaps above all others strove to hold a 
position of serene impartiality and imperturbable conviction that in the 
end righteousness would win the day. "Patience, patience, all will 
come out aright, ' ' was his frequently repeated motto. That it did not, 
was no fault of his sagacity, but the result of circumstances beyond his 

Mr. Atkinson has told with care and with accuracy the story of the 
short but eventful period to which his activity was limited. He has 
added to the picture as usually drawn some traits derived from a particu- 
lar study of the Chancellor's own works, which are, however, of limited 
scope. More that is striking has been obtained from the recently pub- 
lished volumes of Hector de la Ferriere devoted to the letters of Catha- 
rine de' Medici, forming part of the magnificent Collection de Documents 
Inedits issued by the French government. The result is a compact volume 
which will prove serviceable not less as a sketch of the course of events 
in the reign of Francis II. and the first years of Charles IX. than as a 
partial biography of 1' Hospital. We rise from a careful perusal of it 
confirmed in the impression of the perfect honesty and integrity of the 
Chancellor and of the misfortune it was to France that from the very first 
he was engaged in a hopeless endeavor. This is much, even if Mr. At- 
kinson has not made any sensible addition to our stock of knowledge on 
this point. He well observes that " the clue to all l'Hospital's measures 
and to his general policy is to be found in his absolute identification of 
religion, justice and toleration. He was just because he was religious, 
he was tolerant because he was just." Yet, strange to say, neither 
friends nor enemies were agreed as to what 1' Hospital's particular re- 
ligious views were. His wife, daughter and son-in-law were all Hugue- 
nots, but he certainly was not a Huguenot, not even a crypto-Huguenot. 
Mr. Atkinson enthusiastically finds "ample justification in his works for 
the conclusion that 1' Hospital was no bigoted Catholic but no Calvinist, 
still less an atheist — a Catholic rather than a Huguenot, if one must 
place him on one side or the other, but above all a sincere and devout 
Christian " (p. 173). 

Mr. Atkinson's style is simple and unadorned. He tells the tale he 
has taken in hand without over-great excitement ; so quietly in fact as to 
appear unmoved by its thrilling incidents. The language is that of 
every-day life and we are scarcely surprised at the use of expressions ap- 
proaching contemporary slang. On page 84 we read that religion was 

i 2 S • Reviews of Books 

the principal "plank" in the Reformers' "platform," and a few lines 
farther on we are informed that 1' Hospital increased the number of his 
enemies daily "by his stern opposition to anything in the nature of a 
job. ' ' 

We fear that many may be deterred from reading this excellent book 
by what we cannot avoid regarding as an injudicious incorporation in the 
text of whole clauses and frequently long sentences in foreign languages. 
A good stiff quotation in Latin or French even when relegated to a foot- 
note will startle your easy-going reader when descried from afar. What 
will become of his composure if he runs directly against a brace of lines 
in the very sentence he has entered upon and finds no room for retreat, 
so that he must needs grapple with their difficulties or ignominiously 
succumb? For example, page ioo seems written expressly for readers 
familiar with the old French. Out of its twenty-four lines, full ten are in 
that tongue, the citations being distributed in three or four sentences. In 
not one case would the foreign words lose force by translation into 

En S lish - Henry M. Baird. 

A History of the English Church during the Civil Wars and under 
the Commonwealth, 1640- 1660. By William A. Shaw. (Lon- 
don and New York : Longmans, Green and Co. 1900. Two 
vols., pp. xxxvi, 384, 707.) 

Old writers upon Puritan history devoted their pages to a record 
of the sufferings of their heroes and heroines, an account of their perse- 
cutions at home and of their battles abroad, and an apology for their 
opinions and beliefs. They had much to say about what was done to 
the Puritans and about what the Puritans themselves would do, but 
of what they actually accomplished little was written. Mr. Shaw's book 
represents a very different type of history. It is neither a record of the 
struggles of sect with sect nor is it an account of different forms of relig- 
ious doctrine, but it is a history of what the author calls the most com- 
plete and drastic revolution which the Church of England has ever 
undergone, a history of the development of the Puritan ecclesiastical 

For the writing of the history of this ecclesiastical revolution no one 
was better fitted than Mr. Shaw. In 1890 he edited for the Chetham 
Society the Minutes of the Manchester Presbyterian C/assis, the most 
perfect of surviving records of Presbyterianism under the Commonwealth, 
and in 1896 the Minutes of the Bury C/assis. In the same period he 
also edited the proceedings of the Plundered Ministers' Committee for 
the Lancashire and Cheshire Record Society, and now, in several appen- 
dices, he has set down all the cases of clergymen tried, imprisoned, 
sequestered, ejected, nominated, or promoted to benefices by the various 
parliamentary committees for deprived clergymen, for plundered minis- 
ters, for scandalous ministers, for reformation of the universities, etc., 
recorded in the Commons'' Journals and Lords' Journals. More than 

Shaw : History of the English Church 1 29 

that, he has brought together from various sources and printed for the 
first time a mass of material relating to the constitution of the Presby- 
terian system, accounts of first-fruits and of tenths, and sales of bishops' 
lands and of deans' and chapters' lands. In short, while confining him- 
self to publishing definitely chosen parts of such materials as are never 
likely to be published in Calendar form or by the Historical Manuscripts 
Commission, he has made accessible a body of material which, together 
with a future Calendar of Plundered Ministers' Records, will constitute a 
complete body of evidence upon the history of the ecclesiastical revolu- 
tion of the seventeenth century, a body of evidence of value both to the 
general historian and to the parochial historian. 

But the best evidence of the value of the material in these appendices 
is to be seen in the use which the author has made of them, with other 
sources, in the reconstruction of the history of the period. Since the 
time of Carlyle we have been inclined to exaggerate the importance of 
the military history of the time. The author of this book, however, does 
not make that mistake. Instead, he emphasizes the fact that the history 
of Puritanism was in the first place the history of thought, of divinity, — 
perhaps we may say, polemical divinity. In the Stuart period England 
took the second step in the nationalization of the church. Henry VIII. 
had cut it off from Rome. Now the people adopted it, and the offices 
of the church and membership in the church became elective. The ques- 
tion of the divine right of kings was accordingly of less importance than 
that of the divine right of bishops and presbyters, and the power of officers 
of the church a matter of less serious concern than their virtue, albeit the 
Puritan was duly impressed with the incompatibility of power and virtue. 

But while Puritanism was first of all doctrinal, and while Puritan 
doctrine was logical and systematic as long as it remained merely aca- 
demic as in Elizabethan Presbyterianism, or merely clerical as in Cove- 
nanting Presbyterianism, it afterwards became popular, and among the 
people Puritanism meant not only ecclesiastical doctrine but political 
theory, and popular doctrine and popular theories were not logical or 
systematic ; they were inspired, perhaps, by hatred of Rome rather than 
by love of God, they were critical rather than constructive. Men drew 
up catalogues of sins with ease, but the conversion of England, they dis- 
covered, was a more difficult matter. Indeed, the people of England 
would have been content to remain in that wicked Babylon, as some 
called episcopacy, had not the Scots urged Presbyterianism upon them as 
the price of their assistance against the victorious king. 

The first plan of ecclesiastical reform had been Ussher's, a plan 
of modified episcopacy. This provided for parochial presbyteries, rural 
deaneries with monthly synods, dioceses with semi-annual synods, and 
provinces with triennial synods. The Parliamentary plan, however, was 
for the government of the church by commissions appointed by Parlia- 
ment as bishops had been appointed by the King, a chief commission to 
succeed to the archiepiscopal jurisdiction and county commissions to 
succeed to the episcopal. But the clergy were unwilling to be responsi- 

VOL. VI. — 9. 

1 30 Reviews of Books 

ble to either King or Parliament, and at the same time the Scotch com- 
plained of the slowness of the reformation of religion in England, surmis- 
ing that God had some quarrel with England ; so, finally, Parliament 
called an Assembly of Divines to sit at Westminster and settle the affairs 
of the Church. The Assembly plan of church government became the 
frame of the Church of the Commonwealth, the Directory for Public 
Worship supplanted the Book of Common Prayer, and the Confession 
of Faith superseded the Thirty-nine Articles. In place of the spiritual 
courts were substituted Presbyterian assemblies, a congregational elder- 
ship to meet once a week, a classis once a month, a provincial assembly 
twice a year and a national assembly at the summons of Parliament, 
constituted of two ministers and four elders from each provincial assem- 
bly, as the provincial assembly was constituted of two ministers and four 
elders from each classis. In fact, the state was re-organized upon an 
ecclesiastical basis. The presbytery took cognizance of the morals 
of the congregation, held investigations in regular form, and decreed 
punishment by suspension, and the Houses of Parliament called laymen 
to their bar for disturbances in churches, for holding conventicles, or 
for absenting themselves from their parish churches, or for preaching 
when not ordained. 

These are a few of the points more or less familiar, which the author 
discusses judicially and thoroughly, so judicially and thoroughly, in fact, 
that there seems to us to be no other work except that of Robert Barclay 
with which to compare it. It marks an epoch in the development of 
our knowledge of the Commonwealth Church — Presbyterian it may pop- 
ularly be called — as Barclay's work marked an epoch in our knowledge 
of the obscurer sects of the same period. 

W. Dawson Johnston. 

The Memoirs of the Baroness Cecile de Courtot, Lady -in-Waiting to 
the Princess de Lamballe. Compiled, from the Letters of the 
Baroness to Frau von Alvensleben, and the Diary of the Latter, 
by her Great-grandson Moritz von Kaisenberg. Translated 
from the German by Jessie Haynes. (New York : Henry Holt 
and Co. 1900. Pp. xiv, 298.) 

The authenticity of this book stands sadly in need of proof. This is 
not furnished by the preface, which arouses only suspicion. The com- 
piler asserts that in the attic of his father's house in the neighborhood of 
Halberstadt there stood an ancient carved oak chest and that he, delving 
in it one day, found not only ivory fans, potpourri boxes, ladies' poetry 
albums, illuminated prayer-books, costumes and fashion-plates, but quite 
at the bottom " chanced upon a thick packet of letters tied together with 
;i blue ribbon and having on the outside wrapper the inscription ' Cecile's 
Letters. 1801 and 1802.' ' These letters, seventeen in number, 
written by the Baroness to her German friend, Frau von Alvensleben, 
purport to describe French conditions and important personages in the 

Kaisenberg .• Memoirs of Baroness Cecile de Courtot 1 3 1 

years named but are hardly wide enough in scope to make a book. 
Fortunately our editor finds at the same moment "a red velvet book," 
the diary of this Frau von Alvensleben, which contains many of Cecile's 
oral descriptions of the Revolutionary events she witnessed. The range 
of contemporary information is thus happily widened, covering the years 
1 789-1803. This is all the authentication vouchsafed us by the compiler. 

Nor does internal evidence increase our confidence. The chronology 
of this book is in a frightful welter, being either vague, impossible, or 
self-contradictory. The Baroness Cecile informs us that in July 1783, 
being then "just twenty," she became lady-in-waiting to the Princess 
de Lamballe, then living in Savoy (p. 44), that thus "a year went by," 
that then a letter came from Marie Antoinette asking the Princess to join 
her at court, which she and the Baroness immediately did. Yet Marie 
Antoinette's letter is dated June 12, 1783 (p. 48). Furthermore we are 
told on page 57 that in 1784 the two ladies had been at court " about a 
year. ' ' 

The matter is already troublesome but it becomes far more com- 
plicated when Cecile asserts on page 256 that in July, 1783, being then 
" nearly seventeen," she chanced to be visiting near Brienne, that one 
evening wandering away from the villa into the fields she suddenly heard 
an infuriated bellow behind her and turning round " saw to my horror 
that an enormous black bull, irritated perhaps by my red parasol, was 
bearing down upon me with blazing eyes and lowered horns." The 
moment was tense but her life was saved by a " pale-faced boy," wear- 
ing the uniform of the Brienne cadets, who, running to the rescue, 
pierced the brute's eye with his sword and sent him "staggering blindly 
about the field." It is of course superfluous to remark that this pale- 
faced boy was none other than Napoleon Bonaparte, who, we know from 
other sources, was then fourteen years of age. A year later, 1784, the 
Baroness was once more at Brienne giving a laurel wreath to her 
' ' youthful hero ' ' on the occasion of the annual examination of the 
cadets (pp. 258-259). 

It is in connection with the revolutionary calendar that many of the 
most striking novelties of this book occur. Cecile starts on a journey 
from the heart of Brandenburg to Paris. Her first letter to her friend is 
dated Cassel, October 25, 1801. Her second (p. 158 seq. ) is dated 
Strassburg, 3 Brumaire, Year X., and in it she states that she "arrived 
here the day before yesterday." The art of verifying dates must be 
lightly regarded by the maker of this book for, curiously enough, 3 
Brumaire Year X. , translated into English, is precisely October 25, 1S01. 
This kind of retroactive travelling baffles the reviewer. 

The dates of the sixth and seventh letters (pp. 186 and 190) trans- 
ferred from the revolutionary calendar are Dec. 6, 1801 and Dec. 24, 
1802, yet the context plainly implies an interval of only a few weeks. 
The author apparently does not fully understand the range of the Years 
X. and XL, for the Year XL is evidently considered synchronous with 
1802, whereas ten of the eleven letters dated that year fall within 1803 

132 Reviews of Books 

(8th to 1 ;th inclusive). Yet that 1S02 is intended is shown by the dates 
on pp. 2S9-290, expressed in terms of the Gregorian calendar. 

The chronology of the editorial notes is as dubious as that of the 
letters and diary. On page 140 we find the date 25 Nivose, the editor 
explaining parenthetically that that was February 19, 1800, whereas our 
tables show that it was January 15. He is also plainly under the im- 
pression that Vendemiaire follows rather than precedes Brumaire in the 
French calendar (p. 139). 

These unusual memoirs close in a tumultuous tangle of dates which 
leaves the reader in the most hopeless consternation. Cecile in a letter 
to her friend, dated 7 Floreal XL (April 27, 1803), refers to a coming 
family event (p. 289). This event occurred, as an editorial note informs 
us, July n, 1802, when a child was born to the von Alvenslebens (p. 
289). On the same day Mademoiselle Cecile was married in Paris. 
After the wedding and after hearing of the arrival of the boy (as the con- 
tents of the letter show) she writes her German friend. The date given 
is 12 Messidor, the year lacking. 12 Messidor is July 1. The year could 
not have been 1S02 for neither the marriage nor the birth of her friend's 
child had then taken place. Nor could it have been 1803, for we find 
Frauvon Alvensleben recording in her diary on June 10, 1802, the news 
of the death of her friend Cecile on 28 Floreal (May 18). 

In the presence of chronological wonders like these the attention is 
not arrested by minor marvels such as Cecile' s assertion that as a child 
she used constantly to be given toys by Talleyrand " while he was still 
Bishop of Autun," he being an intimate family friend (p. 203). Talley- 
rand was made Bishop of Autun in 1789. In 1781 Cecile had been pre- 
sented at court and had made her debut in society (p. 44) and since 1783 
she had been lady-in waiting to Princess de Lamballe. Or again this 
other statement (p. 197) in a letter dated December 24, 1802, that she 
is unable just now to have the interview she desires with Talleyrand "as 
he has not yet returned from Luneville where he is drawing up the final 
conditions of the Peace." Now the treaty of Luneville was concluded 
February 9, 1801. Furthermore it was negotiated by Joseph Bonaparte 
and not by Talleyrand. 

It must also be admitted that it requires no little boldness to make 
Marie Antoinette write at length to Princess de Lamballe on August 10, 
1792, of all days in her career, when, as maybe safely asserted in view of 
our minute knowledge of the events of that day, she could do no such 
thing. Furthermore the character of the letter itself confirms us in our 
lack of confidence in its authenticity (pp. 65-66). 

We must also protest against the ragged French the Queen is made 
responsible for in the several letters published here and ascribed to her 
(pp. 48, 52, 65-66, 68 and particularly 113 and 114-115). Here we 
have feminine nouns accompanied by both masculine and feminine verb- 
endings and we observe the Queen addressing her sister in the plural form 
at the opening of the sentence and in the singular at the close, the sen- 
tence being just eleven words in length (p. 113). 

Ronssel : Corrcspondance de Le Coz i^Z 

On the whole this is one of the most feebly constructed books we re- 
member ever to have read, the tone of reality lacking throughout. And, 
what in fiction is unpardonable, it is dull, with the exception of the 
fourteenth letter, which shows much brilliancy of imagination in its por- 
trayal of Napoleon, whose biography must be rewritten in important par- 
ticulars if the statements made here are true. We have not been accus- 
tomed to hear the First Consul speak of his youthful days at Brienne as 
" the only really happy ones " he ever knew. n n tr 


Correspondence de L c Cos, live que ConsUtuUonnel d ' IUe-et- Vilaine. 
Publiee pour la Societe d'Histoire Contemporaine. Par le P. 
Roussel, de l'Oratoire. (Paris : Alphonse Picard et Fils. 
1900. Pp. xiv, 430.) 

This is the latest of a series of over twenty volumes, published by the 
Society during the last eight years, comprising documents relating to the 
French Revolution. This volume consists of 176 letters written from 
November, 1790, to May, 1802, preceded by a brief biography by the 
editor. The letters throw much light on the ecclesiastical and social 
conditions of the period. The relation of the constitutional clergy to 
the papacy is not clearly brought out, and we suspect that some letters 
and other documents on this subject have been omitted. 

The writer, Claude Le Coz, was a member of the Assembly of 
1791-1792, one of the few bishops who had taken the oath to support 
the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, and a leader in the constitutional 
church. Although lenient toward the clergy who had refused the oath, 
and desiring peace with them, he was distinguished for his liberal and 
independent ideas, defended the position of the constitutional clergy 
against the Pope himself, and accused Pius VI. of having provoked a 
religious war because the latter had excommunicated the constitutional 
clergy instead of trying to make peace between those who had taken and 
those who had refused the oath. Le Coz was a zealous partisan of Napo- 
leon, whom he lauds to the skies, and from whom, even as First Consul, 
he expects every good for the Church. On account of his charities he 
was called the Father of the Poor. 

Le Coz was born in 1740 in a village in eastern Bretagne and 
educated in a school of the Jesuits at Quimper, where, shortly after their 
expulsion in 1762, he held the position of principal until 1791. In 
February, 1791, he took the oath of submission to the Constitution and 
joined the ranks of the assermentes. About this time the electoral 
assembly of Ille-et-Vilaine deposed the bishop of Rennes on account of 
his refusal to take the oath, and elected Le Coz in his place. After 
some hesitation and a very courteous letter to the former bishop and a 
very respectful announcement to the Pope, he accepted and was conse- 
crated at Paris in April. In September he was elected a deputy to the 
Legislative Assembly, where he made several speeches and served until 
the close of the session in September, 1792. During this period we 

1 34 Reviews of Books 

have twenty-two letters addressed to the administrators of the department 
which he represented, giving a vivid and interesting account of the occur- 
rences of that eventful year. 

In 1793 Christian worship was proscribed throughout France, and in 
September, refusing to renounce his orders, Le Coz was imprisoned by 
Carrier, one of the most bitter and cruel persecutors, who was executed 
in December, 1794, for excessive and lawless cruelty. Le Coz spent 
over a year in prison, suffering many hardships and indignities which he 
describes in his letters to his friends. Released in December, 1794, he 
returned to Rennes only to find his house stripped of furniture and 
church ornaments, though his library of 4,000 volumes was saved. From 
this time begins an interesting series of fifty-six letters, to Gregoire, 
Bishop of Loir-et-Cher, at Blois, the leader of the constitutional clergy. 
These letters show an earnest, independent spirit, eager for peace with 
the insermentts and for the restoration of friendly relations with the 
papacy. They tell of struggles against great difficulties, suspicion, ill- 
feeling, desertion, hunger and poverty due to the rapid depreciation of 
the assignats and loss of property. They describe the ravages of the 
Chouans and give some interesting allusions to the influence of English 
deism and atheism on French writers. 

For a long time Le Coz did not dare to go outside the city, and it was 
not until June, 1797, that he made his first episcopal visitation, when he 
beheld on every side the traces of civil war. In 1797 and again in 1801 
he presided at the national church council held at Paris. His letters to 
Gregoire and others at this period show the desolation and difficulties of 
the church, the strenuous efforts he is making for peace and quiet, the 
terrible moral and social effects of the irreligion and lawlessness, and the 
need of some strong hand to subdue the disorder and lead the nation into 

After the council of 1801 he remained in Paris to look after the in- 
terests of the constitutional church. With the other clergy generally he 
resigned his position in October as a preliminary to the approaching set- 
tlement under the Concordat. He was soon after appointed Archbishop 
of Besancon and wrote to Cardinal Caprara for the bull of institution. 
He entered his see in May, 1802. Here the letters cease. In 1804 he 
went to Paris for the consecration of Napoleon and while there he had 
several audiences with the Pope, to whom he gave in his formal adher- 
ence in December. 

He was one of the first to declare for Napoleon in March, 181 5, but 

died on a visitation in May of that same year. ,_ T , Tr 

J J Charles L. Wells. 

An Outline of Political Growth in the Nineteenth Century. By Ed- 
mund Hamilton Sears, A.M., Principal of Mary Institute, Saint 
Louis. (New York : The Macmillan Company. 1900. Pp. 
xiii, 616.) 
The result aimed at by Professor Sears in this volume is to "awaken 

an interest in political study and create a desire for a fuller knowledge of 

Sears: Political Growth in the Nineteenth Century 135 

the progress of democracy." The interpretation of the word "polit- 
ical" as used in the title is very broad. The work "is not a mere 
record of political facts and constitutional changes. Indeed, it would be 
difficult to define a political fact. . . . Among the progressive nations 
all historic events have in the end a political significance ; for out of 
them arises the whole framework of government and constitutional life. 
. . . Accordingly the present treatise deals with all the varied events and 
happenings that make up the story of a nation's life." Nevertheless the 
work contains much less of things which are not in the stricter sense po- 
litical than this announcement would lead one to expect. At another 
point Professor Sears says that it is the story of " the successive triumphs 
of popular institutions" that he wishes to tell. His theme is, therefore, 
the growth of democracy. It may be remarked here that, while Pro- 
fessor Sears is not always in sympathy with the aims and methods of de- 
mocracy in particular, in democracy in general he professes the utmost 

Geographically the work includes every country in the world where 
the author has discovered political growth — in some, it may be, only po- 
litical disturbance. Every country is treated separately with complete- 
ness, but there is a grouping of nations, mainly on the basis of racial kin- 
ship. Book I. deals with continental Europe and has three divisions : 
Part I., " The Latin Nations "; Part II., " Southeastern Europe and Rus- 
sia" ; Part III., "The Teutonic Nations." Book II. treats of Great 
Britain and her colonies; Book III. of the United States; Book IV. of 
Spanish and Portuguese America ; Book V. of " Unclassified Countries," 
including Liberia, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Japan, India and Siam. 

The arrangement is faulty in some measure in that it is not the log- 
ical order of the growth of democracy. The author emphasizes national 
growth in the view that most writers neglect this for general movements 
and tendencies. The result is that international affairs, and movements 
wider than national, are not so clearly and systematically handled as mat- 
ters purely national. There is more or less interdependence between the 
separate portions, but that which goes before is, as often as otherwise, de- 
pendent on that which comes after, and, though there are a limited num- 
ber of cross-references, it would be a decided gain if they were more 
freely used. The European portion gives us a pretty clear though brief 
account of the development in each nation, though means and processes 
are often left, it seems, in unnecessary obscurity. 

The part on the United States is necessary to completeness according 
to the design of the work, but it would not be difficult to find among the 
numerous brief histories of the United States a much better account. 

It is hardly justifiable, even from the author's own point of view, 
that India should be dismissed with a treatment scarcely longer than that 
of San Marino or Andorra. 

The author usually endeavors to be fair, but his own opinions are fre- 
quently more prominent than the unbiassed presentation of facts. For 
example, the followers of Mr. Bryan in the last presidential campaign are 

- 1 

6 Reviews of Books 

condemned out of the mouths of their enemies. The style of the work is 
sufficiently forcible, and without doubt the volume will prove interesting 
as well as instructive to the general reader, as the author hoped. Properly 
used it may be made serviceable as a text -book. It remains to be added 
that Professor Sears makes no claim to original investigation. He has 
made wide use of standard authorities and magazine articles, and has 
usually worked over his material with care. The book ends with a use- 
ful bibliography of twenty-three pages. 

Edmund C. Burnett. 

Napoleon s Invasion of Russia. By Hereford B. George, Fellow 
of New College, Oxford. (London : T. Fisher Unwin ; New 
York: New Amsterdam Book Co. 1899. Pp. xvi, 451.) 

This handsome volume, whose paper, type, maps and general get-up 
need no praise, is a distinct addition to the discussion of the downward 
course of the greatest man of modern times. Having read his authorities 
conscientiously, but rejecting some valuable testimony, Mr. George relies 
mainly on Chambray, Jomini and Clausewitz, all of whom served through 
the 18 1 2 campaign, on Buturlin, the Russian official historian, and on 
Napoleon's correspondence. Secure of his facts, he gives us an easily 
understood narrative of the campaign ; while, writing for an English 
audience, he naturally lays more stress on Napoleon's desire to "make 
war on England on the Vistula " than perhaps the true perspective of his- 
tory warrants. "It was Napoleon's intense desire to crush England 
which took him to Moscow," says he. The main cause of Napoleon's 
antagonism to Russia seems to our author to have been its failure to lay 
an embargo on English goods ; and with honest British spirit, when 
quoting bulletins or letters, he lays undue stress upon the Emperor's 
" mendacity." The unwilling vassalage of Prussia and the reluctant aid 
of Austria, as well as their secret anti-French understanding, are much 
dwelt upon, and the promises held out to Poland to secure its aid : yet 
these countries were allies on whom Napoleon had a right, from a military 
standpoint, to count. That Napoleon could hold together the motley 
host of 630,000 men with which he advanced on Russia, was due, Mr. 
George maintains, to his admirable corps commanders — but these men 
were strictly of Napoleon's creation. 

The Emperor's projecting half a million men into a country so sparsely 
settled that it could scarce sustain an invading army of 50,000 was an ex- 
periment which earlier in life he would not have undertaken, or into 
which he would have infused so much more of his own individuality that 
he might have succeeded. But he was no longer the slim, nervously 
active, omnipresent man ; he was corpulent, liked his ease and shunned 
bad weather. Except for the migratory invasions of peoples, no such 
force had ever yet been put into one campaign. Alexander had com- 
manded not more than 135,000 men ; Hannibal 60,000 ; Cresar So, 000, 
and Gustavus less; while Frederick rarely saw 50,000 men in one body 

George: Napoleon's Invasion of Russia 137 

under his colors. When we consider the small army that a one-track 
railroad, apart from other means, is thought to be able to supply over a 
distance of fifty miles, the task in trackless Russia may be partly gauged. 
Charles XII. 's failure could not deter such a man as Napoleon ; nor was 
the campaign too bold for him at his best. It had in fact to be under- 
taken if he would not lose his prestige. 

The Emperor's original idea was to make two campaigns unless peace 
came sooner — the first year's to Smolensk, the next to Moscow and St. 
Petersburg. But he was insensibly led on to crowd more into 18 12 than 
could possibly be accomplished if luck should run counter to him. When 
he reached Smolensk, and there, by his own default, failed to beat the 
Russians in such a fashion as to throw them off their line of retreat and 
to cripple their army, the campaign was practically lost ; and to con- 
tinue the march to Moscow was unnecessarily to invite disaster. The 
diluted victory at Smolensk was the turning-point ; even the Napoleon 
of 1805 could not then have saved the campaign ; it was the poker- 
player's instinct which carried him beyond. 

When Kutusov sustained at Borodino the bloodiest defeat of modern 
days, Napoleon was still worse off, for the French were losing their pre- 
ponderance with every league ; and when, in hopeless anticipation that 
the Czar would come to terms, Napoleon delayed a month longer in 
Moscow than was safe, it was his lost ability to gauge facts, his disbelief 
in failure, bred of the stupendous successes of the past, which lay at the 
root of his indecisiveness. With the same old mental grasp, he was in 
character no longer the same man. 

All this Mr. George sets down so clearly as to give us a crisp view 
of the advance, the battles and the horrible retreat. His style is easy 
and the maps suffice for the general reader. But he is distinctly hyper- 
critical. To the true Briton Napoleon remains a real evil, not a mere 
historical character, to be calmly weighed in the balance, and he likes 
not to allow him overmuch credit. As a matter of fact, Napoleon was 
the most useful man of the century just closing. Had it not been that, 
in hostility to his arch-opponents, the monarchs of Europe, Napoleon 
spread abroad some measure of freedom, it is doubtful whether there 
would be any instinct of liberty on the Continent to-day. Someone had 
to mold into form the chaotic ideas of the new departure made by the 
French Revolution, and it may be doubted whether anyone could have 
done so better than Napoleon. 

The Russian Campaign, in conception, was far from being as wild a 
scheme as Mr. George considers it. Should an Oriental, unfamiliar with 
the momentous twenty years from 1796 to 18 15, read this book, he 
might almost draw the conclusion that Napoleon was a man of less than 
common power, sense and judgment, instead of being in our days what 
Caesar was to antiquity. In this the work lacks a strength it would oth- 
erwise possess ; but in all else it can be commended. 

Theodore Ayrault Dodge. 

i ;S Reviews of Books 

The Puritan Republic of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. 
By Daniel Wait Howe. (Indianapolis : The Bowen-Merrill 
Company. 1899. Pp. xxxviii, 422.) 

A curious and interesting feature of this book is that it comes from 
the Middle West. Manufactured in Brooklyn, New York, it appears 
or is published at Indianapolis. The author treats of ' ' some of the 
features of the Massachusetts Puritan Commonwealth that I thought 
would be most interesting to the people of to-day, and especially to 
those who are descendants of the early Puritans" (p. x.). He is not 
satisfied with the tendencies and drift of modern historians, whom he 
arraigns in this wise : " the unsparing censure of modern writers, nota- 
bly of some in Massachusetts, whose cardinal idea seems to be that we 
magnify ourselves in proportion as we belittle our ancestors. In the 
writings of this new school the history of the Puritan age in Massachu- 
setts is delineated as a dreary waste " (p. 393). In othei connections 
he refers more directly to the offenders, Mr. John Fiske, Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams and others, whose work has established itself. Such 
criticism, if it would attain a historic basis, should be sustained by 
definite rebuttal of the offending matter ; which does not appear. At 
many points we have the altercation of debate, with hardly any digesting 
of proofs. 

In his incomplete attempt to define theocratic principles and methods 
(pp. 194-199), as well as in other developments of his theme, the author 
renders himself liable to Mr. Burke's famous saying, concerning the lim- 
itations of legal education and practice. For example, he says if "the 
Massachusetts Commonwealth had been filled by Roger Williams, Gor- 
ton, Coddington and the motley brood that flocked to the shores of Nar- 
ragansett Bay, we should have had a grotesque conglomeration that, for 
a time, might have assumed the semblance of a government, of which 
possibly the chief features might have been religious and political tolera- 
tion." . . . 

Inasmuch as the foundations of civil government and religious liberty 
laid in Rhode Island have extended themselves over the whole United 
States — into which enlightened circle Massachusetts herself came after a 
delay of nearly two centuries — to call this evolution of civilization a 
" grotesque conglomeration " betrays a singular lack of insight into his- 
tory. Such defects are not mere prejudices ; they proceed from astig- 
matism of the mind. 

Again, in respect of the large issues of history, Mr. Howe does not 
appear to have recognized that Connecticut was a better example of a 
Puritan Republic than Massachusetts. His collateral reference to Con- 
necticut (p. 305) does not indicate that he was conscious of this patent 
fact. The true historical problem is more interesting than anything he 
develops or suggests. Massachusetts struggling in religious unrest, Con- 
necticut steadily guided by theocratic control, Rhode Island in absolute 
religious freedom — all thi'ee commonwealths went in one direction ; they 
went by democratic means to republican ends. 

Moore : The Northwest wider Three T/aes 


To a casual reader, the first portion or about nine chapters of the 
book would appear to treat of the social conditions and development 
of the colony at the Bay. Then the growth of town government is 
handled politically, and the clearly aristocratic functions of the towns 
are recognized and well worked out. Samuel Stone said wisely of the 
Congregational meeting, ' ' it was a speaking Aristocracy in the face of a 
silent Democracy." 

But this interpretation would not satisfy our author. He makes an 
arbitrary division after Chapter IX., assigning X.-XI. to a theocracy and 
XII. -XVII. to a republic. This arbitrary distinction is not made out. 
The Congregational ministers were file-leaders in their citizenship, 
whether, like Jonathan Mayhew in the Revolution, they stirred Massa- 
chusetts to its depths, or, like John Cotton in the persecution of Anne 
Hutchinson, they toppled on the surface. These were the men and the 
functions, name them theocratic or republican, as we may. 

The best chapters are XII. and XIII. , describing the autonomy and 
growth of the towns. Here the legal training of the writer tells in his 

The book contains much interesting matter, generally presented in 
agreeable form, excepting the burdensome citations. It is not history ; 
it is smart speaking to a thesis, imperfectly conceived and not deliber- 
ately thought out. It is significant that it closes with a flippant reference 
to Rev. Joseph Cook as a prophet (! !) to be recognized concerning the 

decadence of New England. w „ , I7 

6 William B. Weeden. 

T/ie Northwest tinder Three Flags, 1635-1796. By Charles 
Moore. (New York and London : Harper and Brothers. 1900. 
Pp. xxiv, 402.) 

The Northwest of a century ago offers to the historian a subject of 
engaging interest that is marked by all the classical unities — place, time, 
and action. While it is connected with Canada on the one hand, and 
with the thirteen colonies and states on the other, it still furnishes a dis- 
tinct centre of unity in itself, and can be treated in a continuous narra- 
tive. We do not know why the year 1635 should be chosen for the 
beginning, for it was in 1634 that Nicolet pushed through the waters of 
Lake Huron and the Strait of Mackinaw and discovered Lake Michigan 
and the region beyond ; but 1796, the date of the surrender of the North- 
western posts by Great Britain to the United States, and the passage of 
the whole Northwest under the third flag, is the proper place to halt, un- 
less, indeed, the history is to be brought down to the present time. There 
are, to be sure, early rumors of a still earlier venture into the Northwest 
than Nicolet' s, but they are uncertain, and in no sense mark the begin- 
ning of Northwestern history, and so may properly be dispatched inci- 
dentally, as has been done by the author of the present work. 

Mr. Moore has seized the idea of the historical unity of the North- 
west, and has aimed to produce a narrative account of it that shall be 

1 40 Reviews of Books 

marked by the same character. Moreover, he has well succeeded in his 
undertaking. His work shows careful study of sources, good sense in 
handling materials, and commendable skill in composition. He has a 
quick eye for the picturesque and romantic elements, in which his subject 
is so rich, and a facile pen in turning them to good account. His nar- 
rative is not indeed the narrative of Mr. Parkman, but it is orderly, 
clear, and in vigor and animation well sustained. It is also pleasant to 
find him not unfrequently correcting the errors of older and better-known 
writers and adding new facts to our knowledge. He also often shows an 
admirable grasp of the large relation of things, as witness the following 
on the connection of the Northwest with our early national history: 

"In its defense Washington first learned the art of war ; Franklin 
realized its possibilities and interested himself in its development ; Pat- 
rick Henry planned with George Rogers Clark for its conquest ; John 
Jay and Franklin and John Adams drew about it the lines of the United 
States ; Thomas Jefferson bestowed upon it the inestimable boon of free- 
dom ; Washington's chief of engineers led its first settlers, and Mad An- 
thony Wayne subdued its savage inhabitants and received the surrender 
of its frontier posts." 

But Mr. Moore does not always show as firm a grasp as this of the large 
features of his subject ; he does not always make the reader vividly see 
and strongly feel the master forces that are working behind, or rather in, 
the events, and so fashioning important history. The defect is not com- 
pensated for by good descriptions of the French traders and boatmen or 
the interesting story of forest warfare. Sometimes there is no indication 
of the existence of important questions mooted among historians that 
have arisen out of the facts which the author relates. Occasionally, too, 
we notice errors in matter of detail. John Cabot did not discover 
America in 1498, but in 1497. There is no discussion of the policy 
that prompted the drawing in 1763 of the "King's Line," as it was 
called, between the heads of the rivers flowing to the eastward and to 
the westward from the flanks of the Appalachian mountains. We have 
a good account of the Pontiac war, and particularly of the siege of De- 
troit, as a series of events, but no plain statement of the ideas and plans 
of Pontiac. In dealing with the Quebec Act the author quotes the well- 
known indictment of the King on this score found in the Declaration of 
Independence, but we have no discussion of the policy of the act in re- 
lation to the Thirteen Colonies beyond these two sentences : 

"Taken as one of the many reasons by which the ministers of 
George III. sought to curb and suppress the Colonies, the Quebec Act 
was unwise and impolitic. Viewed from the standpoint of a quiet ad- 
ministration of England's new territories, it was so successful that during 
the Revolution the Americans failed in all their efforts to detach the 
Canadians generally from their allegiance to the British." 

Now, it is not wholly certain that the English ministers sought by 
the Quebec Act "to curb and suppress" the colonies, nor that it was 
owing to this act that the Americans failed " to detach the Canadians 

Coucs : On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer 1 4 1 

generally ' ' from their British allegiance. The most recent investigation 
of this subject was made three or four years ago by Professor Victor 
Coffin, who maintained " that the provisions of the Quebec Act were 
neither occasioned nor appreciably affected by conditions in the early col- 
onies " and " that, far from being effectual in keeping the mass of Ca- 
nadians loyal to the British connection, the measure had a strong influence 
in precisely the opposite direction." ] We have no space to discuss the 
question involved, and shall not pass judgment upon it further than to re- 
mark that Professor Coffin's book is one with which the historian of the 
Northwest should feel that he is called upon to reckon. It is not even 
mentioned here. 

Once more, the treatment of some events that occurred just before 
the first American settlements beyond the Ohio were made, is not alto- 
gether satisfactory. The author's statement of the proposition made by 
Jefferson in 1784 relative to the exclusion of slavery from the Western 
country would certainly mislead the reader, unless he is able to check 
it by an earlier knowledge. The bare reference to the Land Ordinance 
of May 20, 1785, gives the whole credit of the rectangular system of 
land-surveys to Mr. Jefferson, who brought in the bill, but it was New 
England insistence upon such a system and definite locations of land in 
the AVestern country that effected this great piece of legislation. Once 
more, the land-grant educational policy eventually adopted by Congress 
had its origin in the Land Ordinance, and not in the Ordinance of 1787, 
which simply contained an academical declaration on the subject. 

It is very true that an author has a right to have his book judged with 
reference to the plan on which it is written, and that, judged by this cri- 
terion, The Northwest under Three Flags deserves high praise. The 
story, as a whole, has never been so well told before. At the same time, 
if Mr. Moore had somewhat enlarged his plan, so as to take a broader 
view of his subject, and to introduce some discussion of its more notable 
features, even at the expense of omitting some of the picturesque detail, 
he would have produced a more valuable book. 

B. A. Hinsdale. 

On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer; The Diary and Itinerary of 
Francisco Garces, 1775-1776. By Elliott Coues. (New 
York: Francis P. Harper. 1900. [American Explorer Series, 
III.]. Two vols., pp. xxx, 312.) 

This book is a translation from the Spanish manuscript copy of the 
diary of Garces, kept through his journeys in Sonora, Arizona and Cali- 
fornia. It has a valuable introduction by Coues and an abridged trans- 
lation of the life of Garces by Juan Domingo Arricivita. 

The diary of Garces is very meagre, chiefly because there was little 
to write concerning his somewhat aimless wanderings in the wilderness 

1 T/ie Province of Quebec and the Early American Revolution, Madison, Wis. 
1896, preface. 

1 4 2 

Reviews of Books 

among savage tribes. Its great value consists in the fact that it is the 
earliest complete record of travels in the regions described. Kino, 
Ugarte and others had passed to the Colorado and the Gila, but Garces 
was the first to leave an intelligible record of the country and its inhabi- 
tants. He also was the first to travel over the present routes of the South- 
ern Pacific and the Santa Fe (Atlantic and Pacific) railroads across Cali- 
fornia, the former by way of Yuma and the latter by way of the Needles. 

The knowledge to be gained by a careful reading of his diary alone 
is of comparatively little historical value, but with the excellent 
critical notes of Mr. Coues, aided by Mr. F. W. Hodges of the American 
Bureau of Ethnology, the book throws much light upon an obscure corner 
of United States territory. Moreover, because it is an original docu- 
ment' of the first extensive exploration of a part of the present domain of 
the United States, it is an important addition to American history no 
matter how meagre the narrative. Garces noted the various Indian 
tribes, their location and general characteristics, the rivers, springs, 
lakes, forests, deserts, mountains, and the ruins of Casa Grande, all of 
which add a certain interest to the narrative of his lonely travels. The 
charming presentation of the subject by the late erudite scholar has given 
new life to a somewhat tedious narrative. The critical notes on Tucson, 
San Xavier del Bac, Casa Grande, the rivers Gila and Colorado and 
many other points of interest dispel many errors of traditional belief. 

Garces was a Franciscan friar and missionary priest, stationed at the 
famous mission of San Xavier del Bac, not far from the present city of 
Tucson, in Arizona, then in Sonora. From this station he made five ex- 
peditions {entradas') to the north and west among the wild tribes, cross- 
ing rivers, deserts and mountains, through forests, facing dangers and 
enduring discomforts for the sake of the lives of others. The first 
journey was through the Papago country to the Gila river and return, a 
distance of about eighty leagues, made in 1768 ; the second entrada, in 
1770, took him through the Seris and Apaches to the Gila ; the third in 
1 77 1 was to the Gila and the Colorado; and the fourth was still more 
extended, as on this journey he crossed the Colorado and travelled over 
Southern California to the Mission San Gabriel, near Los Angeles. The 
fifth journey, of which a diary was kept, — the one translated in this 
book — came about in this way ; Lieutenant-Colonel Anza was ordered 
by the viceroy of New Spain to ascertain if it was feasible to make con- 
nection over land between the missions of northern Sonora and those of 
the Pacific coast. Spain had conceived a wholesome fear of the en- 
croachments on her territory on the north-west. A revival of life under 
Carlos III. had caused the planting of missions and presidios on the 
north-west coast and the viceroy was seeking the best means of extending 
and supporting the defenses of the border, hence the expedition of Anza. 
Anza was accompanied by Garces and Diaz, two priests, an Indian 
guide and thirty additional men. After reaching San Gabriel mission, 
Anza sent Garces back to the Colorado river, while he and Diaz pushed 
forward to Monterey. Anza returned to San Xavier and thence to Mexico 

Coues : On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer 1 43 

to report on his expedition. The report being favorable he was ordered 
to collect colonists and soldiers and go overland to establish a presidio 
and mission at the port of San Francisco. The priest Garces accom- 
panied the expedition as far as the Colorado river and from there he 
made journeys to San Gabriel by way of "the Tulares " and later 
journeys eastward to the various Indian tribes, going as far as Zuni. It 
is the diary of this fifth expedition of Garces, conducted largely on his 
own instance as missionary priest, that Mr. Coues has translated. A 
priest named Font went with Anza to San Francisco and kept a diary of 
the expedition, making a creditable map of the country, which is pub- 
lished in this book. Mr. Coues announced that the translation of the 
diary of Font would form the next number of the American Explorers 
series. Mr. Coues found three separate sources agreeing in general in 
the names and dates and general geography but much varied in some 
characteristics of general narrative. 

The first (A) is Diario del Padre Francisco Garces in the Library of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, No. 7415 ; (B) Diario 
del P. Garces, belonging to Dr. Leon, but temporarily in the custody of 
Mr. F. W. Hodges; (C) Diario y Derrotero que siguib el M. R. P. Fr. 
Francisco Garces, etc., from Vol. I. of Documentos para la Historia de 
Mexico. The last is the only printed copy until the present translation, 
which is confined strictly to manuscript "A," with notes from the other 

While Anza's mission was in the interest of the Spanish government, 
Garces and his priest companion were more directly interested in the 
salvation of the natives and the extension of the work of their religious 
order. One can scarcely realize the difficulties Garces encountered in 
his journeys among the wild tribes, his only companion an Indian guide. 
Beyond the southern border of what is now Arizona there was not a 
white man in the entire region, over which roamed the savage Apache, 
a terror to whites and natives alike. Although it was about 233 years 
after the first Spaniards crossed the line of part of his travels, and nearly 
a century after the beginning of the work of Kino and Ugarte, there 
were no traces of Spanish exploration except a few traditional ideas, 
mostly religious, of the existence of the Spanish people. The journey 
was made at the time of the first and second years of the American 
Revolution. While the patriots on the Atlantic coast were gaining lib- 
erty and laying the foundation of a nation, Garces was attempting to 
bring into subjugation a territory eventually to become part of the do- 
main of the United States. It was a hazardous undertaking and con- 
ducted after the usual blundering methods of the Spanish regime, for 
Garces was finally beaten to death by the people whom he sought to be- 
friend. Nor was there much accomplished by the apparently aimless 
and misjudged expedition of Garces. "But," says Coues, " it does not 
lessen our respect for the man, that he, like his Indians, was the victim 
of the most pernicious, most immoral, and most detestable system of in- 
iquity the world has ever seen — the Spanish combination of misioncro and 

i 44 Reviews of Books 

conquistador which had for its avowed and vaunted end the reduction of 
Indian tribes to the catechism of the church and the vassalage of the 
throne. ' ' 

Spanish-American history is still in much obscurity and has much 
need of critical scholarship in every direction. The translation of 
original documents, with critical notes, seems the surest way out of the 
tangle. It is the only way by which the real history can be brought out 
of the mist of tradition, distortion and exaggeration. The translation of 
Garces will do for Arizona what the work of Mr. Winship did for the 
Coronado Expedition. It makes one more permanent source in the his- 
tory of the south-west, whose historical foundations are sure and available 
to all students. The book itself is an excellent piece of work, doing 
credit to both author and publisher. 

Frank W. Blackmar. 

The Storming of Stony Point on tlic Hudson, Midnight, July ij, 
1779 >' Its Importance in the Light of Unpublished Documents. 
By Henry P. Johnston, A.M., Professor of History, College of 
the City of New York. (New York : James T. White and Co. 
1900. Pp. 231.) 

In this work the capture of Stony Point, familiar to every American 
as an isolated exploit, is described as having an important strategic pur- 
pose and effect. Washington with his army was covering West Point 
from a further advance by the British, who had recently possessed them- 
selves of both sides of King's Ferry, Stony Point and Verplank's Point, 
thus severing the shortest line of communication which the colonists had 
ventured to utilize between New England and the other colonies. To 
draw Washington out of his strong position, and commit him to a general 
engagement in the open, Sir Henry Clinton directed the ravaging of 
Connecticut, the execution of which has become known as Tryon's raid. 
It was to check this operation without playing into the enemy's hands 
that AVashington conceived, planned, and ordered the attack on Stony 
Point. Its purpose as a counter-diversion was fully attained, as it caused 
the immediate recall of Tryon to New York. The author seems, how- 
ever, to err in accounting for the abandonment of Stony Point three days 
after its capture by the following statement (p. 91) : " Washington had 
no intention of holding Stony Point, as the enemy could besiege it by 
land and water, and on the 18th the place was evacuated." Documents 
cited in the appendix (pp. 165, 168, 171, 172) show that Washington 
had intended to capture and retain both Stony Point and Yerplank's 

Tactically the attack on Stony Point owes its chief interest to its be- 
ing a night operation. The precautions taken against a betrayal of the 
plan by officers or men, the information secured beforehand as to the 
vulnerable points of the enemy's position and the way of reaching them, 
the means of recognizing one another in the darkness, all the details that 

Johnston : Storming of Stony Point 145 

interest a student of such an operation, are touched upon, if not speci- 
fied. The author has made a diligent search for truth at first hand. 
About half the book is an appendix formed of letters, reports and other 
original documents, collected from various sources in Europe and the 
United States, a number of which have never been published before. 
The narrative is illustrated with a colored map of the Highlands showing 
the strategic positions of the opposing forces and Wayne's line of march 
to the rear of Stony Point ; plans of Stony Point and Verplank's Point ; 
photographic views of these and other places in the Highlands ; and 
likenesses of Wayne and other prominent American officers. The map 
of the Highlands is compiled from surveys by Washington's geographer, 
the originals of which are in the possession of the New York Historical 

Yet with all this documentary evidence and the author's lucid nar- 
rative before him, the reader may find himself in want of light on certain 
points. The plan of campaign ascribed to Sir Henry Clinton is based, 
as the author candidly states (p. 43), upon a letter from Clinton dated 
September 9, more than three months after the opening of the campaign, 
or Clinton's capture of Stony Point ; and nearly two months after its 
close, or his re-occupation of that point upon its capture and abandon- 
ment by the Americans. A perusal of Clinton's dispatches (pp. 31, 
109, 121, 123, 141, 142) will leave a critical mind in doubt as to how 
much of the plan referred to was "hind-sight" and how much foresight. 

There can be little doubt that, if warned ten minutes in advance, the 
British, as Washington said, could have repelled Wayne's assault. Only 
by providing in the most minute detail for every possible contingency, 
was success to be anticipated. In these preparations the military student 
will find the main lesson of the operation under consideration, a lesson 
which too many of our commanders in subsequent campaigns have shown 
themselves ignorant of or incapable of applying. 

The author (p. 92) discredits the "story of the neighborhood that 
the British pickets were surprised and gagged by men in disguise . . . 
The tale," he says, "is hardly worth considering a poor tradition"; 
but he does not refer to Washington's instructions to Wayne (p. 155) 
for a vanguard to " . . . secure the sentries," nor to Wayne's order of 
battle (p. 159) for "an officer and twenty men a little in front, whose 
business will be to secure the sentries." 

This monograph is a distinct and interesting contribution to the his- 
tory of our Revolutionary War, and a useful work of reference for stu- 
dents of a subject in military science which seems to be gaining in im- 
portance, the night attack. The book is tastefully bound, printed in 
open moderate-sized type, and provided with an index. 

John Bigelow, Jr. 
vol. vi. — 10 

146 Reviews of Books 

The Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America. 
By John H. Latane, Ph.D., Professor of History in Randolph- 
Macon Women's College. (Baltimore : The Johns Hopkins 
Press. 1900. Pp. 294.) 

This work is based upon a course of lectures delivered by the author 
at Johns Hopkins University in January, 1899. The title would seem 
to promise a more comprehensive treatment of the subject than is con- 
tained in the six chapters which make up the book. The writer states, 
however, that no attempt has been made to cover the whole field of our 
diplomatic relations with Spanish America, and that the present volume 
is intended to serve as an introduction to the subject. An examination 
will also show that the negotiations discussed have been in the main with 
European countries regarding the affairs of Spanish America rather than 
with the Spanish Americans themselves. 

The revolt of the Spanish colonies and the part played by the United 
States and England in founding the republics into which they were 
formed, are the subjects of the first two chapters. There is such lack of 
knowledge in this country regarding the other republics of the continent 
that so clear and concise a sketch of their origin as is here presented 
should be received with gratitude. The leading events of the war of in- 
dependence, which resulted in the loss by Spain of all her colonies on 
the main land, are admirably compressed in a short space, and due justice 
is done to San Martin, Sucre and O'Higgins, for there is too general a 
disposition to regard Bolivar as the only remarkable man produced by 
the movement. None of these four great leaders of the revolution reaped 
the harvest of his labors. Bolivar died after witnessing the failure of all 
his plans. San Martin survived him almost twenty years an exile in 
Europe. Sucre was assassinated and O'Higgins retired from Chile, the 
scene of his exploits, to die in comparative obscurity in Peru. In the 
recognition of the independence of the republics, both the United 
States and Great Britain proceeded with the strictest regard for their ob- 
ligations toward Spain. Although the insurrection broke out in 1810 
and the issue of the conflict could be forecast as early as 18 15, inde- 
pendence was not, despite the eloquence and influence of Clay, recog- 
nized by the United States until 1822, and by England until 1824. The 
formation of the Holy Alliance by Austria, France, Prussia and Russia, 
their intervention in Spain and their menacing attitude towards her re- 
volting colonies, drew from President Monroe, at the suggestion of Can- 
ning, the celebrated declaration in his message of December 2, 1823, 
known as the Monroe Doctrine. 

Chapter III. is devoted to "The Diplomacy of the United States in 
regard to Cuba." The attitude of this government towards the island 
until about the time of the Mexican war may be summed up in the words 
of Madison in 18 10 " that the United States although they might be an 
inactive could not be a satisfied spectator at its falling under any Euro- 
pean Government." After the Mexican war, the policy of the United 

Latane: United States and Spanish America 147 

States took a more positive turn as was shown, not only by the decided- 
stand against European intervention in the affairs of the island, but also 
by efforts to acquire it by purchase. This tendency to the acquisition of 
Cuba reached its height during the somewhat stormy mission to Spain of 
Pierre Soule of Louisiana, who, being a Frenchman by birth, might with 
advantage have taken note of Talleyrand's maxim regarding the danger of 
" trop de zele " in diplomacy. The remarkable proclamation of Soule, 
Mason and Buchanan known as the Ostend Manifesto went so far as to 
announce in hysteric terms that the United States would be justified " by 
every law, human and divine, in wresting the island from Spain," should 
that government be indisposed to accept the $120,000,000 suggested by 
these gentlemen as the maximum price. The Civil War brought to an end 
the agitation for the purchase of Cuba, which was mainly in the interest 
of the South and entangled with the slavery question. Since the war, 
the only Cuban problem, but a serious one, thrust upon the attention of 
the government has been the attitude to be adopted during the insurrec- 
tions in the island, and the complications, such as the Virginias affair, 
resulting therefrom. The problem has been finally solved. The ulti- 
mate destiny of the island is dismissed by the writer as too problematical 
to fall within the scope of this volume. 

In discussing the proposed Central American Canal, to which a chapter 
is devoted, Professor Latane reviews the negotiations with Nicaragua regard- 
ing a canal through that country, the conclusion of the treaty of 1848 with 
New Granada by which the United States guaranteed the neutrality of the 
Isthmus of Panama, and gives as much attention as his space will allow 
to the history of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty — an attention which it well 
merits in view of the confusion existing in the minds of many honorable 
persons regarding the binding force of that treaty. Of the style and 
method of the negotiations conducted by Messrs. Blaine and Freling- 
huysen in order to secure the abrogation of the treaty, anything but a 
high opinion is expressed. Mr. Blaine in his celebrated circular of July, 
1 88 1, to the American representatives abroad, outlining the policy of 
American control of an inter-oceanic canal, completely and inexplicably 
ignored the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and exposed himself to a summary 
reply from Lord Granville simply calling attention to its existence. Pro- 
fessor Latane" justly maintains that the neutralization of the canal is the 
only proper method of effectively providing for its safety. Before the 
case of the Suez Canal should be cited as a precedent, as is done by the 
author, it would be well to have a somewhat clearer conception of just 
what the present attitude of the English government is towards the Con- 
stantinople Convention of 1883, providing for the neutralization of the 
canal, in view of the reservation regarding that convention made some 
years ago by Mr. Curzon in the House of Commons, when parliamentary 
Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. 

The two remaining chapters of the work treat respectively of " French 
Intervention in Mexico " and the "Present Status of the Monroe Doc- 
trine." In the former, the agreement between England, France and 

1 48 Reviews of Books 

Spain for intervention in Mexico for the purpose of securing a settlement 
of their claims, the determination of Napoleon III. to establish an empire 
in Mexico which caused the retirement of the other powers, the policy of 
the United States and the negotiations which resulted in the withdrawal 
of the French forces and the collapse of the government of Maximilian 
are told of in an interesting way. The greater part of the chapter on the 
Monroe Doctrine is taken up with a sketch of the Venezuelan question. 
In a summary of " the policy of the United States in reference to arbitra- 
tion of American questions" the statement is made that " in disputes 
between American States it (the United States) insists that they be 
settled without calling in the aid of European powers." If this means, 
as it seems to mean, that it is the policy of this government not to allow 
a European power to arbitrate in a dispute between two American states, 
it would certainly be an extraordinary and arbitrary development of the 
Monroe Doctrine. No such view has been taken by the United States. 
For example, one of the most important questions which has arisen 
between two South American republics since the war between Chile and 
Peru, has been the frontier question between Chile and the Argentine 
Republic. Several times within the last fifteen years these two states 
have been on the verge of war. In 1897 a. treaty was negotiated submit- 
ting the matter to Queen Victoria for arbitration. The arbitration was 
accepted and the question is now awaiting decision. 

McLoughlin and Old Oregon : A Chronicle. By Eva Emery Dye. 
(Chicago : A. C. McClurg and Co. 1900. Pp. viii, 382). 

Among the latest writers in the prolific field of the Northwest is Mrs. 
Eva Emery Dye, who has presented us a chronicle of old Oregon, with Dr. 
John McLoughlin as the central figure. There could hardly be a more in- 
teresting combination, and Mrs. Dye has brought out the salient features, 
to the point of being spectacular. The impression left upon the general 
reader is very similar to that received from a drama. But the student of 
history, however the action in the play may entertain him, regrets the 
mingling of fiction with historical truth in a work which is likely to be 
mistaken for a wholly serious one. Mrs. Dye refrains from referring to 
her authorities, although she uses with great freedom all those who are 
well known, and many of which no account is given. This method 
leaves her free to put her characters on the stage in any picturesque dress 
or attitude which she may choose. Where this irresponsibility deals only 
with the purely romantic it is in a degree pardonable, since it enhances the 
attractiveness of the book. But when, either by assertion or by implica- 
tion, it leads the reader to believe that which is essentially erroneous it 
becomes mischievous. 

Mrs. Dye holds a facile pen, which is directed by a lively imagina- 
tion, qualities which the public writer must possess, and which the present 
reckless period in literature to a large degree demands. There is a great 
deal of romantic truth in Oregon history, the simple verity of which 

Dye: McLoughlin and Old Oregon 149 

renders it charming, or wonderful. The proverbial " short step from the 
sublime to the ridiculous ' ' is what threatens the writer who undertakes 
to improve upon the original. 

All who have known and have written about Dr. McLoughlin, espe- 
cially all American writers, agree that he possessed a splendid physique and 
a grand manner — that he was in the highest degree dignified. Mrs. Dye 
herself probably means to convey an impression of his majestic personality, 
but in this she fails. In some passages he is made to roar with rage, in 
others to be able only to say " tut, tut, tut, ' ' while in others still he is " gay 
and brusque." Such quotations as are given of his social sayings are the 
weakest possible. To this portraiture his descendants and surviving 
friends strongly object. Probably no man quite touches his own ideal, or 
the ideal image of him created by loving admirers. Dr. McLoughlin 
came as near to doing that as it is given tried humanity to do, and the 
worst that can now be said of him is that he was " too good ' ' to the un- 

It is impossible to refer to the many instances in which the author of 
Old Oregon distorts her picture of those days. Choosing here and there, 
we will say of page 170 that the missionaries here referred to were a 
party of Presbyterian recruits who joined Mr. W. H. Gray on his return 
from the States in 1838, and whom Mr. Ermatinger of the Hudson Bay 
Company was kindly escorting from Green River Rendezvous to the Co- 
lumbia, by the usual Indian trail travelled by the Company. It was a 
wide, plain and smooth trail, made so by constant use and the custom of 
the Indians in hauling their heavy property, and sometimes their children, 
on drags made of poles attached to the saddles of their pack-horses. 
This made a good road except in those rocky passes of the Blue Moun- 
tains through which the trail ran. There was no " jungle " on the route, 
and no " forest," except on the Blue Mountains, where the growth could 
not have been heavy, since forty men of the immigration of 1S43 in five 
days cleared a wagon-road over the range. Neither were there any 
"snow-drifts" on the range in the month of August, when the party 
crossed. Therefore Mr. Ermatinger was not "slyly taking the mission- 
aries through the most difficult goat-trails over the mountains, ' ' to convince 
them that a wagon-road was impossible. Even the necessity of introduc- 
ing the element of villany into melodrama does not excuse the perversion 
of history. Rivalry there was between British subjects and Americans 
in Old Oregon, but criminality, even inhospitality, never. 

On page 235 Dr. Whitman is made to say that his wagon went to 
Oregon, or at the least this is implied ; but on page 155 it is admitted that 
the first wagon to reach the Columbia was that of Joseph L. Meek, in 
1840. On page 217 Sir George Simpson, at that time governor of the 
Hudson's Bay territory in America, is said to have left Fort Vancouver late 
in 1 84 1 on his journey around the world, via Siberia, as he did, but on 
page 234 Daniel Webster, in Washington, is quoting Sir George as say- 
ing to him (so it must be understood), that wagons can never get over 
the Rocky Mountains; that he has "traversed those wilds from his 


Reviews of Books 

youth," etc.; whereas all the travelling ever done in Oregon, or west of 
the Rocky Mountains, by Sir George, was when he was on his journey 
from Montreal to Vancouver to inspect the forts on the northwest coast, 
and especially to settle some troubles at Sitka, whence he departed for 
Siberia, and reached London in due time via Petersburg, Russia; 
never in his lifetime, so far as discovered, having been in Washington, 
or having discussed international questions with American statesmen. 
Sir George was simply a fur-trader. 

There are many more unjustifiable instances of this struggling after 
dramatic effect in serious matters in Mrs. Dye's book. In unimportant 
matters, such as representing Eloise McLoughlin as an equestrienne, we 
must say "wrong again." At Vancouver the rules of the Company for- 
bade the participation of women in any social functions, and Mrs. 
McLoughlin and her daughter were forced to live in almost conventual 
seclusion. With her nimble pen our author ought to improve upon this 

Frances Fuller Victor. 

The History of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. By Ira Dudley Travis, 
Ph.D. [Publications of the Michigan Political Science Associa- 
tion.] (Ann Arbor. 1900. Pp. ix, 312.) 

Mr. Travis has produced a valuable monograph on a subject which 
has been little discussed in its historical aspects. Begun as a doctor's 
dissertation but afterwards enlarged, it embodies the results of extensive 
and careful research and of candid deliberation, and presents a compre- 
hensive review of the various questions of which it treats. The first 
chapter is devoted to an examination of the British claims to territorial 
dominion in Central America. This is followed by a review of the con- 
ditions that existed at the time of the conclusion of the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty. The negotiations are next described ; and we are then led up to 
the controversies that arose, soon after the conclusion of the treaty, as to 
its construction and enforcement. The methods of settlement proposed 
form the topic of yet another chapter, concluding with the arrangement 
effected in i860, to the expressed satisfaction of the United States. The 
history of the treaty since i860 is then exhibited; and the volume ends 
with a chapter in which the author's conclusions are set forth. He main- 
tains, on the whole, that the British claims to dominion in Central Amer- 
ica were not in their origin legally justified ; that by 1850, however, it 
had become necessary, in order to secure by peaceable means the freedom 
of the canal from British domination, to enter into a conventional agree- 
ment for that purpose ; that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty embodied the best 
arrangement that could be made under the circumstances ; that the con- 
troversies that ensued were so settled as to give substantial effect to the 
purposes then entertained by the United States with reference to the 
canal, and to the views which it had maintained as to the proper con- 
struction of the treaty ; that the demand which subsequently arose for an 

Travis : History of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty 1 5 1 

exclusively American control represented a later conception of policy ; 
but that the enduring interests of the United States and of the world at 
large may be best preserved by an open and neutral transit, which it was 
the great design of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty to assure. 

In his discussion of the development of American policy with refer- 
ence to Central America, the author, in our opinion, hardly does justice 
to the administration of President Polk. He states (p. 44) that when 
the Nicaraguan Secretary of State, in November 1848, sent to Washing- 
ton an account of the British aggressions then taking place, Mr. Buchanan 
' ' did not even take the trouble to reply to it " ; and that when the Su- 
preme Director of Nicaragua sent "a direct and pathetic entreaty to 
President Polk," he was "no more fortunate than his Secretary of State 
had been in securing the assistance of the United States." These ex- 
pressions scarcely represent the real situation, which is disclosed by the 
author himself further on (p. 58), where he shows that the administration 
had already sent Mr. Hise, as charge d'affaires, to Central America with 
instructions which really laid the foundation of our later policy in that 
region. Mr. Hise was instructed not only to negotiate treaties with the 
Central American states, but also to use his influence to induce them to 
form a union, with a view to resist foreign aggression. He was also 
charged fully to investigate the British encroachments on the Mosquito 
Shore, and with this direction there was coupled the distinct intimation 
that the United States would not acquiesce in them. The administration 
was anything but uninterested and negligent in regard to the interoceanic 
route through Central America ; and only three years previously it had 
made the treaty with New Granada in relation to the Isthmus of Panama. 

The least felicitous chapter in the volume is that entitled " Contem- 
porary Conditions," namely, the conditions under which the Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty was negotiated. These are set forth very fully, but with a 
frequency of repetition that underestimates the reader's memory for words 
as well as for matter. It is stated, for example, in immediate succession, 
that the slavery agitation in the United States had become so heated that 
"it gave color to nearly all our political discussions" and exercised an 
influence on our "foreign policy" (p. 86); that the feeling was so in- 
tense that ' ' talk of disunion was freely indulged in by the more radical 
elements of both parties," the "danger of disunion and civil war" be- 
ing ' ' so imminent ' ' that there was a general acquiescence in the Com - 
promise of 1850 (p. 87); and that the domestic affairs of the country 
were "in a most critical state," the "agitation of the slavery question" 
having "taken on a sectional character and become so bitter as to 
threaten the dissolution of the Union " (p. 87). Other examples might 
readily be produced. Sometimes they seem to be due to restating the 
same matter on the authority of different writers ; and occasionally there 
creeps in an inconsistency. For example, it is stated on page 61 that the 
Hise treaty with Nicaragua, which was signed after Taylor became Presi- 
dent, "might have led to serious consequences had it not been for the 
conservative tendencies of the administration in power when the treaty 

i c 2 Reviews of Books 

was concluded " ; that "the change of administration " was, however, 
" the signal for a more vigorous development of the policy lately adopted 
by the United States regarding Central America "; and in a foot-note, on 
the authority of Mr. Schouler, that the reason why the Hise treaty was 
not favorably considered was that "the Taylor administration, to a cer- 
tain extent, represented the reaction against the aggressive foreign policy 
of its predecessors." 

The printer's work cannot be praised. There are many errors in it. 
Examples: p. i, "pretentions"; p. 9, confusion in references to the 
foot-notes; p. 11, "expell"; p. 13, in the headline, " Rbitish Claims"; 
p. 14, "tranquility"; p. 16, "form" for "from"; p. 18, "Mosqito"; 
p. 23, "amunition," " detatchment " ; p. 27, "that" for "than"; 
p. ^^, "intolerence"; p. 91, "vigilence"; p. 212, and elsewhere, 
"Columbia" for "Colombia"; p. 236, "estopp"; p. 177, the last line 
is found at the foot of p. 178. These are by no means all the errors that 
we have noticed, but it is needless to multiply instances. 

P. 75 speaks of "the conclusion of Cushing's treaty in 1845 " with 
China. The treaty was concluded in 1844. The ratifications were ex- 
changed in 1845. j. R MooRE _ 

The Life of William H. Scivard. By Frederic Bancroft. (New 
York and London : Harper and Brothers. 1900. Two vols., 
pp. vi, 554.) 

Mr. Webster's three requisites for true eloquence apply to good 
biography as well — the man, the subject, and the occasion. The subject 
of this biography was worthy of the best study and commemoration ; its 
occasion was fortunate, notwithstanding the excellent sketch of its subject 
which we already had in Mr. Lothrop's contribution to the American 
Statesmen Series, and the two very complete and exhaustive volumes of 
F. W. Seward, for a broader sketch than the former and a less detailed 
and bulky work than the latter seemed to be demanded ; the man — the 
biographer — had previously worked on historical lines, had excellent 
facilities for writing this biography, and was moved in his task, as we 
may judge, by the spirit of industry and the purpose to produce not only 
an authentic, but a just and adequate portrait. Such concurrence of 
favoring conditions is not often surpassed. 

For fully thirty years, and even longer — 1838 to 1869 — William H. 
Seward was an original force in our political life. For the first half of 
this period, he was the distinctive leader of a movement more critical and 
vital than any other in our history since 1789 ; and for the latter half he 
was in official stations which gave him large influence and control in 
public affairs. He was, moreover, undoubtedly a man of first-class ability, 
of sleepless industry, of wide-ranging activity, and of ardent ambition. 
No other of the many who might, with more or less propriety, be named 
leaders in the same movement, can be reckoned Seward's equal or rival 
in the art and practice of political or party leadership. Great qualities, 

Bancroft: Life of William H. Seward 153 

qualities as essential to success as Seward's, appeared in others. Chase 
was possibly more philosophical, Sumner more learned or widely-read ; 
many others were more eloquent in speech ; but Seward was the one 
leader who by nature and training was best fitted to gather and weld to- 
gether into an effective organization the deep and determined forces 
which from 1840 to i860 gradually brought on the crisis and struggle of 
civil war. Jealousies of contemporaries, passions heated in the fierce 
blaze of war, the spirit of "Thorough " pervading so many sincere minds 
at the end of the armed struggle, the current notion that Seward like Clay 
was only a politician too shifty and ambitious to be trusted, these and 
other like influences have combined since Seward's death, as they did 
in his lifetime, to deprive him of no small part of what we deliberately 
regard as his just share of honor and fame as a leader in the most dramatic 
period of our annals. In our judgment, the highest success of such a work 
as Mr. Bancroft's was probably intended to be and certainly ought to 
have been, lay in dispersing the mists of detraction and misconstruction 
which had latterly gathered about Seward's character and career, and 
presenting him — the man and the public figure — in true proportions and 
in clear light — 

" both in time, 
Form of the thing, each word made true and good. ' ' 

Some intimations, if not authorized statements, reached the public 
in advance of its publication, that the present work was, so to say, 
written from the inside, with access to and use of documents or sources 
of authentic information not open to previous writers and students. Such 
forecasts do not seem to have been warranted. So far as the reviewer 
has discovered or been informed, Mr. Bancroft has here dealt with no 
new documents and has presented no new facts. Under these conditions 
what may be required of him is a true picture, a just estimate, a readable 
narrative, and an effective setting of the whole in the framework of cir- 
cumstances, events and times in which Seward lived and worked. Above 
all else, we think, his part as well as duty lay in giving the world a care- 
fully presented and well avouched estimate of Seward's mould of charac- 
ter, his moral or ethical standards, his fidelity, or want of it, to principle. 
That he was a politician is certain ; as this, was he merely crafty and 
self-seeking, or rather, able and sagacious? He was clearly a statesman, 
responsible and experienced ; as this, was he capricious and visionary, or 
consistent and patriotic ? In a word, was he only an opportunist, or was 
he a firm, principled statesman and political leader ? It was not required 
of the author to set down categorical answers to these inquiries ; but it was 
the part of a new study of Seward, holding a half-way place between a 
sketch and a detailed life, to put before us clearly and fairly — more 
clearly than had been done before — the materials of a safe and just 

Seward's work and career covered two separable periods of time and 
were concerned with two separable lines of effort, both the periods and 

154 Reviews of Books 

lines overlapping and interlacing, but still separately visible. For ten 
years — 1S3S to 1S4S — his most important service was his leadership of 
the Whig party in New York and in the nation, a service prolonged for 
the Republican party until i860. Here, if anywhere, we shall see the 
character of his political party service. 

On these points, Mr. Bancroft's chapters V., VI., VII., while giving 
nothing new in substance, furnish ample materials. Here we may as 
well say that the first half of the author's first volume is much the most 
thorough part of his work. Despite a persistent, and to us unaccount- 
able, tendency to find unworthy or purely selfish purposes in what Seward 
did in party politics, to read into what he wrote or said sinister meanings 
or designs, Seward emerges from the author's ordeal, if not unharmed, 
at least with cleaner hands than any ruling politician of to-day whom we 
could name. His intimacy with Thurlow Weed, from which we verily 
believe has come most of the odium politician which has fallen upon Se- 
ward's head, does not appear in these volumes to deserve great reprehen- 
sion, though it is visited with constant criticism from Mr. Bancroft and 
elsewhere. Weed was simply an old-time, managing, editorial wire- 
puller — no very dangerous or monstrous character in any view, especially 
in view of bosses of to-day who shall be nameless here. 

Into the larger field into which he stepped through his entrance to 
the United States Senate, in 1849, Seward carried substantially the party 
methods he had used in New York. We here record our strong impres- 
sion, founded upon what these volumes disclose, saving Mr. Bancroft's 
personal opinions or comments, as well as upon a brief personal contact 
with Seward, and a much longer and closer acquaintance with Weed, 
that Seward's political and party work from 1849 to i860 was relatively 
clean and patriotic ; by which we distinctly mean that in methods and 
aims he was the equal of any of his contemporaries, and far superior to 
the ruling party leaders of any party in our country to-day. 

Mr. Bancroft's two volumes are equally divided between the two 
halves of Seward's career — his party leadership, and his service in official 
positions of national importance. The first volume closes with the con- 
clusion of the political presidential campaign of i860, the second volume 
opening with the critical winter of 1S60-1S61, that unfortunate and 
dangerous interregnum in our political system, but far more critical and 
dangerous in 1861 than ever before or since. Every reader of these vol- 
umes will see, as every reviewer has seen, the change of tone on Mr. 
Bancroft's part at this point. Hitherto he has magnified — it is not too 
much to say it — what he regards as Seward's faults, but with the fateful 
winter of 1860-1861 the tone changes, or seems to change, and Seward's 
rule of conduct and policy is now finely stated : " the highest statesman- 
ship consists in getting the best results from actual conditions " (II. 7). 
No apparent effort is thenceforward made to find ulterior or unworthy 
motives, and though it would not be fair to say that Mr. Bancroft any- 
where becomes Seward's excessive eulogist, we are no longer fretted by 
querulous or obtrusive criticism. Seward's bad foresight at this crisis 

Bancroft: Life of William H. Seward 155 

can, of course, be easily shown ; and it has been shown to superfluity ; 
but it must at least be clear now, as to many it was not then, that it was 
absolutely necessary to avoid an outbreak during that sad, we had 
almost said shameful, interregnum, to tide over the interval between the 
meeting of Congress in December, i860, and the advent to his place of 
the new president. Seward's temper was genuinely hopeful, optimistic. 
It enabled or helped him to " speak smooth things " or even to " proph- 
esy false visions" without conscious moral obliquity, and, indeed, with a 
purely patriotic and honest mind. The end does not sanctify the means, 
as an abstract proposition, but in this case the end was the highest and 
the means were not bad. There is no evidence of Seward's insincerity 
here. He saw with calm vision while others were helpless and hopeless ; 
and he doubtless believed his most sanguine vaticinations. If it is need- 
ful to mark his fallibility of judgment here, it is not just, nor warranted 
by historical proof, to doubt his good faith ; and surely not to question 
the value of his strenuous and unfailing hope. Macaulay makes one-half 
of the "true philosophical temperament" to consist in "much hope," 
and the other half in "little faith." Seward by this standard was at 
least half a philosopher, and if so, whether he was a whole one or not does 
not seem important. We lay emphasis upon this passage in his career 
because so many, not, however, including Mr. Bancroft, have made it 
the text of ridicule and depreciation. 

Our knowledge of Mr. Bancroft's previous studies and pursuits had 
led us to expect not only a thorough treatment, but a fresh, substantial 
addition to our appreciation of Seward's diplomatic services. What he 
gives us is not without merit, in form and substance, but truth compels 
the verdict that it does not add to .what has already been known and 
passed upon. 

Seward's qualifications for Secretary of State, so far as previous study 
and interest went, were far superior in 1861, to those of any other Amer- 
ican then living. Chapter XXX. of the second volume is valuable as a 
general brief view of the diplomatic situation in 1861 ; and it is imme- 
diately followed by four chapters covering the chief incidents of our re- 
lations with France and England during the war. These chapters, if not 
brilliantly or graphically done, are a good specimen of orderly and clear 
presentation. Here must be noted, however, one omission very difficult 
to account for, — the notorious M'Crackin letter and the affront which 
resulted in the summary retirement of Mr. Motley from Vienna, — an 
incident of which all the world took note, and which in the reced- 
ing light of more than thirty years ago still brings a hot flush to the 
brow of all who loved and honored the most brilliant historical writer 
and the most accomplished gentleman of his generation. We are famil- 
iar with the apologies offered by thick-and-thin eulogists and personal 
friends of Seward. They are in vain. The act at best was done without 
a word of objection or protest from Seward. It goes farther than any 
act we know of to give credit to the bitter charge of his enemies that 
the old Secretary clung to his office under President Johnson at the ex- 

i^6 Reviews of Books 

pense of his self-respect and personal integrity. We hope Mr. Bancroft 
will sometime tell why a quite full life of Seward makes no allusion to 
this affair, though Mr. Motley's appointment is here credited to the Sec- 
retary of State (II. 153, 154)- 

One of the best chapters in style and substance is that on Political 
Prisoners (II. 254-280), a passage of our war history as indefensible as it 
was ineffective, an instance of Seward's excessive activity, as well as at- 
tended by more than one ugly contretemps, e. g., the case of Ex-President 
Pierce, and by many quite unnecessary acts of futile injustice. Mr. Ban- 
croft's views here are worthy of note and commendation. The system 
was as unwarranted in law and even good policy as were the legal tender 
acts in which Chase acquiesced. 

These volumes present, as any sketch of a career so long, varied, 
active, and conspicuous must, numerous points of interest which cannot 
be touched here. The author offers a final or general estimate of Seward, 
in most of which we concur. He had previously written of his course in 
the Cabinet of Lincoln in the early months of the war, as we think with 
entire justice, that " his ambition was for the Union vastly more than for 
himself" (II. 149). His summation (II. 526-529) somewhat to our sur- 
prise, opens thus: " The excellence and success of Seward's career were 
mainly due to his superior ideals" — the italics ours — "and his skill in 
practical politics." His alleged "insincerity and egotism" are set 
down to his " irresistible impulse to pose and explain and appear all-wise 
and all-important," a characteristic which was not observed, we think, 
in his lifetime, but may have existed. This is followed by the unquali- 
fied dictum that "he holds the first place among all our Secretaries of 
State" (II. 528) whereat other and perhaps wiser judges will demur, 
recalling the names of at least a half-dozen previous secretaries. Here, 
we are reminded of Lowell's sarcasm — given by Mr. Bancroft in a note 
(II. 504) — "more than any minister with whose official correspond- 
ence we are acquainted, he carried the principle of paper currency into 
diplomacy." 1 

But except in some details, we agree with the final estimate of Mr. 
Bancroft ; and we can pay him the tribute of our hearty admiration of 
the labor and ability which his work shows. 

History, and still more, biography, is written to little purpose if it 
does not lead to judgments and conclusions. A reviewer may have his ; 
and ours of Seward is carefully formed from some personal observation 
of the man and much more study of his career, together with a somewhat 
extended acquaintance with several of his most intimate and life-long 
associates and friends in public and private life. Judged by just stand- 
ards, he appears to us a high, bright figure in the large group of those 
who bore foremost civil parts in the anti-slavery struggle and the ensuing 
war; a man of pure life and magnanimous spirit; patriotic to the core : 
unselfish to a degree greatly beyond any other party leader who ranked 
beside him; governed by a strong sense of duty; ready to stand alone 

1 Political Essays, 293. 

Storey : Charles Sumner 1 5 7 

for what he regarded as good policy or good morals ; gifted with great 
fitness for party leadership and exercising his leadership for noble ends ; 
a statesman in the highest sense of the word, who sought his country's 
honor and welfare, and largely helped to save her in the dire agony of 
her long struggle with slavery and what slavery caused. The shadows 
— foibles, weaknesses, or whatever else — on such a life and character 
might be much deeper than critics of Seward have ever claimed, with- 
out greatly darkening its beauty and fame. 

Mr. Bancroft's handsome volumes are adorned by two fine portraits 
of Seward — one, we suppose, taken at the age of about 40, the other 
dating about i860. The latter is familiar to all. We never look upon 
it without recalling Macaulay's reference to Lord Eliot's portrait of John 
Hampden — "the intellectual forehead, the mild penetration of the eye, 
and the inflexible resolution expressed by the lines of the mouth." 

We cannot possibly admire Mr. Bancroft's literary style ; but we 
can, in conclusion, award him the high praise of not making his work 
what a few months ago in the pages of this Review : he commended 
in another biographer— " a zealous and successful defence and eulogy" 
of the subject of his biography. 

Daniel H. Chamberlain. 

Charles Simmer. By Moorfield Storey. [American Statesmen 
Series.] (Boston and New York : Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 
1900. Pp. iv, 466.) 

Mr. Storey's Life of Sumner is both a thoughtful and a sympathetic 
narrative of the statesman's career. Its general characterization of his 
mental and moral traits is accurate, pointing out his deficiencies as well 
as his excellencies, his faults as well as his virtues. Whilst giving Sumner 
full credit for his sincere and powerful advocacy of the radical principles 
of the anti -slavery reform, he does not conceal the fact that the orator 
was less successful in commanding the assent of his associates in public 
li-fe than in carrying along with him the applause of the constituency 
which he represented. The very confidence in assertion of a high stan- 
dard of right and in the deduction of present duty from it, which gives 
power to the platform orator, grew, in his case, into an apparent assump- 
tion of infallibility which sometimes offended his equals in the Senate. 
The practical duties of legislation made them impatient of arguments 
which often ignored the limitations which are met in applying sweep- 
ing maxims to the every-day affairs of life. The tone of the un- 
compromising prophet who warns and denounces, who declares the right 
with an assurance of certainty, chafes and irritates when debatable ground 
is reached. An ipse dixit is then a challenge and a provocation. The 
eloquence which had been inspiring whilst all were on common ground 
becomes wearisome when the common purpose has been attained, and 
men are urged in the name of consistency and of fundamental right to 
adopt measures which they instinctively feel are perilous. 

' IV. 745- 

158 Reviews of Books 

This was more or less the case when, at the close of the Civil War, 
the Union had been made safe and slavery had been abolished. The 
problems of reconstruction were complicated in the extreme, but Sumner 
advocated his own solution of them as if eternal right was as clearly de- 
monstrable as the day. His two leading dogmas were that secession had 
been state suicide, leaving blank paper on which the majority in Con- 
gress could write what constitutions they would, and that dominance in 
the South by means of negro suffrage was the necessary means of main- 
taining emancipation. On these points Mr. Storey's natural sympathy 
with the subject of his biography makes him come something short of the 
historical treatment which the lapse of time now makes possible. It can- 
not fairly be said that judicious students of history and of legal princi- 
ples commonly approve either of Mr. Sumner's dogmas. A state has 
made an insurrection and has failed in maintaining it. No doubt it may 
be punished for it. War indemnities may be demanded in varying form 
and extent. But the very demand of these implies that the corporate 
state survives which is to pay them and undergo the penalty. The con- 
queror may destroy the state, but whether that be right or wrong, politic 
or impolitic, such a fate cannot be imposed upon the body already felo de 
se. You must have a live subject for an execution. And as to the ex- 
tent of penalties, whilst the rights of conquerors in war are indefinite they 
are not boundless. Mr. Sumner himself recognized this when discussing 
retaliation. " What civilization forbids cannot be done . . . You can- 
not be barbarous and cruel." The relations of belligerents are subject to 
the principles of international law as far as these are applicable, and the 
destruction of the corporate existence of a state has almost never been 
approved in the final judgment of history. In practice, too, the consent 
of the conquered state has usually been found a desirable safeguard for 
continuing submission to the terms imposed, and the organization which 
waged the war will give a more binding consent than any new one made 
for the purpose. 

As to negro-suffrage as a necessary condition of peace based on ultr- 
mate human rights, there were inconsistencies in Mr. Sumner's position 
which were very open to criticism. He advocated statutory action by 
Congress rather than amendment of the federal Constitution. Yet a 
majority of Senators and Representatives came from states which them- 
selves denied suffrage to negroes. For them to enact it was to lose even 
the pretence of basing the change on right, and make it the imposition of 
mere penalty on the vanquished. Sumner did not seem to feel this em- 
barrassment, but others did. The fifteenth amendment of the Constitu- 
tion proved a more acceptable method of reaching the result, as saving 
self-respect and consistency in the North. The popular sentiment was in 
this more delicate than Mr. Sumner's. He failed to feel other incon- 
sistencies. His scheme excluded an educational qualification among the 
freed men, though he recognized the general desirability of such a test. 
Thaddeus Stevens put the reason crudely in saying that it was necessary 
to secure the dominance of his party in the country at large. Mr. Sum- 

II 11 son : The Downfall of Spain 1 5 9 

ner was more smooth in expression but with unquestionably the same 
meaning. Can we regard it statesmanship to ignore the certainty of fail- 
ure in governments based on the exclusion of the class of the intelligent, 
the property-owners, the accustomed leaders of society, of public opinion, 
of trade, of commerce and of manufactures ? Are sociological and psy- 
chological principles considered when to such a perilous experiment is 
added the transfer of power from one race to another, and from the 
master to the recent slave? Mr. Sumner excluded "Indians not taxed" 
from the voting class in his scheme of reconstruction, and found no re- 
pugnance, in their case, to discriminating on account of race and color, 
or to refusing to apply to them the principle of basing government on 
the consent of the governed. 

We could wish that in these and in some other respects Mr. Storey 
could have got his own consent to a more radical discussion of the prin- 
ciples and doctrines involved in the Sumner-Stevens plan of reconstruc- 
tion. A careful study of the results and of the reasons for its failure is 
needful to help us to judge of its original wisdom and conformity with 
great principles of human nature and of right. In saying that Sumner's 
attitude in the great debate "secured the establishment of equal suffrage 
without regard to color," the author might almost be suspected of irony, 
in view of the history of five-and-thirty years. If Sumner was really 
unflinching in his adherence to the fundamental principles of the Decla- 
ration of Independence, the unity of truth is such that its harmony 
should be capable of proof. A new book upon his life, at this day, 
would seem a proper place for the analysis of the evidence of this con- 
sistency, and Mr. Storey's interesting bock would have gained philosoph- 
ical value by its thorough treatment. 

The Downfall of Spain : Naval History of the Spanish-American 
War. By H. W. Wilson. (Boston : Little, Brown and Co. 
1900. Pp. xvi, 452.) 

Mr. Wilson is well known as the author of Ironclads in Action. 
His clear perception and straight forward style of writing make his books 
always interesting and instructive. We are in the beginning interested 
in his view of the Maine destruction, and eager to discover how this 
event was looked upon by one who, like Mr. Wilson, feels it his duty to 
give every chance to the American side of the question, though himself 
not specially favorable to our navy. He condemns, on page 23, the Spanish 
stories of American lack of discipline as fabrication, and comments favor- 
ably upon the behavior of the crew after the explosion, but takes occa- 
sion to say that "American ideas of discipline are not altogether our 
ideas." Later on page 36 the author mentions the fact that experts in 
England, among them Admiral Colomb, thought our navy and the Spanish 
navy somewhat on an equal footing, and that neither country was strong 
enough to attack the other. On page 37 the author gives as his opinion 
that "the Americans showed no exceptional forbearance after the de- 

1 60 Reviews of Books 

struction of the Maine,'" although most observers of our country at that 
period commented upon the restraint the country put upon itself, and the 
dignified and deliberate action of our government with reference to it. 
It thus appearing that the author has certainly no bias in favor of the 
Americans, we may look upon his ultimate statement concerning the 
Maine as devoid of prejudice. This statement is as follows : ' ' still it does 
seem to the author to have established the probability that the Maine 
was destroyed by a mine." 

Referring to the strength of the two fleets the author has given a 
very clear statement of the tonnage, guns, and armor of our navy and 
that of Spain. It is, however, in comparing the spirit and training of the 
personnel of the two fleets, American and Spanish, that he shows the 
clear discernment which has been his chief merit as a critical writer. 
The second chapter of this work, especially the latter portion of the 
chapter, which treats of questions of morale and discipline, is well worth 
reading for its clear and forcible presentation of facts relative to crews 
and officers of both navies. In discussing " the plan of operations in the 
West," which is the title of Chapter III., the author makes natural de- 
ductions from the reports that were to be obtained. His judgment of the 
Spanish plans, or lack of them, is very clear and goes to the bottom of 
the situation. There is something pathetic in his comments on page 98 
upon Cervera, his valor above reproach, his chivalry and tenderness of 
heart, winning for him the admiration even of his enemies. His asser- 
tion, however, that Cervera was by nature despondent and a pessimist, 
and that he in character and temperament resembled Villeneuve, is open 
to question, as being unjust to Cervera. Villeneuve commanded great 
fleets out of which much might have been made by an admiral of resolu- 
tion, in the long period during which he commanded them. But it is 
doubtful whether any commander, even if he possessed proper energy, 
could have done anything in the time given to Cervera, with such a force 
as was at his disposal. To judge Cervera correctly, we should have to 
know what he knew of the spirit of his subordinates. Sound strategy 
and daring tactics are useless if the fighting spirit does not permeate the 
fleet or army concerned, and it does not appear that the Spaniards under 
Cervera' s command, though brave seamen and gallant officers, had that 
fighting spirit. Those who served against them in Santiago and Porto 
Rico were, I think, united in this opinion. No love of war for war's 
sake was observable, no vigor of initiative, on the contrary a profound 
apathy, a brave but melancholy acquiescence in the decrees of an unkind 
fate. No more gallant gentlemen, however, are found in the world than 
the group of officers whose parole the writer took on the quarter-deck of 
the In, liana as his prisoners on the afternoon of the great battle ; nor could 
one have wished to see a more dignified and noble attitude than that of 
Admiral Cervera at the close of the battle, when first a prisoner in our 
hands. The writer believes that if Cervera could have been certain of 
his ships and their equipment, could have felt that his officers and men 
were yearning after desperate and sanguinary battle, he himself would 

Wilson: The Downfall of Spain 161 

have been among the most eager of admirals to join close action with us, 
even though the odds were against him. This estimate of the man is 
based upon his bearing and conversation when first brought a prisoner to 
our ships, while the smoke of battle still hung upon the water. 

What he actually did, was or seemed to him the best possible with his 
poorly equipped vessels. He felt it his duty to avoid battle if possible. 
In so doing he made one false step, choosing to take his squadron to San- 
tiago rather than to Cienfuegos. It is probable that the cause of his so 
doing, was that Cienfuegos was nearer to the strength of our fleet than 
was Santiago, and that he did not reflect that Cienfuegos as a refuge would 
be supported, if necessary, by the whole strength of the Spanish army in 
the west of Cuba, while at Santiago he would be practically isolated from 
all hope of assistance. This mistake in judgment was his only one, but it 
was very serious in its results. It has been said that his small coal sup- 
ply made the choice of Santiago necessary, but this is not regarded prob- 
able by those best acquainted with the situation. 

The author next considers the American plans of operations. In 
judging of these, it should be remembered that a naval plan, as well as an 
army plan, must have some reference and relation to the plan of the sister 
service, and it is probable that Admiral Sampson's first proposal to attack 
Havana, of which the author speaks, had in view the landing of an army 
force shortly afterward, to hold the positions and gather the fruits of any 
success that the navy might have in any attack. It soon became apparent, 
however, that the army would not be ready to land in any force, not for 
days and weeks only, but for months. As to the chances of success at 
Havana, there seems to the writer but little doubt that an attack, made 
as Admiral Sampson proposed to make it, and beginning the day after 
war was declared, would have resulted favorably. The western batteries 
could have been taken in detail, and, with them destroyed or silenced, 
the city itself would have been at the mercy of the guns of the fleet. 
What did actually happen was that, in pursuance of this prohibition of 
the Department, a blockade was undertaken of Havana and adjacent 
ports, and a waiting policy was inaugurated. 

The author has the correct idea of the bombardment of San Juan de 
Puerto Rico : that it was a reconnaissance necessary in order to make 
certain that Cervera was not in the harbor, and that Sampson showed 
wisdom in hauling off as soon as it was discovered that he was not there. 

In describing the movement of Shafter's army from Tampa to Dai- 
quiri, the author has departed from his usual rule of depending upon 
official reports, and has been led astray by newspaper comments. The 
convoy was not in more straggling order than was contemplated in the 
plans ; a rear guard was provided for, which it was expected would gather 
those vessels together which fell behind. This was all foreseen, and the 
urgency of the Navy Department's despatches to Captain Taylor as to 
pushing ahead in order to relieve our marines at Guantanamo, made it 
most unwise for him to delay the rest of the convoy after he had made 
all arrangements for guarding the slower ships left behind. As it was, 

VOL. VI. — II 

1 62 Reviews of Books 

the rear guard arrived and joined Captain Taylor's main body within two 
hours after his reporting the convoy's arrival to Admiral Sampson. The 
remarkable success attending this transporting of a great force of 50 ships 
and 17.000 men without loss or detriment, is the best proof that there 
was no improper straggling, no disobedience on the part of the trans- 
ports, no unforeseen confuson or lack of water. 

Whether Shaffer should have chosen Daiquiri to land ; whether he 
should have come at all to Santiago ; are questions of tactics and strategy 
as to which men differ. It is neld by some that consistent strategy would 
have been to block the harbor-mouth with the Merrimac, watch it with 
a few ships, and then direct Shafter's army as well as the main force of 
the fleet to other fields of action, such as Havana, Cienfuegos or Porto 
Rico, and that the strategic alternative of that plan would have been to 
hold the strength of the fleet at the entrance and bring the army there, 
but to leave the entrance unblocked, and see to it that it remained open 
and clear. 

However the strategy may be, the proper tactics appear clear and well 
defined. The army should have held to the coast line, occupied the 
ridge at Aguadores, moved thence along the ridge upon the Morro, and 
from that vantage-point, with the aid of the fleet, captured the Socapa 
and Punta Gorda batteries, when the fleet would have quickly destroyed 
the mines, entered the harbor and engaged the ships lying there. The 
movement of the army into the interior, far from the support of the fleet, 
is regarded by most military students as false tactics. 

The book is too full of the details of the campaign to permit all of 
its good points to be noted in the short space allowed this review. Mr. 
Wilson touches lightly but clearly upon the Merrimac incident, upon the 
responsibility for our delay in blockading Cervera in Santiago, and is at 
his best in his discussion of Cervera' s correspondence with Blanco, upon 
which his clear deductions throw a light which dispels much of the doubt 
which has hung about their relations. 

Of the battle of Santiago the author should be allowed to speak 
without criticism, and no one can read unmoved his lucid description and 
sometimes dramatic recital of the events of that great day. 

H. C. Taylor. 

The Philadelphia Negro : A Social Study. By W. E. Burghardt 
Du Bois, Ph.D. [Publications of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Series in Political Economy and Public Law, No. 14.] 
(Boston: Ginn and Company. 1899. Pp. xv, 520.) 

Dr. Du Pjots is a negro who was graduated from Fisk and Harvard 
Universities, studied in Germany, was for a time assistant in sociology in 
the University of Pennsylvania, and is professor of economics and history 
in Atlanta University. His history of the Suppression of the African 
Slave Trade was the first volume of the Harvard Historical Studies. He 
was engaged by the University of Pennsylvania for the special purpose of 

Du Bois : The Philadelphia Negro 1 6 


making this study of the negroes of Philadelphia, and he gave fifteen 
months of hard labor in getting the material for it. In Philadelphia are 
to be found, he says, some forty-five thousand persons of African descent, 
who very noticeably do not form an integral part of the community, and 
he set out to learn something of their geographical distribution, of their 
occupations, homes, organizations and especially of their relations to 
their million white fellow-citizens. The purpose was ' ' to lay before the 
public such a body of information as may be a safe guide for all efforts 
toward the solution of the many negro problems of a great American 
city. ' ' The method of making this study was a house-to-house visitation, 
by Dr. Du Bois himself, of the negro families in the ward of the city 
where a fifth of the colored population is. A half-dozen schedules were 
used for noting information, but the visitor, received cordially in all but 
a dozen homes, did not confine himself to categorical questions, and 
a discussion followed, as to the condition in general of the negroes. 
The average time spent in each house was about twenty minutes. This 
careful inquiry was followed by a general survey of the conditions in 
other wards to note differences and correct conclusions. We should add 
that Dr. Du Bois spent two months, also, in studying his people in a 
plantation region of the South, and has availed himself of many sources 
of information. The result of this inquiry is given in eighteen chapters, 
three short ones dealing with its scope and meaning, and all the rest 
with the history and present condition of the negroes of Philadelphia — 
as individuals, as an organized social group ; of their physical and social 
environment ; what education they have and how they earn their living ; 
their organizations ; their relation to the pauperism and crime of the 
community ; their use of the suffrage ; and the contact between the white 
and the black races. 

This book is not merely a census-like volume of many tables and 
diagrams of the colored people of Philadelphia. The author seeks to 
interpret the meaning of statistics in the light of social movements and 
of characteristics of the times, as, for instance, the growth of the city by 
foreign immigration, the development of modern industries, and the in- 
flux of children of freedmen from the South. He is perfectly frank, lay- 
ing all necessary stress on the weaknesses of his people, such as their 
looseness of living, their lack of thrift, their ignorance of the laws of 
health, the disproportionate number of paupers and criminals among 
them as compared with the whites. He shows a remarkable spirit of 
fairness. If any conclusions are faulty, the fault lies in the overweight 
given to some of his beliefs and hopes. 

Brief references only can be made to several of the important gen- 
eral conclusions given. Dr. Du Bois believes that the most pressing 
question of the day for negroes is that of employment ; not mere in- 
creased educational opportunities nor a higher standard of home life, but 
the opening to negroes of the usual employments of a community, so as 
to allow the mass of them some choice in a life work, to afford proper 
escape from menial employment to the talented few. He feels that the 

1 64 Reviews of Books 

possibilities of a people should be judged not by the average of them 
but by the best of them. " As it is true that a nation must to some ex- 
tent be measured by its slums, it is also true that it can only be under- 
stood and finally judged by its upper class." In the upper class of the 
city negroes Dr. Du Bois finds much encouragement. He acknowledges 
that they should do more for the less fortunate of their race, but reminds 
us that "the uncertain economic status even of this picked class makes 
it difficult for them to spare much time and energy in social reform." 
The crucial point to him of the present position of the person with only 
a little African blood, in the " City of Brotherly Love " — the stronghold 
in the past of abolition and of the Republican party to-day — is the im- 
possibility of rising out of the status or group of the negroes. Irish and 
Germans may rise from the group of immigrants, but the colored men of 
ability cannot rise beyond a certain place, while the influx of ignorant 
and cheap colored laborers lowers the standards of wages and of living, 
pauperism and crime are increased, and the leaders of the race are dis- 
satisfied and discouraged. For the shiftless and the bad there are chari- 
ties and institutions, "but for the educated and industrious young col- 
ored man who wants work and not platitudes, wages and not alms, just 
rewards and not sermons, — for such colored men Philadelphia apparently 
has no use." We understand the warmth of these words when we read 
the examples given of young colored persons able to perform the duties, 
but unable on account of color to secure the positions of clerks, type- 
writers, etc. This state of things is due chiefly, in Dr. Du Bois's judg- 
ment, to a color prejudice, and this he believes can be done away with 
in time, just as the class prejudices of earlier centuries in Europe are be- 
ing wiped out gradually. The negro problems are not more hopelessly 
complex than many others have been ; and he looks for a wider and 
deeper idea of our common humanity. To it, the blacks and the 
whites have each much to contribute. 

Such a study as this should be made in many cities and country dis- 
tricts for comparisons. And more than this we need, what Dr. Du Bois 
does not give, more knowledge of the effects of the mixing of blood of 
very different races, and of the possibilities of absorption of inferior into 
superior groups of mankind. He speaks of the "natural repugnance to 
close intermingling with unfortunate ex-slaves," but we believe that the 
separation is due to differences of race more than of status. 

In the appendix is a carefully made and instructive study of negro 
domestic service in the seventh ward of Philadelphia (the same ward in 
which Dr. Du Bois made his house-to-house visitation) by Miss Isabel 
Eaton. Colored wage-earners are chiefly domestics. Miss Eaton lived 
for nine months, while making this study, in the Philadelphia College 
Settlement in this ward. 

The Clarendon Press has published Part XXVI. of the Historical 
Atlas of Modem Europe. It contains, first, an ingenious, if somewhat 
complicated, map of England and Wales in 1086, by Mr. James Tait, who- 

Minor Notices 165 

has endeavored to show the boundaries of England at the time of the 
Domesday survey, its administrative sub-divisions, the situation of 
the fiefs of some of the chief Norman magnates, the growth of castle- 
building, the towns, the classes into which they appear to fall, and 
the chief ecclesiastical foundations in existence in the year named. 
There is an inset map showing Welsh conditions in 1185. Secondly, 
Miss Lina Eckenstein gives a map of Italy for the period 1000-1067, 
with two insets, one showing the general outlines for the century and a 
half preceding, the other showing Sicily under Saracen rule. Third, 
there is a sheet showing the Ottoman Empire in Europe from 1356 to 
1897, by Mr. W. Miller. The letter-press is clear and well devised, as 
usual ; Mr. Tait's is unusually elaborate. 

Outlines of the History of Religion, by John K. Ingram, LL.D. 
(London, Adam and Charles Black, 1900, pp. 162.) The character and 
scope of this little volume are not very clearly indicated by the title. 
Instead of containing in outline a history of the various religions of the 
world, as the title would lead one to infer, it offers to the reader a some- 
what abbreviated statement of the views concerning the history and phi- 
losophy of religion which Auguste Comte developed in Vol. III. of his 
Politique Positive. The author, who is an earnest and reverent disciple 
of Comte, disavows any claim to originality in the present work, and is 
content to present in clear and simple form what he esteems to be the 
important but too little known teaching of the founder of positivism. 
The writer's own contribution is confined to the footnotes and concluding 

After a brief discussion of the nature of religion and its constituent 
elements, Fetishism, Polytheism, The Catholico-Feudal Transition and 
The Modern Movement form the leading divisions of the work. Fetish- 
ism is employed in the most vague and general sense of the term, in 
which it is practically synonymous with animism. Monotheism is not 
treated as distinct from polytheism but is regarded as a " reduction and 
concentration of polytheism." The Catholico-Feudal Transition is dis- 
cussed in its relations to the Greek and Roman systems. As the Greek 
civilization had developed the intellect and the Roman the active 
powers, there remained, it is said, the cultivation of the affections as the 
task of the third transition. Catholicism with its grave theoretical diffi- 
culties is viewed as owing its power largely to its social efficiency. Prot- 
estantism is regarded as at best a makeshift, affording only a "semi-sat- 
isfaction ' ' to the intellect while inferior to Catholicism in the cultivation 
of the religious sentiments. It can thus only serve to mediate the com- 
ing of the "religion of humanity." Positivism regards all forms of 
religion as not only necessary but also beneficent ; they serve as a school- 
master to bring mankind to the " final religion." 

The entire discussion bristles with questionable historical generaliza- 
tions, which, in a brief notice, can receive no attention. The construct- 
ive portions are open to all the difficulties of the positivistic programme, 

1 66 Reviews of Books 

while, throughout, the tendency is to ascribe too great an influence to 
religion alone, apart from the other factors of civilization. 

This little book, in which the author has sunk his own personality in 
that of his master, has yet a personal interest, and even pathos, of its 
own. While the familiar appeal to the practical fruits of a given religious 
belief cannot straightway be accepted as a final test of its validity, it is 
interesting to learn from personal testimony the influence upon conduct 
of a view of the world and of human life which so violently contradicts 
all orthodox creeds. These elements are best rendered in Dr. Ingram's 
own words : " Intellectually constrained to accept the philosophic basis 
on which the Positive Religion rests, I have tried its efficacy on my own 
heart and life ; and, whilst lamenting the insufficient degree in which I 
have followed its teachings, I have learned to appreciate its practical 
power. No creed seems to me so effectually to destroy the ' refuges of lies ' 
by which our partiality for ourselves leads us to excuse our misdeeds and 
shortcomings. I have found it to pronounce the demands of duty in 
such a way that they cannot be mistaken or eluded. And it appears to 
me to be alone capable of real social efficacy ; in particular, no otherwise 
than through its extension can the moral unity of mankind be ultimately 
realized .... Holding the religion I profess to be the unum necessarium 
for society, I cannot be content to pass away, as I must soon do, with- 
out giving public expression to that conviction." 

Walter Goodnow Everett. 

A History of the Jewish People during the Maccabean and Roman 
periods, including New Testament Times, by James Stevenson Riggs, 
D.D. (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900, pp. xxi, 320.) 
This volume forms part of the "Historical Series for Bible Students" 
under the editorship of Professors Kent and Sanders. Its title explains 
clearly enough its position in the series and the field covered by it. 
While the history of the Jewish nation, during these stirring centuries, is 
recounted for its own sake, the relations of the period to the Old and 
New Testament history are constantly kept before the reader's mind. 
The book is, as the author says, "a contribution toward the interpreta- 
tion of the Gospels in so far as a knowledge of the faiths [?], condi- 
tions, and aims of Judaism can be interpretative of the form and method 
of the activity of Jesus." 

In a manual of the popular character contemplated in the plan of this 
series one does not expect to find new contributions to the subject. 
These would indeed detract from its usefulness. Professor Riggs has 
done well to limit himself to setting forth in his own way the best results 
of recent work in this field. Solidity and sobriety characterize his dis- 
cussion. His judgment is sound and his conclusions on disputed points 
always within the evidence. If any criticism may be made in respect to 
his facts, it is that the author has not always grasped with accuracy and 
put clearly the elements and situations of the larger politics of which 
Judaism was a part. But here he has only followed in the footsteps of 
his predecessors. 

Minor Notices 167 

In general, then, the author's plan is admirable and his matter trust- 
worthy. His literary presentation is more unequal. The habit of in- 
serting quotations from other modern writers into the body of the text, 
indulged in somewhat excessively by Professor Riggs, while it testifies to 
the modesty of the author, weakens confidence in his independence of 
thinking and breaks the unity of the presentation. He seems to have 
warmed to his work but slowly. The story of the beginnings of the 
Maccabean struggle is almost tame. The treatment of Herod's reign is 
stronger, in matter and manner as good as anything written on the sub- 
ject. In the episode of Jerusalem's last days the author rises to some- 
thing like stirring description. The passage is the climax of the book. 

A series of appendices containing genealogical tables and critical and 
archaeological material adds to the value of the work. There are fur- 
nished also an excellent historical chart, three good maps, references and 
full indexes. 

A History of Spain from the Earliest Times to the Death of Ferdinand 
the Catholic, by Ulick Ralph Burke, M.A. Second edition, edited, with 
additional notes and an introduction, by Martin A. S. Hume. (Long- 
mans, 1900, two vols., pp. xxxi, 416, viii, 383.) In 1895 Mr. Burke, 
after "four happy years of varied research," published his history of 
medieval Spain. The author's untimely death having prevented a revi- 
sion of the work at his hands, this task has been undertaken by Major 
Hume, the well-known editor of the Calendars of Spanish State Papers. 
The changes in the new edition consist of a slight rearrangement of the 
order of the chapters, the correction of obvious errors of statement in the 
text, and the addition of a number of brief footnotes "where the informa- 
tion seemed to need qualification, explanation or supplement. ' ' The edi- 
tor has also added a preface in which he develops the view that, owing 
to geographical and ethnological considerations and the comparative 
slowness of national development in Spain, its history, ," better than that 
of any other European country, enables the philosophical historian to 
trace the concatenation of causes and effects in the life of a nation," and 
thus demonstrate the scientific basis of his teaching. In the republication 
a more attractive external form has also been chosen. These alterations 
were all desirable, and as Mr. Burke's volumes must serve for the present 
as the best presentation of the subject in English, any improvement in 
them should be welcomed. At the same time it must be pointed out that 
the most serious defects of the original work are still untouched. The 
narrative is as uneven and scrappy as ever, it gives the same impression 
of half-assimilated learning, it still lacks unity and flow. There is the 
same reliance on writers like Sismondi and Fleury and Montalembert, the 
same insular regard for what Englishmen may have said on the subject, 
the same neglect of important modern monographs, and, what is more 
remarkable, of the two most considerable recent works on the general 
history of the period — the Geschichte von Spanien of Schafer and Schirr- 
macher and the Historia General de Espana issued by the Royal Acad- 
emy of History. Charles H. Haskins. 

1 68 Reviews of Books 

Side Lights on English History, being Extracts from Letters, Papers 
and Diaries of the past three Centuries. Collected and arranged by 
Ernest F. Henderson, Ph.D. (New York, Holt, pp. xxii, 300.) Stu- 
dents and teachers of history have long been indebted to Dr. Henderson 
for his Select Historical Documents. They will, therefore, turn with inter- 
est to this new source-book, an attractive and imposing volume, illustrat- 
ive of modern English history from Elizabeth to Victoria. 

Dr. Henderson has laid under contribution State Papers, Somers 
Tracts, Historical Manuscripts Commission's Reports, Historische Zcit- 
schrift, news-letters, memoirs, etc., etc., and has succeeded in getting 
together a large amount of very interesting matter. The character and 
career of the different sovereigns from Elizabeth to George the Third are 
illuminated by extracts from contemporary writers, and the history of 
such events as the execution of Mary Queen of Scots, the coming of the 
Armada, the Gunpowder Plot, the trial of Charles I. , the plague and fire 
of London, Monmouth's rebellion, the American War of Independence, 
the death of Nelson, and the battle of Waterloo is told in the language 
of the time. 

As to the use which the student may make of this material the editor 
says, "I should suggest that he be given a topic corresponding to the 
heading of one of my thirty-two groups and be asked to make an abstract 
of the salient points from his text-book. After he has done this, and 
added some supplementary reading, I should consider him to have 
reached a frame of mind most suitable for approaching the sources." 
That is, text-books and histories are to come first in the reading of his- 
tory, and independent study of the sources later. The wisdom of this 
advice becomes apparent when we examine the character of some of the 
sources drawn upon, the scurrilous "Character of James I." by Sir 
Anthony Weldon and " Bloody Assizes " by John Dunton, the Puritan 
accounts of Arthur Wilson and Sir Simonds d'Ewes, the Tory memoirs 
of Reresby and of North, and the Whig narrative of Burnet. These are, 
of course, among the most interesting contemporary narratives, and the 
editor has chosen from them the most interesting pages, but they are far 
from reliable. 

These source-books are not histories and he who reads them is not 
studying history; but if one has time to use them, and if it is pointed 
out that half of the matter in them is trivial and the other half unreliable 
because partisan, they may doubtless be used with profit. They will at 
least add interest — though perhaps a fictitious interest— to the study of 
history. This is true of the book under review, but with this further 
qualification : the book seems too large for the use of young students, 
the contents too familiar to be of much value to advanced students. The 
Court and Times of James I., Whitelocke, and Pepys, which are most 
quoted, are accessible to all students of English history, — where they are 
not accessible the study of English history must be out of the question. 
These criticisms of the book seem to me inevitable, but after all, interest 
is the main thing in a book of this kind, and in this respect the editor 

Minor Notices 169 

has been eminently successful ; the book is interesting, every page of it, 
and everyone must say so. And the illustrations are an added element 
of interest. 

W. Dawson Johnston. 

Dr. Osmund Airy's new edition of Burnet's History of My Own 
Time is carried on by the issue of the second volume (Clarendon Press, 
pp. 533) to the end of the reign of Charles II. The announcement 
made elsewhere that Dr. Airy has entered into official engagements which 
will make it impossible for him to continue his work, must be a matter 
of great regret to all historical students who are interested in the Revo- 
lution of 1688. To what was said in this journal (III. 166) on the 
publication of the first volume there is little to add on the present occa- 
sion. The plan is the same, and the editor has carried it out with the 
same minute fidelity, good judgment and extensive learning as before. 
An excellent index to the two volumes is provided. It is stated in the 
preface that the editor intended to place in an appendix the full text of 
Burnet's "Characters" from the Harleian MSS. , " which appear in an 
inaccurate and incomplete form in Ranke's sixth volume" ; but that he 
relinquished the design, the Delegates of the Clarendon Press having 
decided to incorporate these "Characters" with other material in a 
supplementary volume. 

The History of the Castle, Town, and Port of Dover by the Rev. 
S. P. H. Statham, rector of the Castle church (Longmans, pp. 462), has 
some of the faults and some of the excellencies of the average local his- 
tory. He refers to Gardiner's Students' History, as if it were an author- 
ity upon Roman Britain, and he gives a good deal of desultory informa- 
tion which were fitter for a text-book of English history ; but the 
topographer, it may be said, cannot go far astray in the use of author- 
ities, and even the introduction of some general history may be excused. 

Dover has two chapters of history which are peculiarly her own : the 
history of the Tower of Julius Caesar so-called, the most ancient building 
in England, and the history of the Church of St. Mary-in-the-Castle, the 
oldest church in Britain. But the castle records being lost, the ma- 
terials for the history of tower and church are very inadequate, and the 
author, while siding with Canon Puckle in assigning an early date to the 
church, can only say that it was probably erected in the first century. 
About the history of the town there is less conjecture, the town accounts 
existing from the year 1365 and the minutes of the Common Assemblies 
from 1506. The author dates the town walls from the reign of Edward 
II., though Burrows traced them back to Norman times and Puckle to 
earlier times still. These points will interest the specialist. 

But who does not know the charm of topography as mere reading ? 
In this, for example, one can learn that the tariff for passage across the 
straits was 6d. for a footman and 2s. for a horseman, and how every 
householder was compelled in the time of the third Edward to have 
a tub full of water outside his door every night in case of fire, and of the 

i 70 Reviews of Books 

great cannon in the Castle, Queen Elizabeth's pocket pistol they called 
it, cast in 1544 and capable, it was said, of carrying a twelve-pound ball 
for seven miles, and many things besides, entertaining if nothing more. 
The book should be welcome to all lovers of olden time. 

From Capetown to Ladysmith : an Unfinished Record of the South 
African War. By G. W. Steevens, edited by Vernon Blackburn. (New 
York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1900, pp. 198.) The series of 
letters from South Africa which Mr. Steevens was writing for the London 
Daily Mail was abruptly closed by his death last January. The frag- 
ment of correspondence has been made into a book, with a supplemen- 
tary chapter containing a sketch of Mr. Steevens's life and an estimate of 
his character and abilities by Mr. Blackburn. Mr. Blackburn's part is an 
ill-digested piece of composition. The letters themselves possess a twofold 
interest : they are another specimen of the work of a young journalist of 
great promise ; they give some unusually vivid impressions of the scenes 
in South Africa at the outbreak of the war. Mr. Steevens enters into no 
discussion of the causes of the conflict or the rights of either side : he 
tells simply what he sees and hears on the way from Capetown to Lady- 
smith, with a detour, so to speak, for the battle of Elandslaagte. The 
book inevitably suffers because the editor was not free to select and con- 
nect the letters as Mr. Steevens himself might have done ; nevertheless 
it offers a number of brilliant descriptions and bits of narrative. The ac- 
count of the charge at Elandslaagte, for example (pp. 62), is as rapid in 
movement as the charge itself. Stevenson and Kipling have taught us 
how writing of this sort should be done ; and Mr. Steevens was an apt 

Paris as Seen and Described by Famous Writers. Edited and trans- 
lated by Esther Singleton. (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1900, 
pp. xiv, 397.) This collection of articles and illustrations may probably 
be ranked with the books which the International Exposition has called 
out. The publishers state that its purpose is to supplement the guide- 
book, and its editor has followed the usual plan of guide-books and nar- 
ratives of travel. The text is arranged under three heads corresponding 
with the three larger divisions of Paris — the Cite, Left Bank and Right 
Bank — and the order under each head is topographical, proceeding quite 
regularly from east to west ; so that any one who prefers literary descrip- 
tion to mere statement of facts would find here an excellent substitute for 
his Baedeker or Joanne. 

English and French writers are quite equally represented in the 
various chapters, though the French excel in importance and length. 
Victor Hugo and Louis Blanc both contribute sketches of the older town, 
while Thackeray, Balzac, George Sand, Sophia Beale, Arsene Houssaye, 
Hare, Charles Dickens, Jr. , Zola, Theodore de Banville and Fournier are 
included among those authors who treat of the modern city. Under their 
guidance we visit churches, palaces, museums, mingle with the crowds 

Minor Notices i 7 1 

which throng the streets, squares and gardens, and take part in the daily 
life of the Parisians. Good photographs of the buildings or places de- 
scribed embellish the text, and maps affording bird's-eye views of the 
different quarters of Paris serve as a glossary. 

Historical accuracy is not to be expected in a compilation of this 
nature, nor should we cavil at such fusions of fact and fancy as Hugo, for 
instance, delights in. And the objection which might be raised that 
many of the descriptions are a generation and more old can be met by 
the answer that the illustrations are recent and correct possible miscon- 

But the errors of proof-reading are more serious. French accents 
come and go at will, as "Theatre des Varietes " (p. 308). Words are 
disfigured, as Tait for Fait (p. 251) ; Quai de la Rappe, for Rapee (p. 
222). The editor seems to have personal views about orthography, for 
' ' Sevigne ' ' and ' ' Palais Royale ' ' occur repeatedly ; while to label the 
vista of the Champs Elysees the " Bois de Boulogne" (p. 390) shows 
negligence. These defects detract from the general excellence of the 

F. M. Warren. 

A Short History of Russia, by Mary Piatt Parmele (New York, 
Scribner, pp. xii, 251). Mrs. Parmele reminds one of a person wading 
along an irregular beach. At times she makes rapid progress, and is not 
impeded by the depth of water ; occasionally she meets with a gully 
where expert swimming is required, and expert swimming is not in her 
province. The book seems to be largely a condensation of Rambaud's 
History of Russia, but the author is not slavish in following Monsieur 
Rambaud's lead. She has some just ideas of the formation of the Rus- 
sian Empire and she is quite right in dealing with it as the history of a 
power and not of a people. Unfortunately she does not write in a very 
accurate English style and the volume is disfigured by many misprints 
and by some serious errors of statement. For instance, speaking of the 
Princes of Moscow, she says (p. 63) that their line has remained un- 
broken until the present time. But a little further on (p. 97) speaking 
of the death of Dmitri and Feodor, the sons of Ivan the Terrible, she 
says, "There was not one of the old Moscovite line to succeed to the 
throne," and she adds "The work of the Moscovites was finished, and 
the extinction of the line was the next necessary event in the path of 
progress." Such inconsistencies of statement are inexcusable in a his- 
tory. She speaks of the fanatical sect known as Raskolniks. Raskolnik 
is simply the generic term for dissenter ; there are and have been in Rus- 
sia many different sects of Raskolniks. She declares that the title Tsar 
is derived from the name " Caesar." One would be rash to say that it 
was not derived from Caesar ; nevertheless it is a question whether the 
word Caesar may not be derived from Tsar. A little revision would 
make the volume a useful, brief compendium of Russian history and the 
vivacity of the narration is certainly in its favor. 

172 Reviews of Books 

Indiana- und Anglo- Amerikaner : Ein geschichtlicher Ueberblick, von 
Georg Friederici, Oberleutnant im Infanterie-Regiment Graf Bose (1. 
Thiir. ) Nr. 31. (Braunschweig, Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn, 1900, pp. 
147). The author of this brochure is a German infantry officer who, 
from long residence and extended travel in the United States, has come 
to be interested in the Indian question as determined by past and present 
governmental policy. A previous work dealt with the practice of scalp- 
ing, especially as fostered and encouraged in the colonial wars. The 
present one discusses the relations between the two races from the first 
discovery down to this year of grace 1900, following the lines of Helen 
Hunt Jackson's Century of Dishonor, with a narrative of slave-hunts, 
scalping-raids, massacres and broken faith that is an old story to readers 
of Indian history. The author deals primarily with the United States, 
beginning with the Spanish period, and follows in turn the history of the 
Delawares, the Iroquois, the Cherokee, the Sioux, Apaches, Cheyennes, 
Poncas, Nez Perces, the Texas tribes and those of California. Some of 
the facts given are comparatively well known, such as those relating to 
the massacre of the Christian Delawares in 1782 and the removal of the 
Cherokee in 1838, but others noted are compiled from sources not 
readily accessible. To those who have looked upon scalping as a custom 
practised only by Indians, or by the rude borderers of a past century, it 
may be a surprise to learn that the hostility of the Apaches to the Amer- 
icans dates from a massacre of a part of that tribe committed in 1836 by 
a band of professional American scalp-hunters in the pay of the governor 
of Sonora. In more recent times scalp-bounties were offered, and prob- 
ably paid, by the legislature of a western territory. In 1862 the gov- 
ernor of Arizona ordered that every Apache man should be killed, every 
woman and child sold into slavery. In California the natives were 
practically exterminated by the miners in regular Indian hunts. The be- 
lief of the Columbia River tribes that the missionary Whitman had de- 
liberately uncorked the smallpox among them does not appear so 
foolish when we know that as far back as 1764 Sir Jeffrey Amherst, the 
British commander-in-chief, undertook to destroy the Indians adhering 
to Pontiac's alliance by sending among them infected blankets. 

The author draws a sharp contrast between conditions in Canada, 
where Indian outbreaks are nearly unknown, and in the United States, 
where our Indian wars have cost us five hundred million dollars, and as- 
cribes much of the difference to the shifting policies of our partisan poli- 
tics. The numerous references show that the author is thoroughly 
familiar with the literature of the subject, and while some of the criti- 
cisms are perhaps unnecessarily severe, the work is a distinct contribu- 
tion to American history. 

James Mooney. 

Tin: Growth of Nationality in the United States, by John Bascom. 
(New York, Putnam's Sons, 1899, pp. 209.) The essays along the 
ancient and honorable lines of constitutional history in this work are no 

Minor Notices 1 7 3 

better and no worse than they have been written many times heretofore. 
Their condensed form is a good feature. But in a chapter on " Strife 
between Classes" as well as in his few pages of "Conclusions," the 
author has said something new and said it tersely and clearly on what 
may be called the sociological aspects of constitutional development. He 
feels that the growing nationality of the United States has surmounted 
three obstacles : provincial life, sectional strife between the states, and 
the decentralization of the federal departments. A fourth obstacle, reach- 
ing the proportions of a positive present danger, he finds in the contests 
between the classes and the masses, each of which seeks to use the power 
of the state against the other. The especial forms which this conflict 
•takes are examined in contracts, corporations, police power, liquor laws, 
railroads and the interstate commerce commission, injunctions, labor 
movements, and the income tax. 

In treating these politico-sociological questions, the author is likely 
to become alarming to timid people and a happy find for sensational 
journalists. At times he sounds like the voice of Jefferson and again like 
a Populistic stump -speaker. Few will be found to deny the presence 
of the most obnoxious class legislation, and legislation in behalf of 
special interests, in the work of all our legislative bodies, or to deny that 
combinations of capital exist which are restrictive of individual motion. 
Few will question the severity of the author's arraignment of these evils. 
But the very fact that he calls recent political conditions in England an 
evidence of advance and those in America an evidence of retrogression 
is proof that in due time we too shall find a quietus for this conflict, 
certainly an inherited sin, and rendered doubly hard by local conditions. 
The author has done a service in collecting and calling attention to these 
dangers ; if he live long enough he can afford to laugh at them. 

From the standpoint of the historical student, there would seem to 
be no justification for the publication of The Territorial Acquisitions of 
the United States, by Edward Bicknell (Boston, Small, Maynard and 
Company, pp. xi, no). It is simply the briefest sort of statement of 
facts relating to the various territorial acquisitions of the United States, 
from the first acquisition of the Northwest by the central government 
under the Articles of Confederation to the annexation of Hawaii in 1898. 
It contains nothing new, and little, if anything, that is not perfectly 
familiar to everyone who possesses more than a superficial knowledge of 
American history. 

The book is evidently neither for the specialist nor for the student, 
but rather for the general reader, who is unacquainted with the history 
of our territorial expansion, and who, in view of our present conditions, 
desires to find in as brief compass as possible the main facts of our his- 
tory bearing upon these conditions. To such an one this little book 
may prove useful. Although relatively too much space is devoted to the 
annexation of Texas and the Mexican cession, and some assertions and 
rather sweeping generalizations would be bettered by further explanation, 

174 Reviews of Books 

the book as a whole is a sufficiently accurate and impartial statement of 
how the United States has acquired its vast territorial possessions. The 
much discussed question of the constitutional right to acquire territory, 
whether remote or contiguous, is accepted as settled, and consequently 
the only question with regard to our recent expansion is one of pro- 
priety or wisdom, a question upon which the author expresses no opinion, 
but leaves each reader to decide for himself. 

In the appendix will be found interesting tabular statements of the 
size and population of all of our territorial acquisitions, and a comparison 
of the area of the United States and of these acquisitions, and of the 
population of the United States with certain European countries. 

Our Presidents and How We Make Them. By A. K. McClure, 
LL.U. (Harper, pp. xi, 418.) Colonel McClure's reputation as a 
journalist intimately acquainted with the leaders and events of many 
recent presidential campaigns would naturally cause large numbers of 
readers to turn eagerly to a volume of his reminiscences, and he is abund- 
antly justified in publishing them. But instead of contenting himself 
with meeting this desire, which he could do exceedingly well, he has 
chosen to mingle his recollections with a general history of presidential 
canvasses, which he is quite incompetent to write. This was a serious 
error of judgment, but nothing more. What is truly shocking, however, 
is the fact that, in the first 153 pages, (the wholly unnecessary portion de- 
voted to the period preceding the campaign of i860), nearly every signifi- 
cant statement is derived — "convey, the wise it call" — from Mr. Edward 
Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections. It is needless to resort to 
the " deadly parallel column " ; suffice it to say that page after page of 
Colonel McClure's book gives evidence of bodily transfer of matter. It 
is true that he says at the end of his preface : "I am indebted to Edward 
Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections and to Greeley's Political 
Text-Book of i860 for valuable data of the earlier conflicts for the Pres- 
idency. " But it is also true that he frequently claims to have made in- 
dependent investigations and exhaustive researches for material. The 
phrase of the preface is all too mild for the obvious facts ; and it is not 
till p. 395 that, in a sort of appendix, he admits that the scores of elec- 
toral tables which appear on the preceding pages have been ' ' adopted ' ' 
from Stan wood. Nor has he, apparently, usually done the latter the 
justice of using the revised edition of his book, that which bears the title 
History of the Presidency. 

The personal reminiscences, which practically begin with i860, are 
often very interesting, and sometimes valuable, if one allows for an ex- 
aggerated estimate of the importance of Pennsylvania in crises of national 
politics. Col. McClure was very near the inner circle in several cam- 
paigns. For an experienced and famous journalist, he writes badly. There 
are not a few sentences as bad as this (p. 54) : " The hero-worship of 
Jackson was earnest and always aggressive when summoned to battle, 
but Clay was beloved and idolized beyond that accorded to any leader of 
any party in the history of the Republic." 

Minor Notices 175 

The History of Maiden, Massachusetts, i6jj-iy8j, by Deloraine 
Pendre Corey. (Maiden, the author, 1899, pp. xviii, 870.) This vol- 
ume is the result of nearly half a century's research and study ; and the 
author's intelligence, diligence and acumen are discovered in every chap- 
ter. In addition to the subjects usually treated in a town history, are 
the English Maldon ; a study of the formation of the town government 
and of the duties of all the several officers ; the Marmaduke Matthews 
troubles and their important bearing on the ecclesiastical history of Mass- 
achusetts ; Joseph Hills and his pre-eminence in the preparation and 
codification of the Colony Laws of 1 648-1 649, which is demonstrated, 
and the claims advanced by prominent writers on behalf of Capt. Edward 
Johnson disproved ; the Rev. Michael Wigglesworth — a more complete 
treatment of his life and work than even Dean's admirable Life ; the 
French Neutrals ; lists of Maiden men in Philip's War ; the French War, 
and the Revolution, with their respective service ; and a chapter on Mai- 
den in the Navy which contains much new matter and assigns to Capt. 
Daniel Waters his proper place in the naval history of the Revolution. 

The famous instructions of May 27, 1776, to the town's representative, 
instructing him to support any declaration of independence which the 
Continental Congress might make, are here first printed as they appear 
upon the town records. 

The old, wide-spread, and persistently held hypothesis that Joseph 
Hills married Rose Dunster is, we hope, here finally exploded by giving 
the register of his marriage to Rose Clarke, of Burstead Magna, Biller- 
icay, Essex. 

Mr. Corey's dependence on original authorities, his full citations and 
copious notes will satisfy scholars, who will also commend his thorough- 
ness of treatment and his purpose to portray our forefathers as they were 
— with all their faults and limitations. 

The volume, printed at the University Press, is illustrated and well 
indexed. It is entitled to high rank in the department of local history 
because of its valuable contribution to knowledge and of the admirable 
manner of its arrangement and execution. 

Henry H. Edes. 

Constitutional History of South Carolina from 1725 to 1775 '. By D. 
D. Wallace, A.M. Presented at Vanderbilt University for the Degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. (Abbeville, S. C, 1899, pp. xi, 93.) Start- 
ing out with the thesis that the growing power of the Commons House 
of Assembly is the most noteworthy feature of colonial history, Dr. Wal- 
lace devotes a few chapters to the framework of the government and then 
proceeds to discuss the controversy between the governor and council on 
one side and the assembly on the other. Special stress is laid on the 
disputes over money bills, as it was by gaining control over the purse 
that the assembly secured a position of supremacy in the government. 

Though the manuscript journals and public records at Columbia have 
been carefully used, a few minor errors have crept into the book, as, for 

1 7 6 Reviews of Books 

example, the statement that the election law of 1759 was the regulation 
until the Revolution (p. 11), and the inference that the common pleas 
and general sessions formed only one court (p. 21). The principal 
criticism to be made, however, is that the work is entirely too brief for 
a period of such length and of so much constitutional importance. The 
years before 1765 are disposed of in a few pages. The Stamp Act, the 
circuit court acts of 1768 and 1769, and the dispute in regard to the ap- 
propriation for the Wilkes fund are, however, considered more in detail. 

W. Roy Smith. 

Old Trails on the Niagara Frontier, by Frank H. Severance. (Buf- 
falo, N. Y., 1899, pp. xii, 321.) The nine essays of this book illustrate 
early periods in the history of the region lying between Lakes Erie and 
Ontario. The volume is addressed rather to the general public than to 
the historical student and the essays are too brief to serve for much more 
than an index to point the enquirer to broader fields. The "Niagara 
Country " has not yet received the attention it deserves from historians 
and Mr. Severance has done well in calling attention to the fact. Fort 
Niagara naturally holds the principal place in his pages and the local 
coloring of that lonely post tinges them all. He has drawn freely from 
the Jesuit Relations and other original sources. His essays are of unequal 
worth. "The Cross Bearers" is an attempt to specify the work of all 
the early missionaries. Father Dallion (1626) the first white man known 
to have visited the region (for of Brusle whom Parkman calls " that Pio- 
neer of Pioneers," we have little real knowledge), the Jesuit Brebeuf, one 
of the grandest figures in the annals of the Order, Dollier, De Gallinee, 
La Salle, Hennepin, Gabriel (65 years old when he stepped upon the 
banks of Niagara), Watteux, Lamberville, and all the heroic band of 
seventeenth-century workers live again in these pages. The second essay 
relates, in fictitious narrative, the real conditions prevailing at the fort in 
1687-88 during the French possession. ' ' With Bolton at Fort Niagara ' ' 
deals with the British occupation. It is drawn almost entirely from the 
Haldimand Papers of the British Museum, and is perhaps the most valu- 
able portion of the book. Many will be surprised to learn that Hessians 
were employed at Niagara during the Revolution. Colonel Bolton found 
them most unsatisfactory soldiers and got rid of them as soon as possible. 
They would neither fight Indians nor work on fortifications and were 
continually selling their equipments for rum. Even their commander 
was officially reprimanded. It would appear that even in those heroic 
days advantage was sometimes taken of the "Noble Red Man." Ex- 
periments showed that garrison powder would throw a 46-lb. shell 240 
yards — three times as far as powder issued to Indians would carry 
it. With musket balls the same remarkable difference was noted. 
Even garrison rum " carried" in similar proportions — suffering a change 
before passing from the commissary's hands, in which the Niagara played 
an important part. The paper compiled from the MS. journals of John 
Lay gives a glimpse of business conditions on the frontier in 1810-23 

Minor Notices 


concerning which comparatively little is known. The other papers are 
of less worth because they treat of more familiar subjects ; but altogether, 
Mr. Severance may be congratulated on having accomplished in a very 
satisfactory way the task he marked out for himself. 

Wilfred H. Munro. 

Lights and Shadows of a Long Episcopate, being Reminiscences and 
Recollections of the Right Reverend Henry Benjamin Whipple, D.D., 
LL.D., Bishop of Minnesota. (Macmillan, pp. vi, 576). This volume, 
whose appearance has been eagerly awaited, and which comes at the re- 
quest of many friends, is a most welcome addition to American liter- 
ature. It is the record of a varied and important life filled with heroic 
deeds and Christian charity. Bishop Whipple has had a wide and inti- 
mate acquaintance with the greatest statesmen, ecclesiastics and men of 
affairs in this country and abroad, and this book brings us into close 
touch with many of them, filled as it is with copies of autograph letters 
on most important subjects, and with interesting anecdotes of wit and 

In his ecclesiastical affairs Bishop Whipple, the pioneer Bishop of 
Minnesota, consecrated in 1859, shows the large charity and wide com- 
prehensiveness of a true-hearted Christian, together with a wise, far- 
sighted administrative ability literally fulfilling Christ's injunction : "Be 
wise as serpents and harmless as doves." His diocesan seal, which 
adorns the cover of his book, is singularly appropriate and suggestive ; 
it is a peace-pipe crossing a broken tomahawk, and, just above it, the 
cross. The motto is : "Pax per sanguinem crucis." 

To the historian, the chief interest centres about his great achieve- 
ments in the cause of education and his grand work among the Indians. 

On the high bluff which skirts the beautiful little city of Faribault, 
Minnesota, besides state institutions for the deaf and dumb, the blind 
and feeble-minded, are three large groups of buildings known as Bishop 
Whipple's schools. These are the Shattuck Military School for boys, 
with probably the finest group of school buildings in the United States, 
St. Mary's Hall, a school for girls, and the Seabury Divinity School for 
theological students. When John Walter, M.P. , proprietor of the Lon- 
don Times, visited this country, he was advised by the Archbishop of 
Canterbury to visit these schools. On his return to Philadelphia from 
the West, he was asked by George W. Childs what had impressed him 
most. He replied: "The schools of Bishop Whipple in Faribault." 
To one who has seen them it is not surprising. This volume has among 
its illustrations, views of the fine buildings. Bishop Whipple signifi- 
cantly says : ' ' On the site of the beautiful Shumway Memorial Chapel ' ' 
(a perfect gem of architecture in the magnificent grounds of Shattuck 
School) " I witnessed a scalp dance in i860." 

Bishop Whipple's marvellous work among the Indians, so simply and 
graphically, yet so fascinatingly told in this book, will remain not only 
one of the most romantic and beautiful chapters in American history, but 
vol. vi — 12 

i-S Reviews of Books. 

also an unanswerable argument for the power of Christianity and the 
worth and efficiency of Christian missions, under apparently the most 
unfavorable conditions. How often by his personal bravery and Chris- 
tian spirit of love and justice he saved this country from disgrace, and 
massacres, and the terrors of Indian warfare, cannot be known, but these 
pages record many startling instances. 

The appendix of sixty-nine pages is a rare and most valuable collec- 
tion of original documents on Indian affairs. 

Charles L. Wells. 

A series of incidents, as casual and as lacking in significance as the 
occurrences which led up to the events which made the experience memor- 
able, took a young American girl from her Paris schooling and landed 
her in the city of Mexico in 1S62. The account of her experiences 
during the five years that followed, written thirty-five years later for the 
Century Magazine, and now expanded into a book, Maximilian in Mexico, 
by Sara Yorke Stevenson (New York, The Century Co., pp. 327), is in 
very many respects one of the most intelligible of the numerous accounts 
of what took place during that curious episode in the American drama. 
Writing from the standpoint of personal observation, Mrs. Stevenson has 
succeeded with quite unusual skill in maintaining the balance between what 
she saw and heard for herself, and what she, like others who study the af- 
fair, must have learned from the books in which those who participated 
officially have published their recollections of what they did. Knowing 
these participants, as table companions, partners at court balls, and as 
powerful protectors in times of serious danger, she has understood how to 
use their books, and the result is a clear, reasonable narrative of what 
happened, with some shrewd suggestions as to why. Her account, like 
most of those which are available to English or European readers, is 
written from the French side, the side of the story which must always 
chiefly excite curiosity. The pathetic martyrdom of the Emperor, 
whose stoic heroism at the end has been accepted as atonement for 
the years of indecision and inefficiency, and the controversies which 
grew out of the mutual recriminations of those who were variously respon- 
sible for the course of the disaster, are treated by Mrs. Stevenson with 
considerable appreciation of historic proportion, and she does the highest 
justice to most of the disputants by ignoring the details of their troubles 
altogether. The footlessness of the whole affair, the entire absence of 
justifying motive or of any sort of profit in the outcome to those who 
were responsible for the intervention, all that makes this episode the 
despair of those who would see some philosophy in history, were never 
more clearly shown than on Mrs. Stevenson's pages. It is only when 
one gets on the other side, and tries to understand what was happening 
to the Mexican people during these years of the Franco-Austrian Empire, 
that the meaning of it becomes visible. A year ago, the technically his- 
torical portion of Sehor Romero's Mexico and the United States was 
noticed in this Review. The other portion of that volume was a de- 

Miliar Notices 179 

scription of modern Mexico, the prosperous, hopeful, powerful nation 
which is attending so successfully to its own affairs in its own way. This 
Mexico of to-day was made by the French Intervention. Fifty years of 
unlicensed independence, liberty, freedom, or whatever it may be called, 
of petty politics and clever soldiering, of the rivalries and jealousies that 
always go with the absence of responsibility, had discredited Mexico as 
completely in the opinion of her own people as in that of the outside 
world. The national health required for its constitution a purging and a 
shock. The United States thought of stepping in to set things right ; 
France actually intervened. The result, however unpleasant to France, 
made Mexico a nation. 

Under Three Flags in Cuba ; A Personal Account of the Cuban In- 
surrection and Spanish-American War, by George Clarke Musgrave. 
(Boston, Little, Brown and Co., pp. xvi., 366.) In the first two-thirds of 
this interesting volume, were names and dates omitted, one might imagine 
himself perusing the horrors of the Thirty Years' War, the ruthless devas- 
tations of Tilly and Wallenstein. Among our numerous war-books this 
one tells us most about the patriotic struggles of the Cubans prior to 1898, 
and about the iniquities practised upon them by that impulsive Spanish 
cleaving to Cuba whose superlative expression was found in Weylerism. 
Mr. Musgrave had peculiar advantages. Sent by an English service 
journal, he landed in Cuba " a warm sympathizer with Spain"; he 
served with the revolutionists and studied them and their cause ; he 
repeatedly crossed the lines, underwent grievous danger and hardship, 
was wounded and imprisoned, was barely rescued from a spy's death and 
finally "deported to Spain," all prior to our declaration of war. Thus 
equipped, he gives us " a plain story of the sufferings and sacrifices of 
the Cubans for their freedom," and herein resides the chief value of the 
volume, intended for issue in 1898. To us Americans who have lived 
through a mighty war where humanity always triumphed, and where 
murder, rapine and arson did not follow in the path of armies, it is hard 
to believe that so much savagery could have been committed at our very 
doors during the past generation. Cuba was worked not to supply the 
Spanish treasury, but to enrich the officials temporarily in power there — 
in 1890 Pando told the Cortes of forty millions of dollars of recent defal- 
cations. That the native Cuban, a descendant of Old Castile, should 
object to so many low-born Spaniards coming to despoil him, was not 
unnatural ; but could any other of the civilized European nations have 
been guilty of such atrocities under the shadow of free America ? And 
yet international courtesies in either continent must be maintained under 
trying conditions. All this is now past ; let us look to it that our regime 
shall bear better fruit. 

The sketches of Cuban troops and commanders, of character and 
manners, are interesting. The later chapters, devoted to the war, are 
less fresh. The graceful compliment paid to " the stupendous tasks at 
Santiago" and " the amazing valor of American soldiers" makes one 

i So Reviews of Books 

overlook the wearisome flings at Shaffer; and a soldier, if not a war 
correspondent, knows that " defined strategic rules" have often to yield 
to circumstances, whatever "von Moltke may have advised in 1870." 
The moderate criticisms passed on our War Department were penned 
before the Boer campaign, and Englishmen now know more about the 
errors of war than then. With little else to criticize, this is a thoroughly 
readable book. 

Theodore Ayrault Dodge. 

I. The Commune of London. 

As the point is of real historical importance, I desire to correct Dr. 
Gross's statement on page 744 of Volume V., and to explain how the 
case stands with regard to the "skevins" of London. The communal 
oath which I discovered bound those who took it to be obedient " maiori 
civitatis Lond[onie] et skivin[is] ejusdem commune." On this I ob- 
served that 

' ' For the first time we learn that the government of the city was 
then in the hands of a Mayor and echevins (skivini). Of these latter 
officers no one, hitherto, had even suspected the existence. Dr. Gross, 
indeed, the chief specialist on English municipal institutions, appears to 
consider these officers a purely continental institution " (p. 237). 

And I cited his footnotes on "their administrative and judicial func- 
tions in continental towns. " It is an essential point in my case that the 
London "skevins" (previously unheard of) were "skevins" of the 
Continental type, forming part of the governing body of the Commune, 
and were not mere gild-officers, such as were the only " skevins " known 
to Dr. Gross in England. The index to his book (II. 443) distinguishes 
clearly between the two types. 

Consequently, when he charges me with error on the ground that his 
book "calls particular attention to the existence of echevins in the gilds 
of many English boroughs, ' ' he shows that he has failed to grasp my 
point that the London ' ' skevins ' ' were not gild-officers at all, and that 
their Continental character strongly favors my theory of the foreign 
origin of this Commune. 

I am also charged by him with error in stating that the possession of 
a port at Dowgate (London) by the citizens of Rouen, even under Ed- 
ward the Confessor, was "a fact unknown to English historians," on the 
ground that "a book published by the Clarendon Press several years 
ago " sets it forth. But Dr. Gross's book (for it is his) does not men- 
tion Dowgate; he copied from Cheruel the erroneous reading "Dune- 

S ate " CI- 2 92). J. H. Round. 

2. Letters to Washington. 

With reference to Mr. Ford's statement (V. 767) that Mr. S. M. 
Hamilton, in his Letters to Washington, Vol. II., "prints no less than 
five letters from Bosomworth as coming from Botomworth, ' ' the latter has 
sent to the managing editor tracings which show the captain's autograph 
and Washington's indorsement. The former might be read in either 
way ; the latter is unmistakably " Capt Q Botomworth. ' ' Another tracing 
shows clearly that the ' ' impossible spelling ' ' Conogockuk is that of the 
original manuscript. 



Preparations for the sixteenth annual meeting of the American His- 
torical Association to be held at Detroit and Ann Arbor on Thursday, 
Friday and Saturday, December 27, 28, and 29, are well under way. 
The American Economic Association holds its annual meeting at the 
same time and place ; arrangements have therefore been made for a 
joint session of the two societies in which subjects of common interest 
will be discussed. This joint session will be held in Ann Arbor, prob- 
ably on the second day, and a special train will be provided to take the 
members back and forth from Detroit. While in Ann Arbor the Asso- 
ciation will be the guest of the University of Michigan. The present 
indications are that the meeting will be largely attended and that the 
great body of western members who often find it difficult to be present 
at the eastern meetings will be well represented at Detroit. Preliminary 
programmes will be sent out soon after the first of November. 

Professor Adolf Holm, author of a celebrated history of Sicily, died 
at Freiburg i. B. on June 3, aged nearly seventy. He was born in 
Lubeck, and was a teacher in its gymnasium when he wrote his history 
of Sicily in ancient times. He was called to be professor of ancient 
history in the University of Palermo, whence in 1884 he was called to 
Naples. With the Cavallari, father and son, he prepared a Topografia 
Archeologica di Siracusa ; and he added a third volume to his Sicilian 
history, bringing the narrative down to the times of the Saracen con- 
quests. In recent years his most notable work was his history of Greece, 
1 886-1 894, which has been translated into English. 

General Jacob D. Cox, an eminent public man, an excellent historical 
scholar, and a frequent though anonymous contributor to this journal, 
died on August 4, aged 71. He was a brigadier-general during the Civil 
War, governor of Ohio 1866-1867, Secretary of the Interior 1869-1870, 
and afterward a railroad president, a judge, a law professor and a college 
president. Lately he had lived in retirement at Oberlin. His historical 
books include The March to the Sea, 1882; Atlanta, 1882; and The 
Battle of Franklin, 1897. 

Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, formerly chief-justice of the municipal 
court of Boston and librarian of the Boston Public Library, died on 
June 25, aged 79. An historical scholar of remarkable acuteness, grasp 
and breadth, he published but one important historical book, John 
Adams, the Slates/nan of the Revolution, with other Essays and Addresses, 


Medieval History 183 

Mr. William Henry Whitmore died on June 14. He was at one 
time an editor of the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 
founded the Heraldic Journal, and was one of the founders of the His- 
torical Magazine, as also of the Prince Society and the Boston Antiquar- 
ian Society. He was a genealogist of note, and published a well-known; 
catalogue, entitled the American Genealogist. He also wrote The Cava- 
lier Dismounted ; Elements of Heraldry ; and a History of the Old State 
House, Boston. 

John C. Ridpath, author of a Popular History of the United States; 
1881, and of many popular histories and text-books, died on July 31, 
aged 59. He was for a time professor of history at Asbury (now De- 
Pauw) University. 

Professor Turner of the University of Wisconsin has gone abroad for 
a year ; during his absence a portion of his work will be performed by 
Dr. Carl Russell Fish. 

Dr. Herbert Friedenwald has resigned his position as chief of the 
manuscript department in the Library of Congress, and has been suc- 
ceeded by Professor Faulkner of the University of Pennsylvania. 

Dr. William E. Dodd, of North Carolina, has been called to the new 
chair of history and economics in Randolph-Macon College. 

Dr. N. M. Trenholme has been elected professor of history at the 
Western University, London, Ontario. 

The Macmillan Company have in press a work on Historical Juris- 
prudence by Guy Carleton Lee, of the historical department of Johns 
Hopkins University. It is intended to serve as an introduction to the 
systematic study of the growth of law, tracing the contributions made by 
each race to the science of jurisprudence. 

One of Putnam's recent publications (London : T. Fisher Unwin), is 
A Brief History of Eastern Asia, by I. C. Hannah, the material for which 
was collected while the author was master of the English school at Tien- 
Tsin. Mr. Hannah begins with prehistoric times and, with great brevity, 
traces the history of the Asiatic civilizations to the present day. 


A new fascicule of the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum has ap- 
peared, devoted to Himyaritic and Sabaean inscriptions. 

To the May number of the Classical Review Mr. Thomas Ashby 
contributes a general account of the results of all the latest excavations 
at Rome. 


In the Abhandlungen of the Royal Society of Gottingen, phil.-hist. 
CI., III. 3, Dr. H. Achelis has a treatise of 247 pp. on the martyrolo- 
gies, their history and their historical value, and the relation of the 
Bollandist Acta Sanctorum to the Marty ro login m Hieronymianum. 

184 Notes and News 

In the Neues Archiv, XXV. 3, J. Schwalm publishes seventeen royal 
diplomas and Acta Imperii (1 198-1338) discovered by him in an Italian 
journey in 1898; F. Philippi essays to disprove the authenticity of 
Norbert's Vita Bennonis ; and K. Zeumer reduces from the tenth 
century to the twelfth the Alemannic code called Jura Curiae in Munch- 
wilare published last year by E. Gothein. 

The Ford lectures delivered in the University of Oxford in Lent 
term, 1900, by Mr. James Hamilton Wylie, have been published (Long- 
mans) under the title The Council of Constance to the Death of John Hits. 


It is announced that the first volume of Lord Acton's General His- 
tory of Modern Times may be expected to appear this autumn, published 
in this country by The Macmillan Company. 

Dr. H. Hiiffer, who is engaged upon an extensive documentary pub- 
lication of the war of 1799 and 1800, prints in the Mittheilunges des 
Instituts fur osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, XXI. , several essays on Su- 
vorov's campaign in Switzerland in the autumn of 1799, on which he 
also had contributions in the Revue Historique for March. It is made 
plain, among other things, that Suvorov knew perfectly well that the St. 
Gotthard road had no continuation beyond the southern end of the Lake 
of the Four Cantons. 

Dr. Hervey M. Bowman's monograph on The Preliminary Negotia- 
tions of the Peace of Amiens, in the University of Toronto series, which 
we expect to review in our next number, is to appear shortly in French, 
in a translation by Lieutenant Grosjean, of the 28th Dragoons in the 
French army. 

Messrs. E. P. Dutton and Co. have ready for publication The Cam- 
paign of i8ij — Ligny, Quatre-Bras, Waterloo, by Judge William O'Con- 
nor Morris, who combines a narrative of the campaign of 18 15 with a 
running commentary on the military operations. 

Rand, McNally and Co. (New York and Chicago) have published 
Twenty Years in Europe ; a Consul- General's Memories of Noted People, 
with Letters from General IV. T Sherman. The time covered by this 
journal is from 1869 to 1891 ; the author was during that time United 
States Consul-General to Switzerland and Italy. General Sherman was 
his intimate friend, and the book contains some fifty of his letters. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : J. Riibsam, Aus der Urzeit der 
moderncn Post, 1425-1562 (Historisches Jahrbuch, XXI. 1). 


The British Government has published Acts of the Privy Council of 
England, Vol. XX., 1590-91; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward III., 
1340-1343; Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, Charles I. , 1625-1632; 
Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report on the Manuscripts of the Duke 

Great Britain 185 

of Portland, Vol. V.; Report on Manuscripts in the Welsh Language, 
Vol. L, Part II. j and Vol. VIII. (1598) of the Report on the MSS. of 

the Marquis of Salisbury. 

Volume LXIII. of the Dictionary of National Biography is now pub- 
lished. With this volume, which extends from Wordsworth to Zuylestein, 
and which completes the dictionary, are published indexes for the first 
fourteen volumes, also an introduction giving an account of the incep- 
tion of the work and its progress during the last eighteen years. 

Mr. J. H. Round has in the press (Westminster, Constable) a vol- 
ume of Studies in Peerage and Family History. 

Messrs. Kegan, Paul, Trench, Triibner and Co. are to publish the 
essay on England under the Protector Somerset, with which Mr. A. W. Pol- 
lard recently won the Arnold Prize at Oxford. 

The Successors of Drake, by Julian Corbett (Longmans), designed as 
a concluding volume to the author' s Drake and the Tudor Navy, is in press. 

The Hakluyt Society has published The Voyage of Robert Dudley, af- 
terward styled Pari of Warwick and Leicester and Duke of Northumber- 
land, to the West Indies, i^cj^-i^g^, narrated by Captain Wyatt, by 
himself, and by Abram Kendall, Master, edited by Mr. G. F. Warner o 1 " 
the British Museum (pp. lxvi, 104). Of the three narratives indicated, 
the first is derived from a Sloane MS., the second from the pages of 
Hakluyt, the third (practically a ruttier) is translated from Dudley's 
Area no del Mare. The society has also issued The Journey of William 
of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253-1255, as narrated by 
himself, with two accounts of the earlier Journey of John of Pi an de Car- 
pine (pp. lvi, 304), translated from the Latin and edited with grea^ 
learning by Hon. W. W. Rockhill of the U. S. diplomatic service. 

Messrs. Duckworth and Co. publish A History of the Baronetage, by 
Francis W. Pixley, F.S.A., registrar of the Honorable Society of the 
Baronetage. It appears that no history of the baronetage has previously 
been written. It must therefore be regarded as curious that simulta- 
neously there should appear the first volume of a work called The Complete 
Baronetage (Exeter, Pollard) by G. E. C, author of The Complete Peerage. 
This first volume relates solely to the baronets of James I.'s creation. 

The latest addition to the "Builders of Greater Britain" series 
(Longmans) is a volume on Sir Stamford Raffles by Mr. Hugh E. Eger- 
ton, author of the Short History of English Colonial Policy, reviewed in 
a previous issue of this Review (IV. 588). 

Under the title, Our Fleet To-day, and its Development during the 
Last Half Century, Captain S. Eardley-Wilmot, R. N., has prepared a re- 
vised edition of his work The Development of Navies during the Last 
Half- Century (Seeley and Co.). 

Messrs. Seeley and Co. publish General John Jacob, Commandant of 
the Sind Irregular Horse and Founder of Jacobabad, by Alexander Innes 

1 86 Notes and News 

Shand. General Jacob's career was a highly eventful one, and is traced 
from his early years to his death, at Jacobabad, in 1858. Mr. Shand has 
had access to the papers of General Jacob, in the possession of his niece, 
Mrs. Jacob, of Tavistock. 

Under the title of The Third Salisbury Administration, 1895-1900, 
Messrs. Vacher and Co. will shortly publish a history of the present gov- 
ernment, by Mr. H. Whates. Several maps, and appendices containing 
the text of all important diplomatic documents, will be contained in the 

Sampson Low, Marston and Co. will publish, by arrangement with the 
London Times, The Times History of the War in South Africa, 1899- 
1900. This history will be a joint production of several of the special 
correspondents of The Times in South Africa, edited by L. S. Amery, 
Fellow of All Souls, Oxford. The work is expected to form five royal 
octavo volumes of about three hundred pages each. 

The American Academy of Political and Social Science has published, 
as a supplement to its Annals, a useful pamphlet of 72 pages containing 
Selected Official Documents of the South African Republic and Great 
Britain, edited by Messrs. Hugh Williams and Frederick C. Hicks of the 
Library of Congress. Here will be found the Convention of 1884, the 
constitutions of the South African Republic and the Orange Free State, 
the law of the former for the establishment of the Second Volksraad, its 
franchise law and the alternative proposals of the two governments for 
its modification, Kruger's ultimatum and England's reply, and the 
analogous final communications between England and the Orange Free 

A forthcoming book, of much present interest and importance, is Mr. 
Alexander Michie's The English in China during the Victorian Era, as 
illustrated in the Life of Sir Rutherford Alcock, K.C.B., who, it will be 
remembered, was for many years British minister in China and Japan. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : Miss E. A. McArthur, The Reg- 
ulation of Wages in the Sixteenth Century (English Historical Review, 
July); R. S. Rait, The Scottish Parliament before the Union of the 
Crowns, II. {ibid.); B. Williams, The Foreign Policy of England under 
Walfole, II. {ibid.) 


M. Louis Clement, in an interesting thesis, Henri Estienne ct son 
CEuvrc Francaise (Paris, Picard, pp. 538), discourses upon his subject 
from both the historical and the literary and philological points of view. 

M. Alexandre Tausserat-Radel has edited for the Inventaire Analyti- 
i/ue iles Archives des Affaires Etrangcres two volumes of the Correspon- 
dance Politique do Guillaumc Pellicier, Ambassadeur de France a Venise 
(Paris, Alcan, pp. 810), important for the history of the relations of 
France with Venice and the Orient from 1540 to 1542 and for the history 
of humanism. 

Italy 187 

Under the title Le Drame des Poisons (Paris, Hachette) M. Funck- 
Brentano constructs, upon the basis of his researches in the Bastille 
papers, an interesting and authoritative narrative of the case of the Mar- 
quise de Brinvilliers and of the great poisoning cases of 1678-1682. 

M. Louis Wiesener has finished, by the publication of a third volume 
(Paris, Hachette, pp. 503) his important work on Le Regent, V Abbe 
Dubois et les Anglais, an elaborate examination and defence of the policy 
of Orleans and Dubois based on the documents possessed by the English 
Public Record Office and the present Earl of Stair as well as on French 

Though refused the use of the family documents, M. Paul Gaffarel 
has succeeded in making a valuable book of his Prieur de la Cdte-d ' Or 
(Paris, Rousseau, pp. 354), describing the activity of Prieur in the Legis- 
lative Assembly and the Convention, his work on behalf of the metric 
system, and especially his important labors, as a member of the Commit- 
tee of Public Safety, in providing munitions of war and organizing their 

M. Charles-Louis Chassin has completed, by the issue of an eleventh 
or index-volume, his monumental Etudes Documentaires sur la Vendee 
et la Chouannerie (Paris, Dupont). 

The most important recent books upon the military history of the 
Napoleonic period are M. Felix Bouvier's Bonaparte en Italie, 1796 
(Paris, Leopold Cerf, pp. 745) and a new volume by M. Chuquet, 
L 'Alsace en iS 1 4 (Paris, Plon, pp. 479). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: F. Lot, Etudes sur Merlin; 
Les Sources de la Vita Merlini (Annales de Bretagne, April, July); B. 
de Mandrot, Sur /' Autorite Historique de Philippe de Commynes (Revue 
Historique, July, September); A. Tilley, Humanism under Francis I. 
(English Historical Review, July); H. Gelin, Madame de Maintenon 
Convertisseuse (Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire du Protestantisme 
Francais, 1900, 4 and 5); H. See, Les Ldees Politiques de Fenelon (Re- 
vue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, I. 6); Father P. Bliard, 
Dubois et T Alliance de ijiy (Revue des Questions Historiques, July); 
A. Cans, Les Ldees de Talleyrand sur la Politique Coloniale de la France 
au lendemain de la Revolution (Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contempo- 
raine, II. 1); G. de Nouvion, Talleyrand Prince de Benevent (Revue 
Historique, July, September); General Ducrot, M. Thiers et le General 
Ducrot pendant la Commune (Le Correspondant, May 25). 


A new edition of Muratori's Rem in Ltalicarum Scriptores, edited by 
Giosue Carducci, with as many as possible of the texts corrected by the 
aid of modern editions (though apparently without new collations with 
the manuscripts), is projected by the publishing house of S. Lapi at 
Citta di Castello. 

1 88 Notes and News 

The Verein fur Reformationsgeschichte publishes, as Heft 65, an ex- 
cellent monograph by Dr. Karl Benrath, Julia Gonzaga, ein Lebensbild 
aus der Geschichte der Reformation in Italien (Halle, Niemeyer, pp. 
127), which is in a way a companion to Agostini's recent book on 
Carnesecchi and Valdes. 

One more of the republics subsidiary to the French has found its his- 
torian, in M. A. Dufourcq, whose Le Regime Jacobin en Itaiie, Etude sur 
la Republique Romaine, 1 798-1 799 (Paris, Perrin) is a thorough work 
of great value based on researches in the archives of Paris, Rome and 
Vienna and the papers of Berthier. 

The Macmillan Company have published The Venetian Republic, Its 
Rise, Its Growth and Its Fall, by W. Carew Hazlitt. The work is 
in two octavo volumes, and covers the period from 421 to the fall 
of the Republic, in 1797 ; it should not be confused with Mr. Hazlitt's 
earlier brief History of the Venetian Republic, published in i860. It is 
founded on that book ; but it is brought down to a later time, and it is 
enlarged, especially by the addition of chapters relating to economic and 
social history. 


The committee for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica have in press 
Vol. IV. of the Merovingian lives of saints, ed. Krusch, Part I. of the 
Carolingian diplomata, and the separate edition of Hrotsvitha. They 
announce the preparation of Carmina Selecta Aetatis Romanae Extremae, 
ed. Yollmer and Traube ; Liber Pontif calls, Vitae Gregorii, etc., ed. 
Brackmann ; Vol. V. of the Merovingian saints' lives, ed. Levison ; Vol. 
XXXI. of the Scriptorcs, ed. Holder-Egger, comprising the Annales 
Cremonenses, Sicard of Cremona, the chronicle of Reggio, and Sa- 
limbene ; Cosmas of Prague and his continuators, ed. Bretholz ; Leges 
Visigothorum, ed. Zeumerj Vol. VI. of the Epistolae, comprising the let- 
ters of Abbot Lupus of Ferrieres and Popes Nicholas I. and Hadrian II. ; 
and a volume of pre-Carolingian poems and mortuary inscriptions, ed. 
Traube. Professor Harry Bresslau has been completing Vol. IV. of the 
Diplomata (Conrad II. and Henry III.) by a prolonged journey of re- 
search in Italy. 

In the New Jahrbiicher fur das klassiche Alterthum, VI. 3, Dr. F. 
Keutgen presents a valuable survey of the present state of the question of 
the origin of the constitutions of the German towns. 

In the Kalholik for May Dr. Kirsch publishes, for the first time from 
the original manuscript, Melanchthon's letter of June 16, 1525, to Cam- 
erarius respecting Luther's marriage, a letter hitherto known only in the 
garbled form in which Camerarius gave it out for publication. 

The varying relations between Thomasius and the pietists and mystics 
are discriminatingly considered by Dr. R. Kayser in the programme of 
the Wilhelm-Gymnasium at Hamburg, Christian Thomasius und der 
Pietismus (pp. 32). 

Northern and Eastern Europe 189 

Professor Kaufmann's Politische Geschichte Dcutschlands im neun- 
zehnten Jahrhundert (Berlin, Bondi), is the fourth volume of a series 
which purports to cover the national progress of the Germans during the 
last hundred years. This volume is a book of 700 pages, octavo, and 
deals with tendencies, processes, and results, rather than with simple 

In the Deutsche Revue for April Dr. Horst Kohl publishes a dozen 
letters of the finance-minister Karl von Bodelschwingh and ten letters 
of the minister Von der Heydt, addressed to Bismarck in the sixties. 
They are of considerable historical interest. In the same journal for 
May is printed a letter of Bismarck to Prince Reuss, ambassador in 
Vienna, written in 1884, and revealing Bismarck's opinion of Busch and 
his writings. 

Messrs. Harper and Brothers have just ready a collection of Conver- 
sations with Prince Bismarck, translated by Mr. Sidney Whitman from 
several of Herr von Poschinger's books. 

It will, we believe, be of use to many readers to be informed of the 
admirable short sketch of Austrian history which Dr. Franz von Krones 
has published in two small volumes entitled Osterreichische Geschichte 
voti der Urzeit bis 1526 and Osterreichische Geschichte von 1526 bis zur 
Gegenwart (Leopzig, Goschen, pp. 104, 106). The non- Austrian lands 
held by the Austrian crown are included. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : F. Priebatsch, Staat und Kirche 
in der Mark Brandenburg am Ende des Mittelalters (Zeitschrift fiir Kirch- 
engeschichte, XXI. 1) ; E. Daniels, Friedricti der Grosse und Maria 
Theresia am Vorabend des siebenjahrigen Krieges (Preussische Jahr- 
biicher, C. 1); R. Koser, Die preussischen Finanzen im siebenjahrigen 
Kriege (Forschungen zur brandenburgischen und preussischen Ge- 
schichte, XIII. 1) ; O. Kiintzel, Friedrich der Grosse am Schlusse des 
siebenjahrigen Krieges und des russischen Biindnisses (Forschungen zur 
brandenburgischen und preussischen Geschichte, XIII. 1). 


The fourth volume of Professor Fredericq's monumental Cor jus Docu- 
mentorum Inquisitionis Neerlandicae (Ghent, Vuylsteke, pp. 553), com- 
prises the period from 15 14 to 1525. One of the most curious documents 
is the reprint of a rare tract by William Gnapheus, giving the examina- 
tions by the inquisitors of Jan de Backer of Woerden, a priest who had 
embraced Lutheranism. Students of the period will find in Professor 
Frederic's volumes an enormous amount of important material, much of 
which is from unedited sources. 


Under the title Z' Odyssee d' un Ambassadeur ; Les Voyages du Mar- 
quis de Nointet, 1670-1680 (Paris, Plon, pp. 355), M. Albert Vandal 
has described from the original documents the career of a remarkable 

i go Notes and News 

ambassador who, after concluding the treaty of 1673 with the grand-vizier 
Ahmed Koproli, devoted himself to an elaborate tour in Asia Minor and 
the Levant and Greece. The celebrated drawings of the Parthenon attri- 
buted to Carrey were executed under his orders. 

The July number of the Revue Historique contains a summary review 
of Rumanian historical publications of the years 1894-1898 by Messrs. 
A. D. Xenopol and D. A. Teodoru. 


Mr. Warren K. Moorehead and others have published (Cincinnati, 
Robert Clarke Co. ) Prehistoric Implements ; a reference-book describing 
the ornaments, utensils and implements of pre-Columbian man in America. 
Mr. Moorehead has been assisted in his work by Professor Perkins, Drs. 
L. G. Yates and R. Steiner, and others, who have written special chap- 
ters. The book has 621 illustrations showing 3000 specimens. 

No. 104 of the Old South Leaflets contains Jefferson's inaugural ad- 
dresses. No. 105 is An Aecoitnt of Louisiana, 1803, from a public doc- 
ument then printed ; No. 106 is a portion of Calhoun's Discourse on the 
Constitution and Government of the United States. 

The International Monthly for September contains an interesting ar- 
ticle on "The American School of Historians," by Professor Albert 
Bushnell Hart, of Harvard University. 

The extracts from the sources of American history prepared by Pro- 
fessor Howard W. Caldwell of the University of Nebraska are now issued 
(by Ainsworth of Chicago) in a single volume, which includes two series 
of ten numbers each, one "A Survey of American History," the other 
on "American Territorial Development." 

Numbers 2,3, and 4 of Volume XII. of the Columbia University 
Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law (Macmillan) are Colonial 
Immigration laws ; a Study of the Regulation of Immigration by the Eng- 
lish Colonies in America, by Mr. Emberson E. Proper; History of Mili- 
tary Pension Legislation in the United States, by Mr. AY. H. Glasson : 
History of the Theory of Sovereignty since Rousseau, by Mr. C. E. Merriam. 

Mr. J. Henry Lea's Genealogical Gleanings among the English Ar- 
chives, now in course of publication in the New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, are wholly occupied in the July number with the 
family of William Penn. An English genealogist, Mr. William Ferguson 
Irvine, supplies an entry from the parish register of Warrington which 
may possibly record the marriage of the parents of the Rev. Richard 

The United States Naval Academy, by Mr. Park Benjamin (G. P. 
Putnam's Sons), is mainly a history of the Academy at Annapolis, 
although the book gives a short description of the life and education of 
midshipmen before the Academy was called into existence. 

America 1 9 1 

A third edition of Mr. Thomas Hudson McKee's manual The Na- 
tio7ial Conventions and Platforms of all Political Parties. iySg-igoo 
(Baltimore, Friedenwald Co.) has just been published. The collection 
is thus brought down to date. 

Messrs. Little, Brown and Co. announce a Life of Francis Parkmau, 
by Charles Haight Farnham, who has had much assistance from the his- 
torian's family and friends. 

The Macmillan Company will publish next month Stage- Coach and 
Tavern Days, by Mrs. Alice Morse Earle. 

The Helman-Taylor Co. (Cleveland) have ready An Historical Ac- 
count of the Settlement of the Scotch Highlanders in America, prior to the 
Peace of 178J, by J. P. MacLean. 

Mr. George Parker Winship, librarian of the John Carter Brown 
Library, at Providence, will shortly publish (London, Stevens) a volume 
of Cabot Bibliography, with an essay on the career of the Cabots. The 
book will be printed at the Chiswick Press. 

Under the title of The Fight with France for North America, Messrs. 
Archibald Constable are about to publish a short history, by A. G. Brad- 
ley, of the struggle between England and France for supremacy in North 
America. Mr. Bradley wrote the book on General Wolfe in the series 
of "Men of Action." 

Professor Marseille, rector of the Bismarck Gymnasium at Pyritz, 
Pomerania, has recently published the diary of a Hessian officer, Captain 
Freiherr von Dornberg, who served in the American War, at the siege of 
Charleston and afterwards on the staff of General Knyphausen. 

A Life of John Paul Jones, in two volumes, by Augustus C. Buell, has 
been published by Charles Scribner's Sons. Mr. Buell has discovered in 
Russia new material relating to Jones's services in the imperial navy. 

A former number of this Review, V. 290-319, contained an interest- 
ing selection from the diary of Philip Vickers Fithian, A.B., Princeton, 
1772. It is now announced that the whole diary, with portions of the 
author's correspondence, will be published at Princeton this autumn by 
the Princeton Historical Society, Philip Vickers Fithian, Journal and 
Letters, 1767-1774, edited by Mr. John Rogers Williams, to whom we 
are indebted for the portion which we were privileged to print. 

The Funk and Wagnalls Co. (New York) have published ajefersonian 
Cyclopedia, being a comprehensive collection of the views of Thomas 
Jefferson, classified and arranged in alphabetical order under nine thou- 
sand titles. The work is edited by Mr. John P. Foley. 

Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. announce A Century of American 
Diplomacy, by the Hon. John W. Foster, formerly Secretary of State. 
This volume is concerned with the diplomatic relations of the United 
States from 1776 to 1876. 

1 92 Notes and News 

Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons will publish at once A History of Po- 
litical Parties in the United States, by the Hon. James H. Hopkins, 
formerly a representative from Pennsylvania. Another History of Polit- 
ical Parties, by Professor Wilbur F. Gordy, will shortly be published by 
Messrs. Henry Holt and Co. The Macmillan Co. announce The Amer- 
ican Party System from 1846 to 1861, by Professor Jesse Macy of Iowa 

Messrs. McClure, Phillips and Co. have acquired publication rights 
of a remarkable book which claims Abraham Lincoln as its author. It 
is a small scrap-book, compiled by Lincoln for use in the political cam- 
paign of 1S58, with explanatory notes and a long letter in Lincoln's 
handwriting. The book was given to one of Lincoln's supporters, and 
it is with his sons that the present facsimile publication has been 

Crane and Co. (Topeka) have in preparation the original letters and 
papers of John Brown and his family, and of the men who were with 
him in the Harper's Ferry raid, from material in the collection of the 
Kansas Historical Society. The book will be edited by Col. Richard J. 
Hinton, author of John Brown and His Men, and Mr. William E. Con- 
nelley of Topeka. 

Dr. Thomas H. Featherstonhaugh, of Washington, D. C, is preparing 
a book on John Brown's Harper's Ferry raid. He has already pub- 
lished two interesting pamphlets of bibliography. 

Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. announce The Monitor and the 
Navy under Steam, by Mr. Frank M. Bennett. The author traces the 
development of the navy of the United States from the battle of Hamp- 
ton Roads to that off Santiago. 

Recollections of a Lifetime, by Roeliff Brinkerhoff, (Cincinnati, Robert 
Clarke Co. ) covers the last half of the present century. The author 
served in the Quartermaster's department during the civil war, and has 
been prominent as lawyer, editor and philanthropist. Among his friends 
were Chase, Blaine and Garfield. 

An American Commoner : the Life and Times of Richard Parks Bland, 
by W. V. Byars (Columbia, Mo., E. W. Stephens), purports to be a 
study of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It is published with 
an introduction by William Jennings Bryan, and Mrs. Bland has con- 
tributed her personal reminiscences. 

Dr. C. L. Nichols has published a Bibliography of Worcester: List of 
Books, Pamphlets, Newspapers and Broadsides, printed in the Town of 
Worcester, Mass., from IJ75 to 1848, with Historical and Explanatory 
Notes (Worcester, Mass.), a bibliographical work prepared with unusual 

E. A. Hall and Co. (Greenfield, Mass. ) have published the History 
of the Town of Sunderland, Massachusetts, including the present towns 

America 193 

of Montague and Leverett, by Mr. J. Montague Smith ; with genealogies 
prepared by H. W. Taft and Abbie T. Montague. 

The Publications of the Rhode Is/and Historical Society for July con- 
tains "A Briefe Narrative of the Nanhiganset Countrey," by Francis Brin- 
ley, 1696, and a series of documents illustrating the process by which 
Rhode Island, after ratifying the Constitution, was adjusted into the 
Union. The October number contains ten letters of Roger Williams 
hitherto unpublished, and a list of all others that have been printed since 
the issue of the Narraganset Club edition of his Writings. 

Messrs. Norman M. Isham and Albert F. Brown have brought out 
(Providence, Preston and Rounds Co. ) a work entitled Early Connecti- 
cut Houses ; an Historical and Architectural Study, which extends to 
Connecticut the plan followed by the authors in their similar work on the 
houses of Rhode Island. 

Mr. Francis Olcott Allen has, in the publication of the first volume 
of his History of Enfield, Conn., i6/p-i8jo (Philadelphia), contributed 
a welcome addition to American local history. Exhaustive copies of 
land-surveys and lay-outs, of town acts and votes are given. This vol- 
ume includes a Historical Sketch of the Town of Enfield, written in 1829 
by John Chauncey Pease, M.D. 

An historical essay on The Hiding of the Charter, by Dr. Charles J. 
Hoadly, is announced as the second publication of the Acorn Club of 

The Bulletin of the New York Public Library for June contains a 
further installment of the letters of Jackson ; that for September a very 
interesting calendar of the Jackson-Lewis papers. The July number 
prints several letters of Senator James A. Bayard, 1802-1814. 

The July number of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History is accom- 
panied with the proceedings of the Historical Society in memory of the 
late Dr. Charles J. Stille. Of the new matters in the magazine the most 
interesting is a small group of letters addressed to the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel by one of its missionaries, the Rev. Griffith 
Hughes, who preached among the Welsh settlers near Radnor from 1733 
to 1736, when he retired to Barbadoes. Much of the contents of the 
number is genealogical. There is historical as well as genealogical in- 
terest in the various lists printed — of the settlers of Darby Township from 
1681, of foreigners who arrived at Philadelphia in 1791-1792, of Penn- 
sylvania ships registered from 1742 to 1745. 

Messrs. George W. Jacobs and Co. (Philadelphia) publish A History 
of the University of Pennsylvania, by Thomas Harrison Montgomery. 
The book covers the period from the foundation of "The Publick 
Academy in the City of Philadelphia" in 1749, to 1770. It presents an 

vo:. vi. — 13 

T£4 Notes and News 

extensive array of documents and details, together with "biographical 
sketches of the Trustees, Faculty, the first Alumni, and others." 

The Historical Society of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, has 
published its second volume of Historical Sketches (Norristown, pp. 386), 
containing papers by General W. W. H. Davis on the battle of the 
Crooked Billet ; by L. Streeper and I. C. Williams on Lafayette at Bar- 
ren Hill ; and other papers relating chiefly to the Revolutionary history 
of the region. 

Messrs. Henry Holt and Co. will publish, this fall, The German and 
Swiss Settle we tits of Pennsylvania, by Professor L. O. Kuhns, of Wesleyan 

Mrs. Jane Baldwin, of Annapolis, Md. , will publish for subscribers 
The Maryland Calendar of Wills — a ready, accurate, and complete Ab- 
stract of the Wills probated in Maryland from the Time of its Settlement, 
1634, to the American Revolution. The edition will be limited to three 
hundred copies. 

The July number of the Virginia Magazine of History contains some 
entertaining letters written in 1 781-1783 from Paris by Mrs. Ralph 
Izard of South Carolina to Mrs. William Lee of Virginia; an inventory 
of the large estate left by Thomas Lord Fairfax in 1 782 ; a series of notes 
made by the late Conway Robinson from the records of the Council and 
General Court of Virginia, from 1641 to 1659 ; Sainsbury abstracts, re- 
lating to 1 63 1 and to the attempt to revive the Virginia Company ; and 
continuations of the Nansemond and Nicholson documents. The latter 
are of value for the history of the Virginia clergy. Mr. Robinson's notes 
present a tantalizing array of references to documents once existing but 
unhappily destroyed in 1865. Every part of the magazine bears evidence 
of the great fund of local knowledge possessed by the editor, Mr. W. 
G. Stanard. 

The North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, a new ven- 
ture among historical journals, contains in its first number an abstract of 
land-grants for Chowan County, extending from 1679 to 1803, abstracts 
of wills probated and recorded by the secretary of the colony from 1678 
to 1760, and other such materials. 

The Publications of the Southern History Association, which have now 
become bi-monthly, contained in the May issue the journal of Thomas 
Nicholson, a travelling preacher of the Society of Friends, a journal con- 
sisting of three fragments, one relating to a visit to Friends on Cape Fear 
in 1746, one to a journey to England in 1 749-1 751 and the third to a 
visit to the Assembly of 1 771. It is the earliest of journals of Southern 
Quakers. A further instalment appears in the July number, and con- 
tinuation is promised. 

The North Carolina Law Journal contains an article entitled North 

America 195 

Carolina and the Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, by 
Professor K. P. Battle of the University of North Carolina. 

The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, No. 3, 
(July), contains continuations of the papers of the first Council of Safety 
and of those relating to the mission of Col. John Laurens to Europe in 
1 78 1. It also prints two very interesting letters of Justice William John- 
son of the Supreme Court of the United States, addressed to Jefferson in 

The Charleston Year Book for 1899 publishes as an appendix the 
Official Correspondence between Brigadier-General Thomas Sumter and 
Major-General Nathanael Greene, 1780 to 1783, from original unpub- 
lished letters loaned by the Misses Brownfield and by General Edward 

Judge Bethel Coop wood's dissertation on the route of Cabeza de Vaca 
is continued in the July number of the Quarterly of the Texas State His- 
torical Association, which also contains some characteristic reminiscences 
of Judge Edwin Waller of Austin. 

The papers of M. B. Lamar, first president of the republic of Texas, 
have lately been deposited with the State Librarian, and appear to be of 
great historical value. 

It is announced that Senator John H. Reagan of Texas, the only 
surviving member of the Confederate Cabinet, is writing his recollections 
of the Civil War. 

The present month will see the dedication at Madison of the magnifi- 
cent new building which will contain the library of the State Historical 
Society and that of the University of Wisconsin. The principal historical 
address will be delivered by Mr. Charles Francis Adams, president of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society. 

The July number of the Annals of Iowa, contains an article upon 
Lincoln at Council Bluffs, in 1859, and also one upon Gen. Nathaniel 

The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, No. 2 (June) con- 
tains a valuable article on Our Public Land System and its Relation to 
Education in the United States, by Mrs. Frances Fuller Victor, and a 
narrative of events in early Oregon ascribed to Dr. John McLoughlin and 
supposed to have been written by him for purposes of defence. 

Professor Blake of the Territorial University, Tucson, Arizona, and 
geologist of the territory, is engaged upon a complete bibliography of the 
territory, with especial reference to the Indian tribes, cliff-dwellers, and 

In the July-October number of the Canadian Antiquarian and 

196 Notes and Neivs 

Numismatic Journal the chief article is one by Mr. Justice Baby, on 
" L'Exode des Classes Dirigeantes a la Cession du Canada." 

The Remarkable Histoiy of the Hudson'' ' s Bay Company, by Dr. George 
Bryce (Scribner's), is a book which has been many years in preparation. 
It deals chiefly with the operations of the Company since 1750, and 
therefore supplements, rather than rivals, The Great Company of Mr. 
Beckles Willson. A classified bibliography of literature relating to the 
Northwest is furnished. 

Volume VI ~\ January, igoi [ Number 2 


mxvam, Hii8it0tial Witvim 


ON occasions such as this, a text upon which to discourse is not 
usual ; I propose to venture an exception to the rule. I 
shall, moreover, offer not one text only, but two ; taken, the first, 
from a discourse prepared in the full theological faith of the seven- 
teenth century, the other from the most far-reaching scientific pub- 
lication of the century now drawing to its close. 

" God sifted a whole Nation that He might send choice Grain 
over into this Wilderness," said William Stoughton in the election 
sermon preached according to custom before the Great and Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts in April, 1668. To the same effect 
Charles Darwin wrote in 187 1 : "There is apparently much truth 
in the belief that the wonderful progress of the United States, as 
well as the character of the people, are the results of natural selec- 
tion ; for the more energetic, restless and courageous men from all 
parts of Europe have emigrated during the last ten or twelve gen- 
erations to that great country and have there succeeded best ; " and 
the quiet, epoch-marking, creed-shaking naturalist then goes on to 
express this startling judgment, which, uttered by an American, 
would have been deemed the very superlative of national vanity : 
— " Looking to the distant future, I do not think [it] an exagger- 
ated view [to say that] all other series of events — as that which 
resulted in the culture of mind in Greece, and that which resulted 
in the Empire of Rome — only appear to have purpose and value 
when viewed in connection with, or rather as subsidiary to, the 
great stream of Anglo-Saxon emigration to the West." 2 

Such are my texts ; but, while I propose to preach from them 
largely and to them in a degree, I am not here to try to instruct 

1 An Address at the Dedication of the Building of the State Historical Society of 
Wisconsin at Madison, October 19, 1900. 

3 The Descent of Man (ed. 1 874), II. 218, 219. 

VOL. VI. — 14. ( 197 ) t 

198 C. F. Adams 

you to-day in the history of your own state of Wisconsin, or in the 
magic record relating to the development of what we see fit to call 
the Northwest. Indeed I am not here as an individual at all ; nor 
as one in any way specially qualified to do justice to the occasion. 
I am here simply as the head for the time being of what is unques- 
tionably the oldest historical society in America, and, if reference is 
made to societies organized exclusively for the preservation of his- 
torical material and the furtherance of historical research, one than 
which few indeed anywhere in existence are more ancient of years. 
As the head of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I have been 
summoned to contribute what I may in honor of the completion 
of this edifice, the future home of a similar society, already no 
longer young ; — a society grown up in a country which, when 
the Massachusetts institution was formed, was yet the home of 
aboriginal tribes, — a forest-clad region known only to the frontiers- 
man and explorer. Under such circumstances, I did not feel that I 
had a right not to answer the call. It was as if in our older Massa- 
chusetts time the pastor of the Plymouth, or of the Salem or Boston 
church had been invited to the gathering of some new brotherhood 
in the Connecticut Valley, or the lighting of another candle of the 
Lord on the Concord or the Nashua, there to preach the sermon of 
ordination and extend the right hand of fellowship. 

And in this connection let me here mention one somewhat 
recondite historical circumstance relating to this locality. You 
here may be more curiously informed, but few indeed in Massa- 
chusetts are to-day knowing of the fact that this portion of Wis- 
consin — Madison itself, and all the adjoining counties — was once, 
territorially, a part of the royally assigned limits of Massachusetts. 
Yet such was undisputably the fact ; and it lends a certain propriety, 
not the less poetic because remote, to my acceptance of the part here 
to-day assigned me. 

Accepting that part, I none the less, as I have said, propose to 
break away from what is the usage in such cases. That usage, if I 
may have recourse to an old theological formula, is to improve the 
occasion historically. An address, erudite and bristling with sta- 
tistics, would now be in order. An address in which the gradual 
growth of the community or the institution should be developed, 
and its present condition set forth ; with suitable reference to the 
days of small things, and a tribute of gratitude to the founders, and 
those who patiently built their lives into the edifice, and made of it 
their monument. The names of all such should, I agree, be cut 
deep over its portico ; but this task, eminently proper on such occa- 
sions, I, a stranger, shall not undertake here and now to perform. 

The Sifted Grain and the Gram Sifters 1 99 

For it others are far better qualified. I do not, therefore, propose 
to tell you of the St. Francis Xavier mission at Green Bay, or 
of Nicollet ; of Jacques Carrier, of Marquette or of Radisson, any 
more than of those two devoted benefactors and assiduous secreta- 
ries of this institution, Lyman C. Draper and Reuben G. Thwaites ; 
but, leaving them, and their deeds and services, to be com- 
memorated by those to the manner born, and, consequently, in 
every respect better qualified than I for the work, I propose to turn 
to more general subjects and devote the time allotted me to gener- 
alities, and to the future rather than to the past. 

In an address delivered about eighteen months ago before the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, I discussed in some detail the 
modern conception of history as compared with that which formerly 
prevailed. I do not now propose to repeat what I then said. It is 
sufficient for my present purpose to call attention to what we of the 
new school regard as the dividing line between us and the historians 
of the old school, the first day of October, 1859, — the date of the 
publication of Darwin's "Origin of Species;" the book of his im- 
mediately preceding the " Descent of Man," from which my text for 
to-day was taken. On the first day of October, 1859, the Mosaic 
cosmogony finally gave place to the Darwinian theory of evolution. 
Under the new dispensation, based not on chance or an assumed 
supernatural revelation, but on a patient study of biology, that 
record of mankind known as history, no longer a mere succession 
of traditions and annals, has become a unified whole, — a vast 
scheme systematically developing to some result as yet not under- 
stood. Closely allied to astronomy, geology and physics, the study 
of modern history seeks a scientific basis from which the rise and 
fall of races and dynasties will be seen merely as phases of a con- 
secutive process of evolution, — the evolution of man from his initial 
to his ultimate state. When this conception was once reached, 
history, ceasing to be a mere narrative, made up of disconnected 
episodes having little or no bearing on each other, became a con- 
nected whole. To each development, each epoch, race and dynasty 
its proper place was to be assigned ; and to assign that place was 
the function of the historian. Formerly each episode was looked 
upon as complete in itself; and, being so, it had features more or 
less dramatic or instructive, and, for that reason, tempting to the 
historian, whether investigator or literary artist, — a Freeman or a 
Froude. Now, the first question the historian must put to himself 
relates to the proper adjustment of his particular theme to the en- 
tire plan, — he is shaping the fragment of a vast mosaic. The in- 
comparably greater portion of history has, it is needless to say, 

200 C. F. Adams 

little value, — not much more than the biography of the average in- 
dividual ; it is a record of small accomplishment, — in many instances 
a record of no accomplishment at all, perhaps of retrogression ; — 
for we cannot all be successful, nor even everlastingly and effect- 
ively strenuous. Among nations in history, as among men we 
know, the commonplace is the rule ; but, whether ordinary or 
exceptional,- — conspicuous or obscure, — each has its proper place, 
and to it that place should be assigned. 

Having laid down this principle, I, eighteen months ago, pro- 
ceeded to apply it to the society I was then addressing, and to the 
history of the commonwealth whose name that society bears ; and 
I gave my answer to it, such as that answer was. The same ques- 
tion I now put as concerns Wisconsin ; and to that also I propose 
to venture an answer. As my text has indicated, that answer, also, 
will not, in a sense, be lacking in ambition. In the history of Wis- 
consin I shall seek to find verification of what Darwin suggested, — 
evidence of the truth of the great law of natural selection as applied 
also to man. 

Thus stated, the theme is a large one, and may be approached 
in many ways ; and, in the first place, I propose to approach it in 
the way usual with modern historical writers. I shall attempt to 
assign to Wisconsin its place in the sequence of recent develop- 
ment ; for it is only during the last fifty years that Wisconsin has 
exercised any, even the most imperceptible, influence on what is 
conventionally agreed upon as history. That this region before 
the year 1 848 had an existence, we know ; as we also know that, 
since the last glacial period when the earth's surface hereabouts 
assumed its present geographical form, — some five thousand, or, 
perhaps, ten, or even twenty thousand years ago, — it has been occu- 
pied by human beings, — fire-making, implement-using, garment- 
wearing, habitation-dwelling. With these we have now nothing to 
do. We, the historians, are concerned only with what may be 
called the mere fringe of Time's raiment, — the last half-century 
of the fifty or one hundred centuries ; the rest belong to the eth- 
nologist and the geologist, not to us. But the last fifty years, 
again, so far as the evolution of man from a lower to a higher stage 
of development is concerned, though a very quickening period, has, 
after all, been but one stage, and not the final stage, of a distinct 
phase of development. That phase has now required' four centuries 
in which to work itself out to the point as yet reached ; for it harks 
back to the discovery of America, and the movement towards reli- 
gious freedom which followed close upon that discovery, though 
having no direct connection with it. Martin Luther and Christo- 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 201 

pher Columbus had little in common except that their lives over- 
lapped ; but those two dates, 1492 and 15 17, — the landfall at San 
Salvador and the theses nailed on the church door at Wittenberg, — 
those two dates began a new chapter in human history, the chapter 
in which is recounted the fierce struggle over the establishment 
of the principles of civil and religious liberty, and the recognition 
of the equality of men before the law. For, speaking generally 
but with approximate correctness, it may be asserted that, prior to 
the year 1 500, the domestic political action and the foreign compli- 
cations of even the most advanced nations turned on other issues, — 
dynastic, predatory, social ; but, since that date, from the wars 
of Charles V., of Francis I., and of Elizabeth down to our own 
Confederate rebellion, almost every great struggle or debate has 
either directly arisen out of some religious dispute or some demand 
for increased civil rights, or, if it had not there its origin, it has 
invariably gravitated in that direction. Even Frederick of Prussia, 
the so-called Great — that skeptical, irreligious cut-purse of the 
Empire, — the disciple and protector of Voltaire and the apotheo- 
sized of Thomas Carlyle, — even Frederick figured as " the Protes- 
tant Hero ; " while Francis I. was " the Eldest Son of the Church," 
and Henry VIII. received from Rome the title of " Defender of the 

Since the year 1 500, on the other hand, what is known as 
modern history has been little more than a narrative of the episodes 
in the struggle not yet closed against arbitrary rule, whether by a 
priesthood or through divine right, or by the members of a caste or 
of a privileged class, — whether ennobled, plutocratic or industrial. 
The right of the individual man, no matter how ignorant or how 
poor, to think, worship and do as seems to him best, provided al- 
ways in so doing he does not infringe upon the rights of others, has 
through these four centuries been, as it still is, the underlying issue 
in every conflict. It seems likely, also, to continue to be the issue 
for a long time to come, for it never was more firmly asserted or 
sternly denied than now ; though to-day the opposition comes, not, 
as heretofore, from above, but from below, and finds its widest and 
most formidable expression in the teachings of those socialists who 
preach a doctrine of collectivism, or the complete suppression of 
the individual. 

That proposition, however, does not concern us here and now. 
Our business is with the middle period of the nineteenth century, 
and not with the first half of the twentieth ; and no matter how 
closely we confine ourselves to the subject in hand, space and time 
will scarcely be found in which properly to develop the theme. 

202 C. F. Adams 

Two and fifty years ago, when, in the summer of 1848, Wisconsin 
first took shape as an organized political organization, — a new factor 
in man's development, — human evolution was laboring over two 
problems,— nationality and slavery. Slavery — that is, the owner- 
ship of one man or one class of men by another man or class of 
men — had existed, and been accepted as a matter of course, from 
the beginning. Historically the proposition did not admit of doubt. 
In Great Britain, bondage had only recently disappeared, and in 
Russia it was still the rule ; while among the less advanced nations 
its rightfulness was nowhere challenged. With us here in America it 
was a question of race. The equality of whites before the law was 
an article of political faith ; not so that of the blacks. The Afri- 
cans were distinctly an inferior order of being, and, as such, not 
only in the Southern or slave states, but throughout the North 
also, not entitled to the unrestricted pursuit on equal terms of life, 
liberty and happiness. Hence a fierce contention, — the phase, as it 
presented itself on the land discovered by Columbus in 1492, of the 
struggle inaugurated by Luther in 15 17. Its work was thus, so to 
speak, cut out for Wisconsin in advance of its being, — its place in 
the design of the great historical scheme prenatally assigned to it. 
How then did it address itself to its task ? how perform the work 
thus given it to do ? Did it, standing in the front rank of progress, 
help the great scheme along ? Or, identifying itself with that reac- 
tionist movement ever on foot, did it strive with the stars in their 

Here, in the United States, the form in which the issue of the 
future took shape between 1830, when it first presented itself, and 
1848, when Wisconsin entered the sisterhood of states, is even yet 
only partially understood, in such occult ways did the forces of 
development interact and exercise influence on each other. For 
reasons not easy to explain, also, certain states came forward as the 
more active exponents of antagonistic ideas, — on the one side Mas- 
sachusetts ; on the other, first, Virginia, and, later, South Carolina. 
The great and long sustained debate which closed in an appeal to 
force in the spring of 186 1 must now be conceded as something 
well-nigh inevitable from fundamental conditions which dated from 
the beginning. It was not a question of slavery ; it was one of 
nationality. The issue had presented itself over and over again, in 
various forms and in different parts of the country ever since the 
Constitution had been adopted, — now in Pennsylvania ; now in Ken- 
tucky ; now in New England ; even here in Wisconsin ; but, in its 
most concrete form, in South Carolina. It was a struggle for mas- 
tery between centripetal and centrifugal forces. At the close, slavery 

The Si/ted Grain and the Grain Sifters 203 

was, it is true, the immediate cause of quarrel, but the seat of dis-" 
turbance lay deeper. In another country, and under other condi- 
tions, it was the identical struggle which, in feudal times, went on in 
Great Britain, in France and in Spain, and which, more recently, and 
in our own day only, we have seen brought to a close in Germany 
and in Italy, — the struggle of a rising spirit of nationality to over- 
come the clannish instinct, — the desire for local independence. In 
the beginning Virginia stood forward as the exponent of state sover- 
eignty. Jefferson was its mouthpiece. It was he who drew up the 
famous Kentucky resolutions of 1798-99, and his election to the 
presidency in 1800 was the recognized victory of the school of 
states' rights over Federalism. Later the parties changed sides, — 
as political parties are wont to do. Possession of the government 
led to a marked modification of views ; new issues were presented ; 
and, in 1807, the policy which took shape in Jefferson's Embargo 
converted the Federalist into a disunion organization, which disap- 
peared from existence in the famous Hartford Convention of 18 1 4-1 5. 
New England was then the centre of the party of the centrifugal 
force, and the issues were commercial. Fortunately, up to 181 5 
the issue between the spirit of local sovereignty and the ever-grow- 
ing sense of nationality had not taken shape over any matter of dif- 
ference sufficiently great and far-reaching to provoke an appeal to 
force. Not the less for that was the danger of conflict there, — a 
sufficient cause and suitable occasion only were wanting, and those 
under ordinary conditions might be counted upon to present them- 
selves in due course of time. They did present themselves in 1832, 
still under the economical guise. But now the moral issue lurked 
behind, though the South did not yet stand directly opposed to the 
advancing spirit of the age. But nullification — the logical outcome 
of the theory of absolute state sovereignty — was enunciated by Cal- 
houn, and South Carolina took from Virginia the lead in the reaction- 
ary movement from nationality. The danger once more passed 
away ; but it is obvious to us now, and, it would seem, should have 
been plain to any cool-headed observer then, that, when the issue 
next presented itself, a trial of strength would be well-nigh inevi- 
table. The doctrine of state sovereignty, having assumed the shape 
of nullification, would next develop that of secession, and the direct 
issue over nationality would be presented. 

Almost before the last indications of danger over the economical 
question had disappeared, slavery loomed ominously up. They did 
not realize it at the time, but it was now an angry wrangle over a 
step in the progressive evolution of the human race. The equality 
of man before the law and his Maker was insisted upon, and' was 

204 C, F. Adams 

denied. It was a portentous issue, for in it human destiny was 
challenged. The desperate risk the Southern States then took is 
plain enough now: They entered upon a distinctly reactionary 
movement against two of the foremost growing forces of human 
development, the tendency to nationality and the humanitarian spirit. 
Though they knew it not, they were arraying themselves against the 
very stars in their courses. 

Under these circumstances the secession-slavery movement be- 
tween 1835 and i860 was a predestined failure. Because of fortu- 
itous events — the chances of the battle-field, the impulse of indi- 
vidual genius, the exigencies of trade or the blunders of diplomats 
— it might easily have had an apparent and momentary triumph ; but 
the result upon which the slave power, as such, was intent, — the 
creation about the Gulf of Mexico and in the Antilles of a great 
semi-tropical nationality, based on African servitude and a monop- 
olized cotton production, — this result was in direct conflict with 
the irresistible tendencies of mankind in its present stage of develop- 
ment. A movement in all its aspects radically reactionary, it could 
at most have resulted only in a passing anomaly. 

While the Southern, or Jamestown, column of Darwin's great 
Anglo-Saxon migration was thus following to their legitimate conclu- 
sions the teachings of Jefferson and Calhoun, — the Virginia and South 
Carolina schools of state sovereignty, slavery and secession, — the 
distinctively northern column, — that entering through the Ply- 
mouth and Boston portals, — instinctively adhering to those princi- 
ples of Church and State in the contention over which it originated, 
— found its way along the southern shores of the Great Lakes, 
through northern Ohio, southern Michigan, and northern Illinois, 
and then, turning north and west, spread itself over the vast region 
beyond the great lakes, and towards the upper waters of the Miss- 
issippi. But it is very noteworthy how the lead and inspiration 
in this movement still came from the original source. While in the 
South it passed from Virginia to Carolina, in the North it remained 
in Massachusetts. Three men then came forward there, voicing 
more clearly than any or all others what was in the mind of the 
community in the way of aspiration, whether moral or political. 
Those three were : William Lloyd Garrison, Daniel Webster and 
John Quincy Adams ; they were the prophetic voices of that phase 
of American political evolution then in process. Their messages, 
too, were curiously divergent ; and yet, apparently contradictory, 
they were, in reality, supplementary to each other. Garrison de- 
veloped the purely moral side of the coming issue. Webster 
preached nationality, under the guise of love of the Union. Adams, 

TJie Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 205 

combining the two, pointed out a way to the establishment of the 
rights of man under the Constitution and within the Union. While, in 
a general way, much historical interest attaches to the utterances 
and educational influence of those three men during the period 
under discussion, the future political attitude of Wisconsin, then 
nascent, was deeply affected by them. To this subject, therefore, I 
propose to devote some space ; for, deserving attention, I am not 
aware that it has heretofore received it. In doing so I cannot 
ignore the fact of my own descent from one of the three I have 
named ; but I may say in my own extenuation that John Quincy 
Adams was indisputably a considerable public character in his time, 
and when I, a descendant of his, undertake to speak of that time 
historically, I must, when he comes into the field of discussion, deal 
with him as best I may, assigning to him, as to his contemporaries, 
the place which, as I see it, is properly his or theirs. Moreover, 
I will freely acknowledge that an hereditary affiliation, if I may 
so express it, was not absent from the feeling which impelled me 
to accept your call. However much others had forgotten it, I 
well remembered that more than half a century ago, in the days 
of small thing-s, it was in this region, as in central New York and 
the Western Reserve, that the seed cast by one from whom I 
claim descent fell in the good ground where it bore fruit an hun- 
dred fold. 

Recurring, then, to the three men I have named as voicing sys- 
tematically a message of special significance in connection with the 
phase of political evolution, or of development if that word is pre- 
ferred, then going on, — Garrison's message was distinctly moral 
and humanitarian. In a sense, it was reactionary, and violently so. 
In it there was no appeal to patriotism, no recognition even of 
nationality. On the contrary, in the lofty atmosphere of humani- 
tarianism in which he had his being, I doubt if Garrison ever in- 
haled a distinctively patriotic breath ; while he certainly denounced 
the Constitution and assailed the Union. He saw only the moral 
wrong of slavery, its absolute denial of the fundamental principle 
of the equality of men before the law and before God ; and the 
world became his, — where freedom was there was his country. To 
arouse the dormant conscience of the community by the fierce and 
unceasing denunciation of a great wrong was his mission ; and he 
fulfilled it : but, curiously enough, the end he labored for came in 
the way he least foresaw, and through the very instrumentality he 
had most vehemently denounced, — it came within that Union which 
he had described as a compact with death, and under that Constitu- 
tion which he had arraigned as a covenant with hell. Yet Gam- 

206 C. F. Adams 

son was undeniably a prophet, voicing the gospel as he saw it fear- 
lessly and without pause. As such he contributed potently to the 
final result. 

Next, Webster. It was the mission of Daniel Webster to preach 
nationality. In doing so he spoke in words of massive eloquence 
in direct harmony with the most pronounced aspiration of his time, 
— that aspiration which has asserted itself and worked the most 
manifest results of the nineteenth century in both hemispheres, — 
in Spain and Prussia during the Napoleonic war, in Russia during 
the long Sclavonic upheaval, again more recently in Germany and 
in Italy, and finally in the United States. The names of Stein, of 
Cavour and of Bismarck are scarcely more associated with this 
great instinctive movement of the century than is that of Daniel 
Webster. His mission it was to preach to this people Union, one 
and indivisible ; and he delivered his message. 

The mission of J. Q. Adams during his best and latest years, 
while a combination of that of the two others, was different from 
either. His message, carefully thought out. long retained, and at 
last distinctly enunciated, was his answer to the Jeffersonian theory 
of state sovereignty, and Calhoun's doctrine of nullification and 
its logical outcome, secession. With both theory and doctrine, 
and their results, he had during his long political career been con- 
fronted ; on both he had reflected much. It was during the admin- 
istration of Jefferson and on the question of union that he had, in 
1807, broken with his party and resigned from the Senate ; and 
with Calhoun he had been closely associated in the cabinet of Mon- 
roe. Calhoun also had occupied the vice-presidential chair during 
his own administration. He now met Calhoun face to face on the 
slavery issue, prophetically proclaiming a remedy for the moral wrong 
and the vindication of the rights of man, within the Union and 
under the Constitution, through the exercise of inherent war powers 
whenever an issue between the sections should assume the insur- 
rectionary shape. In other words, Garrison's moral result was to 
be secured, not through the agencies Garrison advocated, but by 
force of that nationality which Webster proclaimed. This solution 
of the issue, J. Q. Adams never wearied of enunciating, early and 
late, by act, speech and letter ; and his view prevailed in the end. 
Lincoln's proclamation of January, 1863, was but the formal decla- 
ration of the policy enunciated by J. Q. Adams on the floor of 
Congress in 1836, and again in 1841, and yet again in greater de- 
tail in 1842. 1 It was he who thus brought the abstract moral doc- 
trines of Garrison into unison of movement with the nationality of 

1 Sec Appendix, post. 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 207 

The time now drew near when Wisconsin was to take her place 
in the Union, and exert her share of influence on the national polity, 
and through that polity on a phase of political evolution. South 
Carolina, by the voice of Calhoun, was preaching reaction, through 
slavery and in defiance of nationality : Massachusetts, through Gar- 
rison and Webster, was proclaiming the moral idea and nationality 
as abstractions ; while J. O. Adams confronted Calhoun with the 
ominous contention that, the instant he or his had recourse to 
force, that instant the moral wrong could be made good by the 
sword wielded in defence of nationality and in the name of the Con- 

As 1848 waxed old, the debate grew angry. J. Q. Adams 
died in the early months of that memorable year ; but his death in 
no way affected the course of events. The leadership in the anti- 
slavery struggle on the floor of Congress and within the limits of the 
Constitution had passed from him four years before. He was too 
old longer to bear the weight of armor, or to wield weapons once 
familiar; but the effect of his teachings remained, and they were 
living realities wherever the New England column had penetrated, 
— throughout central New York, in the " Western Reserve," and 
especially in the region which bordered on Lake Michigan. Gar- 
rison still declaimed against the Union as an unholy alliance with 
sin ; while, in the mind of Webster, his sense of the wrong of 
slavery was fast being overweighted by apprehension for nationality. 
In the mean time, a war of criminal aggression against Mexico in 
behalf of Calhoun's reactionary movement had been brought to a 
close, and the question was as to the partition of plunder. On that 
great issues hinged, and over it was fought the presidental election 
of 1 848. A little more than fifty years ago, that was the first elec- 
tion in which Wisconsin participated. The number of those who 
now retain a distinct recollection of the canvass of 1848, and the 
questions then so earnestly debated are not many ; I chance to be 
one of those few. I recall one trifling incident connected, not with 
the canvass but with the events of that year, which, for some reason, 
made an impression upon me, and now illustrates curiously the re- 
moteness of the time. I have said that J. Q. Adams died in Feb- 
ruary, 1848. Carried back with much funereal state from the 
Capitol at Washington to Massachusetts, he was in March buried 
at Quincy. An eloquent discourse was then delivered over his 
grave by the minister of the church of which the ex-President had 
been a member. He who delivered it was a scholar, as well as a 
natural orator of high order ; and, in the course of what he said he 
had occasion to refer to this remote region, then not yet admitted 

208 C. F. Adams 

to statehood, and he did so under the name of "the Ouisconsin." 
That discourse was delivered on the I ith of March, 1848 ; and, on 
the 29th of the following May, Wisconsin became a State. 

Returning now to the presidential election of 1848, it will be 
found that Wisconsin, the youngest community in the Union, came 
at once to the front as the banner state of the West in support of 
the principles on which the Union was established, and the main- 
tenance and vindication of those fundamental principles within the 
Union and through the Constitution. In that canvass the great 
issues of the future were distinctly brought to the front. The old 
party organizations then still confronted each other, — the Henry 
Clay Whigs were over against the Jacksonian Democracy ; but in 
that election Lewis Cass, the legitimate candidate of the De- 
mocracy,- — a Northern man with Southern principles, — so far as 
African slavery was concerned a distinct reactionist from the prin- 
ciples of the great Declaration of 1776, — Lewis Cass, of Michigan, 
was opposed to General Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, himself a 
slaveholder, and nominated by a party which in presenting his name 
carefully abstained from any enunciation of political principles. He 
was an unknown political quantity ; and no less a public character 
than Daniel Webster characterized his nomination as one not fit to 
be made. It yet remained to be seen that, practically, the plain, 
blunt, honest, well-meaning old soldier made an excellent President, 
whose premature loss was deeply and with reason deplored. His 
nomination, however, immediately after that of Cass, proved the 
signal for revolt. For the disciples of J. 0. Adams in both political 
camps it was as if the cry had again gone forth, " To your tents, O 
Israel ! " — and a first fierce blast of the coming storm then swept 
across the land. In August the dissentients met in conference at 
Buffalo, and there first enunciated the principles of the American 
political party of the future, — that party which, permeated by the 
sentiment of Nationality, was destined to do away with slavery 
through the war power, and to incorporate into the Constitution the 
principle of the equality of man before the law, irrespective of color 
or of race. Now, more than half a century after the event, it may 
fairly be said of those concerned in the Buffalo movement of 1848 
that they were destined to earn in the fulness of time the rare dis- 
tinction of carrying mankind forward one distinct stage in the long 
process of evolution. In support of that movement Wisconsin was, 
as I have already said, the banner western state. In its action it 
simply responded to its early impulse received from New England 
and western New York. Thus the seed fell in fertile places and 
produced fruit an hundred fold. The law of natural selection, 
though not yet formulated, was at work. 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 209 

The election returns of 1 848 tell the story. They are still elo- 
quent. The heart of the movement of that year lay in Massa- 
chusetts and Vermont. In those two states, taken together, the 
party of the future polled, in 1848, a little over 28 per cent, of the 
aggregate vote cast. In Wisconsin it polled close upon 27 per 
cent. ; and this 27 per cent, in Wisconsin is to be compared with 1 5 
per cent, in Michigan, 12 per cent, in Illinois, less than 11 percent, 
in Ohio, and not 4 per cent, in the adjoining state of Iowa. In the 
three neighboring states of Michigan, Illinois and Iowa, taken to- 
gether, the new movement gathered into itself 12 per cent, of the 
total voting constituency, while in Wisconsin it counted, as I have 
said, over 26 per cent. Thus, in 1848, Wisconsin was the Ver- 
mont of the West ; sending to Congress as one of its three repre- 
sentatives Charles Durkee, a son of Vermont, the first distinctively 
anti-slavery man from the Northwest. Wisconsin remained the 
Vermont of the West. From its very origin not the smallest doubt 
attached to its attitude. It emphasized it in words when in 1849 it 
instructed one of its senators at Washington " to immediately resign 
his seat " because he had " outraged the feelings of the people " by 
dalliance with the demands of the slave power ; it emphasized it by 
action when five years later its highest judicial tribunal did not hesi- 
tate to declare the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 "unconstitutional 
and void." At the momentous election of i860, Wisconsin threw 
56 per cent, of its vote in favor of the ticket bearing the name of 
Abraham Lincoln ; nor did the convictions of the state weaken 
under the test of war. In 1864, when Wisconsin had sent into the 
field over 90,000 enlisted men to maintain the Union, and to make 
effective the most extreme doctrine of war powers under the Consti- 
tution, — even then, in the fourth year of severest stress, Wisconsin 
again threw 55 per cent, of its popular vote for the re-election of 
Lincoln. A year later the struggle ended. Throughout the ordeal 
Wisconsin never faltered. 

Of the record made by Wisconsin in the Civil War, I am not here 
to speak. That field has been sufficiently covered, and covered by 
those far better qualified than I to work in it. I will only say, in 
often quoted words, that none then died more freely or in greater 
glory than those Wisconsin sent into the field, though then many 
died, and there was much glory. When figures so speak, comment 
weakens. Look at the record : — Fifty-seven regiments and thirteen 
batteries in the field ; a death-roll exceeding 1 2,000 ; a Wisconsin 
regiment (2d) first in that roll of honor which tells off the regiments 
of the Union which suffered most, and two other Wisconsin regi- 
ments (7th and 26th), together, fifth ; while a brigade made up three- 

2 i o C. F. Adams 

quarters of Wisconsin battalions shows the heaviest aggregate loss 
sustained during the war by any similar command, and is hence 
known in the history of the struggle as the " Iron Brigade." Thir- 
teen Wisconsin regiments participated in Grant's brilliant move- 
ment on Vicksburg ; five were with Thomas at Chickamauga ; seven 
with Sherman at Mission Ridge ; and, finally, eleven marched with 
him to the sea, while four remained behind to strike with Thomas 
at Nashville. Thus it may truly be said that wherever, between the 
13th of April, 1S61, and the 26th of April, 1865, death was reap- 
ing its heaviest harvest, — whether in Pennsylvania, in Virginia, in 
Tennessee, in Mississippi, in Georgia, — at Shiloh, at Corinth, at 
Antietam, at Gettysburg, in the salient at Spottsylvania, in the death- 
trap at Petersburg, or in the Peninsula slaughter-pen, — wherever 
during those awful years the dead lay thickest, there the men from 
Wisconsin were freely laying down their lives. 

It is, however, no part of my present purpose to set forth here 
your sacrifices in the contest of 1861-65. What I have undertaken 
to do is to assign to Wisconsin its proper and relative place as a 
factor in one of the great evolutionary movements of man. As the 
twig was bent, the tree inclined. The sacrifices of Wisconsin life 
and treasure between 1861 and 1865 were but the fulfilment of the 
promise given by Wisconsin in 1848. The state, it is true, at no 
time during that momentous struggle rose to a position of unchal- 
lenged leadership either in the field or the council chamber. Among 
its representatives it did not number a Lincoln or a Sherman ; but 
it did supply in marked degree that greatest and most necessary 
of all essentials in every evolutionary crisis, a well-developed and 
thoroughly distributed popular backbone. 

This racial characteristic, also, I take to be the one great essen- 
tial to the success of our American experiment. In every emer- 
gency which arises there is always the cry raised for a strong hand 
at the helm, — the ship of state is invariably declared to be hope- 
lessly drifting. But it is in just those times of crisis that a widely 
diffused individuality proves the greatest possible safeguard, — the 
only reliable public safeguard. It is then with the state as it is with 
a strong, seaworthy ship manned by a hardy and experienced crew, 
in no way dependent on the one pilot who may chance to be at the 
wheel. In any stress of storm, the ship's company will prove equal 
to the occasion, and somehow provide for its own salvation. Under 
similar political conditions a community asserts, in the long run, its 
superiority to the accidents of fortune, — the aberrations due to the 
influence of individual genius, those winning numbers in the lottery 
of fate, — and evinces that staying power, which, no less now and 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 2 1 1 

here than in Rome and Great Britain, is the only safe rock of empire. 
The race thus educated and endowed is the masterful race, — the 
master of its own destiny, it is master of the destiny of others ; and 
of that crowning republican quality, Wisconsin, during our period of 
national trial, showed herself markedly possessed. While individ- 
uals were not exceptional, the average was unmistakably high. 

And this I hold to be the highest tribute which can be paid to a 
political community. It implies all else. Unless I greatly err, this 
characteristic has, in the case of Wisconsin, a profound and scientific 
significance of the most far-reaching character ; and so I find myself 
brought back to my text. As I have already more than once said, 
others are in every way better qualified than I to speak intelligently 
of the Wisconsin stock, — of the elements which enter into the brain 
and bone and sinew of the race now holding as its abiding-place and 
breeding-ground the region lying between Lake Michigan and the 
waters of the upper Mississippi, — between the state of Illinois on the 
south and Lake Superior on the north. I speak chiefly from im- 
pression, and always subject to correction ; but my understanding is 
that this region was in the main peopled by men and women repre- 
senting in their persons what there was of the more enterprising 
adventurous and energetic of three of the most thoroughly virile 
and, withal, moral and intellectual branches of the human family, — 
I refer to the Anglo-Saxon of New England descent, and to the 
Teutonic and the Scandinavian families. Tough of fibre and tena- 
cious of principle, the mixed descendants from those races were well 
calculated to illustrate the operation of a natural law ; and I have 
quite failed in my purpose if I have not improved this occasion to 
point out how in the outset of their political life as a community 
they illustrated the force of Stoughton's utterance and the truth of 
Darwin's remarkable generalization. By their attitude and action, 
at once intelligent and decided, they left their imprint on that par- 
ticular phase of human evolution which then presented itself. They ; 
in so doing, assigned to Wisconsin its special place and work in the 
great scheme of development, and forecast its mission in the future. 

I have propounded an historical theory ; it is for others, better 
advised, having passed upon it, to confirm or reject. 

There are many other topics which might here and now be dis- 
cussed, perhaps advantageously, — topics closely connected with this 
edifice and with the occasion, — topics relating to libraries, the accu- 
mulation of historical material, and methods of work in connection 
with it ; but space and time alike forbid. A selection must be 

212 C. F. Adams 

made, and, in making my selection, I go back to the fact that, rep- 
resenting one historical society, I am here at the behest of another 
historical society ; and matters relating to what we call " history " 
are, therefore, those most germane to the day. Coming, then, here 
from the East to a point which, in the great future of our American 
development, — a century, or, 'perchance, two or three centuries 
hence, — may not unreasonably look forward to being the seat of 
other methods and a higher learning, I propose to pass over the 
more obvious, and, possibly, the more useful, even if more modest, 
subjects of discussion, and to try my hand at one which, even if it 
challenges controversy, is indisputably suggestive. I refer to cer- 
tain of the more marked of those tendencies which characterize the 
historical work of the day. Having dealt with the sifted grain, I 
naturally come to speak of those who have told the tale of the sift- 
ing. Looking back, from the standpoint of 1900, over the harvested 
sheaves which stud the fields we have traversed, the retrospect is 
not to me altogether satisfactory. In fact, taken as a whole, our 
histories — I speak of those written by the dead only — have not, I 
submit, so far as we are concerned, fully met the requirements of 
time and place. Literary masterpieces, scientific treatises, philo- 
sophical disquisitions, sometimes one element predominates, some- 
times another ; but in them all something is wanting. That some- 
thing I take to be an adequately developed literary sense. 

In dealing with this subject, I am well aware my criticism might 
take a wider range. I need not confine myself to history, inasmuch 
as, in the matter of literary sense, the shortcomings, or the ex- 
cesses, rather, of the American writer are manifest. In the Greek, 
and in the Greek alone, this sense seems to have been instinctive. 
He revealed it, and he revealed it at once, in poetry, in architecture 
and in art, as he revealed it in the composition of history. Of 
Homer we cannot speak ; but Herodotus and Phidias died within 
six years of each other, each a father in his calling. With us Amer- 
icans that intuitive literary sense, resulting in the perfection of liter- 
ary form seems not less conspicuous for its absence than it was 
conspicuous for its presence among the Greeks. In literature the 
American seems to exist in a medium of stenographers and type- 
writers, and with a public printer at his beck and call. To such a 
degree is this the case that the expression I have just used — literary 
form — has, to many, and those not the least cultured, ceased to 
carry a meaning. Literary form they take to mean what they know 
as style ; while style is, with them, but another term for word- 
painting. Accordingly, with altogether too many of our American 
writers, to be voluminous and verbose is to be great. They would 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 2 1 3 

conquer by force of numbers — the number of words they use. I, 
the other day, chanced across a curious illustration of this in the 
diary of my father. Returning from his long residence in Pmgland 
at the time of the Civil War, he attended some ceremonies held in 
Boston in honor of a public character who had died shortly before. 
"The eulogy," he wrote, "was good, but altogether too long. 
There is in all the American style of composition a tendency to dif- 
fuseness, and the repetition of the same ideas, which materially im- 
pairs the force of what is said. I see it the more clearly from hav- 
ing been so long out of the atmosphere." 

The failing is national ; nor in this respect does the American 
seem to profit by experience. Take, for instance, the most im- 
portant of our public documents, the inaugurals of our Presidents. 
We are a busy people ; yet our newly elected Presidents regu- 
larly inflict on us small volumes of information, and this, too, not- 
withstanding the fact that in the long line of inaugural common- 
places but one utterance stands out in memory, and that one the 
shortest of all, — the immortal second of Lincoln. Our present 
chief magistrate found himself unable to do justice to the occasion, 
in his last annual message, in less than eighteen thousand words ; 
and in the Congress to which this message was addressed, two 
senators, in discussing the "paramount " issue of the day, did so, 
the one in a speech of sixty-five thousand words, the other in a 
speech of fifty-five thousand. Webster replied to Hayne in thirty- 
five thousand ; and Webster then did not err on the side of brevity. 
So in the presidential canvass now in progress. Mr. Bryan accepted 
his nomination in a comparatively brief speech of nine thousand 
words ; and this speech was followed by a letter of five thousand, 
covering omissions because of previous brevity. President McKin- 
ley, in his turn, then accepted a renomination in a letter of twelve 
thousand words, — a letter actually terse when compared with his 
last annual message ; but which Mr. Carl Schurz subsequently pro- 
ceeded to comment on in a vigorous address of fourteen thousand 
words. Leviathans in language, we Americans need to be Methu- 
selahs in years. It was not always so. The contrast is, indeed, 
noticeable. Washington's first inaugural numbered twenty-three 
hundred words. Including that now in progress, my memory 
covers fourteen presidential canvasses ; and by far the most gener- 
ally applauded and effective letter of acceptance put forth by any 
candidate during all those canvasses was that of General Grant in 
1868. Including address and signature, it was comprised in ex- 
actly two hundred and thirty words. With a brevity truly com- 
mendable, even if military, he used one word where his civilian 

VOL. VI. — 15. 

21A C. F. Adams 

successor found occasion for fifty -two. As to the opponent of that 
civilian successor, he sets computation at defiance. Indeed, speak- 
ing of Mr. Bryan purely from the historical standpoint, I seriously 
doubt whether, in all human experience, any man ever before gave 
utterance to an equal number of words in the same space of time. 

Leaving illustration, however, and returning to my theme, I will 
now say that in the whole long and memorable list of distinctively 
American literary men, — authors, orators, poets and story-tellers, — 
I recall but three who seem to me to have been endowed with a 
sense of form, at once innate and Greek ; those three were Daniel 
Webster, Edgar Allan Poe and Nathaniel Hawthorne. Yet, unless 
moulded by that instinctive sense of form, nothing can be perma- 
nent in literature any more than in sculpture, in painting or in archi- 
tecture. Not size, nor solidity, nor fidelity of work, nor knowledge 
of detail will preserve the printed volume any more than they will 
preserve the canvass or the edifice; and this I hold to be just as 
true of history as of the oration, the poem or the drama. 

Surely, then, our histories need not all, of necessity, be de- 
signed for students and scholars exclusively ; and yet it is a note- 
worthy fact that even to-day, after scholars and story-tellers have 
been steadily at work upon it for nearly a century and a half, — 
ever since David Hume and Oliver Goldsmith brought forth their 
classic renderings, — the chief popular knowledge of over three 
centuries of English history between John Plantagenet (1200) and 
Elizabeth Tudor (1536) is derived from the pages of Shakespeare. 
There is also a curious theory now apparently in vogue in our uni- 
versity circles, that, in some inscrutable way, accuracy as to fact 
and a judicial temperament are inconsistent with a highly developed 
literary sense. Erudition and fairness are the qualities in vogue, 
while form and brilliancy are viewed askance. Addressing now an 
assembly made up, to an unusual extent, of those engaged in the 
work of instruction in history, I wish to suggest that this marked 
tendency of the day is in itself a passing fashion, and merely a 
reactionary movement against the influence of two great literary 
masters of the last generation, — Macaulay and Carlyle. That the 
reaction had reason, I would by no means deny ; but, like most 
decided reactions, has it not gone too far ? Because men weary of 
brilliant colors, and mere imitators try to wield the master's brush, 
it by no means follows that art does not find its highest expression 
in Titian and Tintoretto, Rembrandt, Claude and Turner. It is the 
same with history. Profound scholars, patient investigators, men 
of a judicial turn of mind, subtile philosophers and accurate annal- 
ists empty forth upon a patient, because somewhat indifferent, read- 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 2 1 5 

ing public volume after volume ; but the great masters of literary 
form, in history as in poetry, alone retain their hold. Thucydides, 
Tacitus and Gibbon are always there, on a level with the eye ; while 
those of their would-be successors who find themselves unable to 
tell us what they know, in a way in which we care to hear it, or 
within limits consistent with human life, are quietly relegated to the 
oblivion of the topmost shelf. 

I fear that I am myself in danger of sinning somewhat flagrantly 
against the canons I have laid down. Exceeding my allotted space, 
I am conscious of disregarding any correct rule of form by my 
attempt at dealing with more subjects than it is possible on one 
occasion adequately to discuss. None the less I cannot resist the 
temptation, — I am proving myself an American ; and having gone 
thus far, I will now go on to the end, even though alone. There 
are, I hold, three elements which enter into the make-up of the ideal 
historian, whether him of the past or him of the future ; — these three 
are learning, judgment and the literary sense. A perfect history, 
like a perfect poem, must have a beginning, a middle and an end ; 
and the well proportioned parts should be kept in strict subservience 
to the whole. The dress, also, should be in keeping with the sub- 
stance ; and both subordinated to the conception. Attempting no 
display of erudition, pass the great historical literatures and names 
in rapid review, and see in how few instances all these canons were 
observed. And first, the Hebrew. While the Jew certainly was 
not endowed with the Greek's sense of form in sculpture, in painting 
or in architecture, in poetry and music he was, and has since been, 
pre-eminent. His philosophy and his history found their natural 
expression through his aptitudes. The result illustrates the supreme 
intellectual power exercised by art. Of learning and judgment there 
is only pretense ; but imagination and power are there : and, even to 
this day, the Hebrew historical writings are a distinct literature, — we 
call them "The Sacred Books." We have passed from under that 
superstition ; and yet it still holds a traditional sway. The books of 
Moses are merely a first tentative effort on the road subsequently 
trodden by Herodotus, Livy and Voltaire ; but their author was so 
instinct with imagination and such a master of form that to this day 
his narrative is read and accepted as history by more human beings 
than are all the other historical works in existence combined in one 
mass. No scholar or man of reflection now believes that Moses 
was any more inspired than Homer, Julius Caesar or Thomas Car- 
lyle ; but the imagination and intellectual force of the man, combined 
with his instinct for literary form, sufficed to secure for what he 
wrote a unique mastery only in our day shaken. 

216 C. F. Adams 

The Greek follows hard upon the Jew ; and of the Greek I have 
already said enough. He had a natural sense of art in all its shapes ; 
and, when it came to writing history, Herodotus, Thucydides and 
Xenophon seemed mere evolutions. Of the three, Thucydides 
alone combined in perfection the qualities of erudition, judgment 
and form ; but to the last-named element, their literary form, it is 
that all three owe their immortality. 

It is the same with the Romans — Livy, Sallust, Tacitus. The 
Roman had not that artistic instinct so noticeable in the Greek. He 
was, on the contrary, essentially a soldier, a ruler and organizer ; and 
a literary imitator. Yet now and again even in art he attained a 
proficiency which challenged his models. Cicero has held his own 
with Demosthenes ; and Virgil, Horace and Juvenal survive, each 
through a mastery of form. Tacitus, it is needless to say, is the 
Latin Thucydides. In him again, five centuries after Thucydides, 
the three essentials are combined in the highest degree. The orbs 
of the great historical constellation are wide apart, — the interval that 
divided Tacitus from Thucydides is the same as that which divided 
Matthew Paris from Edward Gibbon ; — twice that which divides 
Shakespeare from Tennyson. 

Coming rapidly down to modern times, of the three great lan- 
guages fruitful in historical work, — the French, English and Ger- 
man, — those writing in the first have alone approached the aptitude 
for form natural to the Greeks ; but in Gibbon only of those who 
have, in the three tongues, devoted themselves to historical work, 
were all the cardinal elements of historical greatness found united 
in such a degree as to command general assent to his pre-eminence. 
The Germans are remarkable for erudition, and have won respect 
for their judgment; but their disregard of form has been innate, — 
indicative either of a lack of perception or of contempt. 1 Their work 
accordingly will hardly prove enduring. The French, from Voltaire 
down, have evinced a keener perception of form, nor have they 
been lacking in erudition. Critical and quick to perceive, they 
have still failed in any one instance to combine the three great 
attributes each in its highest degree. Accordingly, in the historical 
firmament they count no star of the first magnitude. Their lights 
have been meteoric rather than permanent. 

In the case of Great Britain it is interesting to follow the familiar 

1 " Not only docs a German writer possess, as a rule, a full measure of the patient 
industry which is required for thinking everything that may be thought about his theme, 
and knowing whal others have thought ; he alone, it seems, when he comes to write a 
book aboul it, is imbued with the belief that that book ought necessarily to be a complete 
compendium of everything that has been so thought, whether by himself or others." 
The Athenmum, September 8, 1900, p. 303. 

The Sifted Gram and the Grain Sifters 2 r 7 

names, noting the shortcoming of each. The roll scarcely extends 
beyond the century, — Hume, Robertson and Gibbon constituting 
the solitary remembered exceptions. Of Gibbon, I have already 
spoken. He combined in highest degree all the elements of the 
historian, — in as great a degree as Thucydides or Tacitus. He was 
an orb of the first order ; and it was his misfortune that he was 
born and wrote before Darwin gave to history unity and a scheme. 
Hume was a subtle philosopher, and his instinctive mastery of form 
has alone caused his history to survive. He was not an investigator 
in the modern sense of the term, nor was he gifted with an intuitive 
historical instinct. Robertson had fair judgment and a well-developed 
though in no way remarkable sense of form ; but he lacked erudi- 
tion, and, as compared with Gibbon, for example, was content to 
accept his knowledge at second hand. Telling his story well, he 
was never master of his subject. 

Coming down to our own century, and speaking only of the 
dead, a series of familiar names at once suggest themselves, — Mit- 
ford, Grote and Thirlwall ; Arnold and Merivale ; Milman, Lingard, 
Hallam, Macaulay, Carlyle, Buckle, Froude, Freeman and Green, 
— naming only the more conspicuous. Mitford was no historian 
at all ; merely an historical pamphleteer. His judgment was inferior 
to his erudition even, and he had no sense of form. Grote was 
erudite, but he wrote in accordance with his political affinities, and 
what is called the spirit of the time and place ; and that time and 
place were not Greece, nor the third and fourth centuries before 
Christ. He had, moreover, no sense of literary form, for he put 
what he knew into twelve volumes, when human patience did not 
suffice for six. Thirlwall was erudite in a way, and a thinker and 
writer of unquestionable force ; but his work on Greece was written 
to order, and is what is known as a "standard history." Correct, 
but devoid of inspiration, it is slightly suggestive of a second-class 
epic. Arnold is typical of scholarship and insight ; his judgment is 
excellent ; but of literary art, so conspicuous in his son, there is no 
trace. Merivale is scholarly and academic. Milman was hampered 
by his church training, which fettered his judgment ; learned, as 
learning went in those days, there is in his writings nothing that 
would attract readers or students of a period later than his own. 
Lingard was another church historian. A correct writer, he tells 
England's story from the point of view of Rome. Hallam is 
deeply read, and judicial ; but the literary sense is conspicuously 
absent. His volumes are well-nigh unreadable. Freeman is the 
typical modern historian of the original-material -and-monograph 
school. He writes irrespective of the readers. Learned beyond 

2 i S C. F. Adams 

compare, he cumbers the shelves of our libraries with an accumula- 
tion of volumes which are not literature. 

Of Henry Thomas Buckle and of John Richard Green I will 
speak together, and with respectful admiration. Both were prema- 
turely cut off, almost in what with historical writers is the period of 
promise ; for, while Green at the time of his death was forty-seven, 
Buckle was not yet forty-one. What they did, therefore, — and they 
both did much, — was indicative only of what they might have done. 
Judged by that, — ex pcde Herculem, — I hold that they come nearer 
to the ideal of what a twentieth-century historian should be than any 
other writers in our modern English tongue. That Buckle was 
crude, impulsive, hasty in generalization and paradoxical in judgment 
is not to be gainsaid ; but he wrote before Darwin ; and, when he 
published his history, he was but thirty-six. What might he not 
have become had he been favored with health, and lived to sixty ! 
Very different in organization, he and Green alike possessed in high 
degree the spirit of investigation and the historical insight, combined 
with a well-developed literary sense. Men of untiring research, 
they had the faculty of expression. Artists as well as scholars, they 
inspired. Their early death was in my judgment an irreparable loss 
to English historical lore and the best historical treatment. 

I come now to Macaulay, Carlyle and Froude, the three literary 
masters of the century who have dealt with history in the English 
tongue ; and I shall treat of them briefly, and in the inverse order. 
Froude is redeemed by a sense of literary form ; as an historian he 
was learned, but inaccurate, and his judgment was fatally defective. 
He was essentially an artist. Carlyle was a poet rather than an his- 
torian. A student, with the insight of a seer and a prophet's voice, 
his judgment was fatally biassed. A wonderful master of form, his 
writings will endure ; but rather as epics in prose than as historical 
monuments. Macaulay came, in my judgment, nearer than any 
other English writer of the century to the great historical stature ; 
but he failed to attain it. The cause of his failure is an instructive 
as well as an interesting study. 

Thomas Babington Macaulay is unquestionably the most popu- 
lar historian that ever wrote. His history, when it appeared, was 
the literary sensation of the day, and its circulation increased with 
each succeeding volume. Among historical works, it alone has in 
its vogue thrown into the shade the most successful novels of the 
century, — those of Scott, Thackeray and Dickens, Jane Eyre, 
Robert Elsmere, and even Richard Carvel, the last ephemeral sen- 
sation ; but, of the three great attributes of the historian, Macaulay 
was endowed with only one. He was a man of vast erudition ; and, 

Tlie Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 2 1 9 

moreover, he was gifted with a phenomenal memory, which seemed 
to put at his immediate disposal the entire accumulation of his om- 
nivorous reading. His judgment was, however, defective ; for he 
was, from the very ardor of his nature, 1 more or less of a partisan, 
while the wealth of his imagination and the exuberance of his rhet- 
oric were fatal to his sense of form. He was incomparably the 
greatest of historical raconteurs, but the fascination of the story 
overcame his sense of proportion, and he was buried under his own 
riches. For it is a great mistake to suppose, as so many do, that 
what is called style, no matter how brilliant, or how correct and 
clear, constitutes in itself literary form ; it is a large and indis- 
pensable element in literary form, but neither the whole, nor indeed 
the greatest part of it. The entire scheme, the proportion of the 
several parts to the whole and to each other, the grouping and the 
presentation, the background and the accessories constitute literary 
form ; the style of the author is merely the drapery of presentation. 
Here was where Macaulay failed ; and he failed on a point which 
the average historical writer, and the average historical instructor 
still more, does not as a rule even take into consideration. Macaulay's 
general conception of his scheme was so imperfect as to be practi- 
cally impossible ; and this he himself, when too late, sadly recog- 
nized. His interest in his subject and the warmth of his imagination 
swept him away, — they were too strong for his sense of proportion. 
Take, for instance, two such wonderful bits as his account of the trial 
of the seven bishops, and his narrative of the siege of Londonderry. 
They are masterpieces ; but they should be monographs. They are 
in their imagery and detail out of all proportion to any general his- 
torical plan. They imply a whole which would be in itself an his- 
torical library rather than a history. On the matter of judgment it 
is not necessary to dwell. Macaulay's work is unquestionably his- 
tory, and history on a panoramic scale ; but the pigments he used 
are indisputably Whig. Yet his method was instinctively correct. 
He had his models and his scheme, — he made his preliminary 
studies, — he saw his subject as a whole, and in its several parts ; 
but he labored under two disadvantages : — in the first place, like 
Gibbon, he was born and wrote before the discoveries of Darwin had 

1 " It is well to realize that this greatest history of modern times was written by one 
in whom a distrust in enthusiasm was deeply rooted. This cynicism was not inconsistent 
with partiality, with definite prepossessions, with a certain spite. The conviction that 
enthusiasm is inconsistent with intellectual balance was engrained in his mental constitu- 
tion, and confirmed by study and experience. It might be reasonably maintained that 
zeal for men or causes is an historian's undoing, and that ' reserve sympathy ' — the prin- 
ciple of Thucydides — is the first lesson he has to learn." J. B. Bury, Introduction to 
his edition (1896) of Gibbon, I. lxvii.-lxviii. 

220 C. F. Adams 

given its whole great unity to history ; and, in the second place, he 
had not thought his plan fully out, subordinating severely to it both 
his imagination and his rhetoric. Accordingly, so far as literary 
form was concerned, his history, which in that respect above all 
should, with his classic training, have been an entire and perfect 
chrysolite, was in fact a monumental failure. It was not even a 
whole ; it was only a fragment. 

Coming now to our own American experience, and still speaking 
exclusively of the writings of the dead, it is not unsafe to say that 
there is as yet no American historical work which can call even for 
mention among those of the first class. The list can speedily be passed 
in review, — Marshall, Irving, Prescott, Hildreth, Bancroft, Motley, 
Palfrey and Parkman. Except those yet living, I do not recall any 
others who would challenge consideration. That Marshall was en- 
dowed with a calm, clear judgment, no reader of his judicial opin- 
ions would deny ; but he had no other attribute of an historian. 
He certainly was not historically learned, and there is no evidence 
that he was gifted with any sense of literary proportion. Irving 
was a born man of letters. With a charming style and a keen 
sense of humor, he was as an historical writer defective in judgment. 
Not a profound or accurate investigator, as became apparent in his 
Columbus and his Washington, his excellent natural literary sense 
was but partially developed. Perhaps he was born before his time ; 
perhaps his education did not lead him to the study of the best 
models ; but, however it came about, he failed, and failed indisput- 
ably, in form. Prescott was a species of historical pioneer, — an 
adventurer in a new field of research and of letters. Not only was 
he, like Macaulay and the rest, born before Darwin and the other 
great scientific lights of the century had assigned to human history 
its unity, limits and significance, but Prescott was not a profound 
scholar, nor yet a thorough investigator ; his judgment was by no 
means either incisive or robust, and his style was elegant, as the 
phrase goes, rather than tersely vigorous. He wrote, moreover, of 
that which he never saw, or made himself thoroughly part of even 
in imagination. Laboring under great disadvantages, his course 
was infinitely creditable ; but his portrait in the gallery of historians 
is not on the eye line. Of Hildreth, it is hardly necessary to speak. 
Laborious and persevering, his investigation was not thorough ; in- 
deed he had not taken in the fundamental conditions of modern 
historical research. With a fatally defective judgment, he did not 
know what form was. 

George Bancroft was in certain ways unique, and, among writers 
and students, his name cannot be mentioned without respect. He 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 2 2 1 

was by nature an investigator. His learning and philosophy cannot 
be called sound, and his earlier manner was something to be for- 
ever avoided : but he was indefatigable as a collector, and his pa- 
tience knew no bounds. He devoted his life to his subject ; and 
his life came to a close while he was still dwelling on the prelim- 
inaries to his theme. A partisan, and writing in support of a pre- 
conceived theory, his judgment was necessarily biassed ; while, as 
respects literary form, though he always tended to what was bet- 
ter, he never even approximately reached what is best. He, too, 
like Macaulay, failed to grasp the wide and fundamental distinction 
between a proportioned and complete history and a thorough his- 
torical monograph. His monumental work, therefore, is neither 
the one nor the other. As a collection of monographs, it is too 
condensed and imperfect ; as a history, it is cumbersome, and enters 
into unnecessary detail. 

From a literary point of view Motley is unquestionably the 
most brilliant of American historical writers. He reminds the 
reader of Froude. Not naturally a patient or profound investi- 
gator, he yet forced himself to make a thorough study of his great 
subject, and he was gifted with a remarkable descriptive power. 
A man of intense personality, he was, however, defective in judg- 
ment, if not devoid of the faculty. He lacked calmness and 
method. He could describe a siege or a battle with a vividness 
which, while it revealed the master, revealed also the historian's 
limitations. With a distinct sense of literary form, he was unable 
to resist the temptations of imagination and sympathy. His taste 
was not severe ; his temper the reverse of serene. His defects as 
an historian were consequently as apparent as are his merits as a 

Of Palfrey, the historian, I would speak with the deep personal 
respect I entertained for the man. A typical New Englander, a 
victim almost of that "terrible New England conscience," he wrote 
the history of New England. A scholar in his way and the most 
patient of investigators, he had, as an historian, been brought up in 
a radically wrong school, that of New England theology. There 
was in him not a trace of the skeptic ; not a suggestion of the 
humorist or easy-going philosopher. He wrote of New England 
from the inside and in close sympathy with it. Thus, as respects 
learning, care and accuracy, he was in no way deficient, while he 
was painstaking and conscientious in the extreme. His training and 
mental characteristics, however, impaired his judgment, and he was 
quite devoid of any sense of form. The investigator will always 
have recourse to his work ; but, as a guide, its value will pass 

222 C. F. Adams 

away with the traditions of the New England theological period. 
From the literary point of view the absence of all idea of proportion 
renders the bulk of what he wrote impossible for the reader. 

Of those I have mentioned, Parkman alone remains ; perhaps the 
most individual of all our American historians, the one tasting most 
racily of the soil. Parkman did what Prescott failed to do, what it 
was not in Prescott ever to do. He wrote from the basis of a per- 
sonal knowledge of the localities in which what he had to narrate 
occurred, and the characteristics of those with whom he undertook 
to deal. To his theme he devoted his entire life, working under 
difficulties even greater than those which so cruelly hampered Pres- 
cott. His patience under suffering was infinite ; his research was 
indefatigable. In this respect, he left nothing to be desired. While 
his historical judgment was better than his literary taste, his appre- 
ciation of form was radically defective. Indeed he seemed almost 
devoid of any true sense of proportion. The result is that he has 
left behind him a succession of monographs of more or less histor- 
ical value or literary interest, but no complete, thoroughly designed 
and carefully proportioned historical unit. Like all the others, his 
work lacks form and finish. 

The historical writers of more than an hundred years have thus 
been passed in hasty review, nor has any nineteenth-century compeer 
of Thucydides, Tacitus and Gibbon been found among those who 
have expressed themselves in the English tongue. Nor do I think 
that any such could be found in other tongues ; unless, perchance, 
among the Germans, Theodor Mommsen might challenge consider- 
ation. Of Mommsen's learning there can be no question. I do not 
think there can be much of his insight and judgment. The sole 
question would be as to his literary form ; nor, in that respect, judg- 
ing by the recollection of thirty years, do I think that, so far as his 
history of Rome is concerned, judgment can be lightly passed against 
him. But, on this point, the verdict of time only is final. Before 
that verdict is in his case rendered, another half-century of proba- 
tion must elapse. 1 

1 " C'est sous ces deux aspects — qui sont en realite les deux faces de 1' esprit de Momm- 
sen, le savant et le politique — qu'il convient d'etudier cet ouvrage. 

"Dansl'expose scientifique de 1' ' Hisloire Romaine on ne sait ce qu'on doit le plus 
admirer, ou de la science colossale de l'auteur ou de l'art avec laquelle elle est mise en 

" C'etait une entreprise colossale que celle de resumer tous les travaux sur la matiere 
depuis Nicbuhr. Mommsen lui-meme avait contribue a ce travail par la quantite fabu- 
leusc de mimoires qu'il avait ecrits sur les points les plus speciaux du droit romain, de 
l'archeologie ou de l'histoire. Or tout cela est assimile d'une maniere merveilleuse dans 
une narration historique qui est un des chefs-d'oeuvre de l'historiographie. L'histoire 
romaine est une ceuvre extraordinaire dans sa condensation, comme il n'en existe nulle 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 223 

There is still something to be taken into consideration. I have 
as yet dealt only with the writers ; the readers remain. During the 
century now ending, what changes have here come about? For 
one, I frankly confess myself a strong advocate of what is sometimes 
rather contemptuously referred to as the popularization of history. 
I have but a limited sympathy with those who, from the ethereal - 
ized atmosphere of the cloister, whether monkish or collegiate, seek 
truth's essence and pure learning only, regardless of utility, of sym- 
pathy or of applause. The great historical writer, fully to accom- 
plish his mission, must, I hold, be in very close touch with the gen- 
eration he addresses. In other words, to do its most useful work, 
historical thought must be made to permeate what we are pleased to 
call the mass ; it must be infiltrated through that great body of the 
community which, moving slowly and subject to all sorts ol influ- 
ences, in the end shapes national destinies. The true historian, — 
he who most sympathetically, as well as correctly, reads to the 
present the lessons to be derived from the experience of the past, — 
I hold to be the only latter-day prophet. That man has a message 
to deliver ; but, to deliver it effectively, he must, like every success- 
ful preacher, understand his audience ; and, to understand it, he 
must either be instinctively in sympathy with it, or he must have 
made a study of it. Of those instinctively in sympathy, I do not 
speak. That constitutes genius, and genius is a law unto itself; but 
I do maintain that instructors in history and historical writers who 
ignore the prevailing literary and educational conditions, therein 
make a great mistake. He fails fatally who fails to conform to his 
environment ; and this is no less true of the historian than of the 
novelist or politician. 

In other words, what have we to say of those who read ? What 
do we know of them ? Not much, I fancy. In spite of our public 
libraries, and in spite of the immensely increased diffusion of printed 

autre au monde, enfermant dans des dimensions si restreintes (3 volumes in 8°) tant de 
choses et de si bonnes choses. Mommsen raconte d'une maniere si attrayante que des les 
premieres lignes vous etes entraine. Ses grands tableaux sur les premieres migrations des 
peuples en Italie, sur les debuts de Rome, sur les Etrusques, sur la domination des Hel- 
lenes en Italie ; ses chapitres sur les institutions romaines, le droit, la religion, l'arm£e et 
art; sur la vie economique, l'agriculture, l'industrie et le commerce ; sur le developpe- 
ment interieur de la politique romaine ; sur les Celtes et sur Carthage ; sur les peripeties 
de la Revolution romaine depuis les Gracques a Jules Cesar ; sur l'Orient grec, la Mac6- 
doine ; sur la soumission de la Gaule : tout cela forme un ensemble admirable. 

" Comme peintre de grands tableaux historiques, je ne vois parmi les historiens con- 
temporains qu'un homme qui puisse etre compare a Mommsen, e'est Ernest Renan : e'est 
la meme touche large, le meme sens des proportions, le meme art de faire voir et de faire 
comprendre, de rendre vivantes les choses par les details typiques qui se gravent pour 
toujours dans la memoire." Guilland, L' Allemagne Nouvelle et ses Historiens (1900), 
pp. 121-122. 

224 C. F. Adams 

matter through the agency of those libraries and of the press, what 
those who compose the great mass of the community are reading, 
what enters into their intellectual nutriment, and thence passes into 
the secretions of the body politic, — this, I imagine, is a subject 
chiefly of surmise. The field is one upon which I do not now pro- 
pose to enter. Too large, it is also a pathless wilderness. I would, 
however, earnestly commend it to some more competent treatment 
at an early convention of librarians or publishers. To-day we must 
confine ourselves to history. For what, in the way of history, is the 
demand ? Who are at present the popular historical writers ? How 
can the lessons of the past be most readily and most effectually 
brought home to the mind and thoughts of the great reading public, 
vastly greater and more intelligent now than ever before ? 

This is something upon which the census throws no light. There 
is a widespread impression among those more or less qualified to 
form an opinion that the general capacity for sustained reading and 
thinking has not increased or been strengthened with the passage of 
the years. On the contrary, the indications, it is currently sup- 
posed, are rather of emasculation. Everything must now be made 
easy and short. There is a constant demand felt, especially by our 
periodical press, for information on all sorts of subjects, — historical, 
philosophical, scientific, — but it must be set forth in what is known 
as a popular style, that is, introduced into the reader in a species of 
sugared capsule, and without leaving any annoying taste on the 
intellectual palate. The average reader, it is said, wants to know 
something concerning all the topics of the day ; but, while it is 
highly desirable he should be gratified in this laudable, though 
languid, craving, he must not be fatigued in the effort of acquisition, 
and he will not submit to be bored. It is then further argued that 
this was not the case formerly ; that in what are commonly alluded 
to as "the good old times," — always the times of the grand- 
parents, — people had fewer books, and fewer people read ; but those 
who did read, deterred neither by number of pages nor by dryness 
of treatment, were equal to the feat of reading. To-day, on the 
contrary, almost no one rises to more than a magazine article ; a 
volume appalls. 

This is an extremely interesting subject of inquiry, were the real 
facts only attainable. Unfortunately they are not. We are forced 
to deal with impressions ; and impressions, always vague, are usually 
deceptive. At the same time, when glimpses of a more or less re- 
mote past do now and again reach us, they seem to indicate mental 
conditions calculated to excite our special wonder. We do know, 
for instance, that in the olden days, — before public libraries and peri- 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 225 

odicals, and the modern cheap press and the Sunday newspaper 
were devised, — when books were rarities, and reading a somewhat 
rare accomplishment, — the Bible, Shakespeare, Paradise Lost, the 
Pilgrim's Progress, and Robinson Crusoe, the Spectator and Tatter, 
Barrow's Sermons and Hume's History of England were the stand- 
ard household and family literature ; and the Bible was read and 
reread until its slightest allusions passed into familiar speech. In- 
deed the Bible, in King James's version, may be said to have been 
for the great mass of the community, — those who now have recourse 
to the Sunday paper, — the sum and substance of English literature. 
In this respect it is fairly open to question whether the course of 
evolution has tended altogether toward improvement. Now and 
again, however, we get one of these retrospective glimpses which is 
simply bewildering, and while indulging in it, one cannot help pon- 
dering over the mental conditions which once apparently prevailed. 
The question suggests itself, were there giants in those days ? — or 
did the reader ask for bread, and did they give him a stone ? We 
know, for instance, what the public library and circulating library 
of to-day are. We know, to a certain extent, what the reading de- 
mand is, and who the popular authors are. We know that, while 
history must content itself with a poor one in twenty, the call for 
works of fiction is more than a third of the whole, while nearly 
eighty per cent, of the ordinary circulation is made up of novels, 
story books for children, and periodicals. It is the lightest form of 
pabulum. This, in 1900. Now, let us get a glimpse of "the good 
old times." 

In the year 1 790, a humorous rascal named Burroughs — once 
widely known as " the notorious Stephen Burroughs " — found him- 
self stranded in a town on Long Island, New York, a refugee from 
a Massachusetts gaol and whipping-post, the penalties incurred in or 
at both of which he had richly merited. In the place of his refuge, 
Burroughs served as the village schoolmaster ; and, being of an ob- 
servant turn of mind, he did not fail presently to note that the people 
of the place were "very illiterate," and almost entirely destitute of 
books of any kind, " except school books and bibles." Finding 
among the younger people of the community many " possessing 
bright abilities and a strong thirst for information," Burroughs as- 
serts that he bestirred himself to secure the funds necessary to 
found the nucleus of a public library. Having in a measure suc- 
ceeded, a meeting of " the proprietors " was called " for the purpose 
of selecting a catalogue of books ; " and presently the different mem- 
bers presented lists " peculiar to their own tastes." Prior to this 
meeting it had been alleged that the people generally anticipated 

226 C. F. Adams 

that the books would be selected by the clergyman of the church, 
and would "consist of books of divinity, and dry metaphysical 
writings ; whereas, should they be assured that histories and books 
of information would be procured," they would have felt very dif- 
ferently. And now, when the lists were submitted, " Deacon 
Hodges brought forward ' Essays on the Divine Authority for 
Infant Baptism,' ' Terms of Church Communion,' ' The Careful 
Watchman,' 'Age of Grace,' etc. ; Deacon Cook's collection was 
' History of Martyrs,' ' Rights of Conscience,' ' Modern Pharisees,' 
' Defence of Separates ; ' Mr. Woolworth exhibited ' Edwards 
against Chauncy,' ' History of Redemption,' ' Jennings's Views,' 
etc. ; Judge Hurlbut concurred in the same ; Dr. Rose exhibited 
' Gay's Fables,' ' Pleasing Companion,' ' Turkish Spy,' while I," 
wrote Burroughs, " for the third time recommended 'Hume's His- 
tory,' ' Voltaire's Histories,' ' Rollin's Ancient History,' ' Plutarch's 
Lives,' etc." 

It would be difficult to mark more strikingly the development 
of a century, than by thus presenting Hume's History and Rollin as 
typical of what was deemed light and popular reading at one end of 
it, and the Sunday newspaper at the other. As I have already inti- 
mated, they were either giants in those days, or husks supplied milk 
for babes. Recurring, however, to present conditions, the popular 
demand for historical literature is undoubtedly vastly larger than it 
was a century ago ; nor is it by any means so clear as is usually 
assumed that the solid reading and thinking power of the com- 
munity has at all deteriorated. That yet remains to be proved. A 
century ago, it is to be borne in mind, there were no public libra- 
ries at all, and the private collections of books were comparatively 
few and small. It is safe, probably, to assume that there are a 
hundred, or even a thousand, readers now to one then. On this 
head nothing even approximating to what would be deemed con- 
clusive evidence is attainable ; but the fair assumption is that, while 
the light and ephemeral, knowledge-made-easy reading is a develop- 
ment of these latter years, it has in no way displaced the more sus- 
tained reading and severe thought of the earlier time. On the con- 
trary, that also has had its share of increase. Take Gibbon, for 
instance. A few years ago, an acute and popular English critic, in 
speaking of the newly edited Memoirs of Gibbon, used this lan- 
guage : — "All readers of the Decline and Fall — that is to say, 
all men and women of a sound education," etc. If Mr. Frederic 
Harrison was correct in his generalization in 1896, certainly more 
could not have been said in 1796; and, during the intervening hun- 
dred years, the class of those who have received "a sound educa- 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 227 

tion " has undergone a prodigious increase. Take Harvard College, 
for instance; in 1796 it graduated thirty -three students, and in 1896 
it graduated four hundred and eight, — an increase of more than 
twelvefold. In 1796, also, there were not a tenth part of the in- 
stitutions of advanced education in the country which now exist. 
The statistics of the publishing houses and the shelves of the book- 
selling establishments all point to the same conclusion. Of course, 
it does not follow that because a book is bought it is also read ; but 
it is not unsafe to say that twenty copies of Gibbon's Decline and 
Fall are called for in the bookstores of to-day to one that was 
called for in 1800. 

On this subject, however, very instructive light may be derived 
from another quarter. I refer to the public library. While dis- 
cussing the question eighteen months ago, I ventured to state that, 
" in the case of one public library in a considerable Massachusetts 
city I had been led to conclude, as the result of examination and 
somewhat careful inquiry, that the copy of the Decline and Fall on 
its shelves had, in over thirty years, not once been consecutively 
read through by a single individual." I have since made further 
and more careful inquiry on this point from other, and larger, 
though similar institutions, and the inference I then drew has been 
confirmed and generalized. I have also sought information as to 
the demand for historical literature, and the tendency and character 
of the reading so far as it could be ascertained, or approximately in- 
ferred. I have submitted my list of historical writers, and inquired 
as to the call for them. Suggestive in all respects, the results 
have, in some, been little less than startling. Take for instance pop- 
ularity, and let me recur to Macaulay and Carlyle. I have spoken 
of the two as great masters in historical composition, — comparing 
them in their field to Turner and Millet in the field of art. Like 
Turner and Millet, they influenced to a marked extent a whole gen- 
eration of workers that ensued. To such an extent did they influ- 
ence it that a scholastic reaction against them set in, — a reaction as 
distinct as it was strong. Nevertheless, in spite of that reaction, to 
what extent did the master retain his popular hold ? I admit that 
my astonishment was great when I learned that between 1880, more 
than twenty years after his death, and 1900, besides innumerable 
editions issued on both sides of the Atlantic, the authorized London 
publishers of Macaulay had sold in two shapes only, — and they ap- 
pear in many other shapes, — 80,000 copies of his History and 90,000 
of his Miscellanies. Of Carlyle and the call for his writings I could 
gather no such specific particulars ; but in reply to my inquiries, I was 
generally advised that, while the English demand had been large, 

2 28 C. F. Adams 

there was no considerable American publishing house which had 
not brought out partial or complete editions of his works. They 
also were referred to as "innumerable." l In other words, when a 
generation that knew them not had passed away, the works of the 
two great masters of historical literary form in our day sold beyond 
all compare with the productions of any of the living writers most 
in vogue ; and this while the professorial dry-as-dust reaction 
against those masters was in fullest swing. 

With a vast amount of material unused, and much still unsaid, I 
propose, in concluding, to trespass still further on your patience while 
I draw a lesson to which the first portion of my discourse will con- 
tribute not less than the second. A great, as well as a very volumi- 
nous, recent historical writer has coined the apothegm, — " History 
is past politics, and politics are present History." The proposition 
is one I do not now propose to discuss, except to suggest that, how- 
ever it may have been heretofore, what is known as politics will be 
but a part, and by no means the most important part, of the history 
of the future. The historian will look deeper. It was President 
Lincoln who said in one of the few immortal utterances of the cen- 
tury, — an utterance, be it also observed, limited to two hundred and 
fifty words, — that this our nation was " conceived in liberty, and 
dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal ; " and 
that it was for us highly to resolve " that government of the people, 
by the people, for the people, should not perish from the earth." 
It was James Russell Lowell, who, when asked in Paris by the his- 
torian Guizot many years since, how long the Republic of the United 
States might reasonably be expected to endure, happily replied, — 
" So long as the ideas of its founders continue dominant." In the 
first place, I hold it not unsafe to say that, looking forward into a 
future not now remote, the mission of the Republic and the ideas of 
the founders will more especially rest in the hands of those agricul- 
tural communities of the Northwest, where great aggregations of a 
civic populace are few, and the principles of natural selection have 
had the fullest and the freest play in the formation of the race. Such 
is Wisconsin ; such Iowa ; such Minnesota. In their hands, and in 
the hands of communities like them, will rest the ark of our covenant. 

1 At least twenty (20) American publishing houses have brought out complete edi- 
tions of Macaulay, both his Miscellanies and the History of England. Many of these 
editions have been expensive, and they seem uniformly to have met with a ready demand. 
Almost every American publishing house of any note has brought out editions of some of 
the Essays. The same is, to a less extent, true of Carlyle. Seven (7) houses have 
bronglit out complete editions of his works; while three (3) others have put on the 
market imported editions, bearing an American imprint. Separate editions of the more 
popular of his writings — some cheap, others tie luxe — have been brought out by nearly 
every American publishing concern. 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 229 

In the next place, for the use and future behoof of those com- 
munities I hold that the careful and intelligent reading of the his- 
torical lessons of the past is all important. Without that reading > 
and a constant emphasis laid upon its lessons, the nature of that 
mission and those ideas to which Lincoln and Lowell alluded can- 
not be kept fresh in mind. This institution I accordingly regard 
as the most precious of all Wisconsin's endowments of education. 
It should be the sheet-anchor by which, amid the storms and tur- 
bulence of a tempestuous future, the ship of state will be anchored 
to the firm holding-ground of tradition. It is to further this result 
that I to-day make appeal to the historian of the future. His, in 
this community, is a great and important mission ; a mission which 
he will not fulfil unless he to a large extent frees himself from the 
trammels of the past, and rises to an equality with the occasion. 
He must be a prophet and a poet, as well as an investigator and an 
annalist. He must cut loose from many of the models and most 
of the precedents of the immediate past, and the educational pre- 
cepts now so commonly in vogue. He must perplex the modern 
college professor by asserting that soundness is not always and 
of necessity dull, and that even intellectual sobriety may be carried 
to an excess. Not only is it possible for a writer to combine learn- 
ing and accuracy with vivacity, but to be read and to be popular 
should not in the eyes of the judicious be a species of stigma. 
Historical research may, on the other hand, result in a mere lumber 
of learning ; and, even in the portrayal of the sequence of events ( 
it is to a man's credit that he should strive to see things from the 
point of view of an artist, rather than, looking with the dull eye 
of a mechanic, seek to measure them with the mechanic's twelve- 
inch rule. I confess myself weary of those reactionary influences 
amid which of late we have lived. I distinctly look back with 
regret to that more spiritual and more confident time when we 
of the generation now passing from the stage drew our inspiration 
from prophets, and not from laboratories. So to-day I make bold 
to maintain that the greatest benefactor America could have — far 
more immediately influential than any possible President or senator 
or peripatetic political practitioner, as well as infinitely more so in a 
remote future — would be some historical writer, occupying perhaps 
a chair here at Madison, who would in speech and book explain 
and expound, as they could be explained and expounded, the les- 
sons of American history and the fundamental principles of Ameri- 
can historical faith. 

It was Macaulay who made his boast that, disregarding the tra- 
ditions which constituted what he contemptuously termed " the dig- 
vol. vi. — 16. 

230 C F. Adams 

nity of history," he would set forth England's story in so attractive 
a form that his volumes should displace the last novel from the work- 
table of the London society girl. And he did it. It is but the other 
day that an American naval officer suddenly appeared in the field of 
historical literature, and, by two volumes, sensibly modified the 
policy of nations. Here are precept and example. To accomplish 
similar results should, I hold, be the ambition of the American his- 
torian. Popularity he should court as a necessary means to an end ; 
and that he should attain popularity, he must study the art of pres- 
entation as much and as thoughtfully as he delves amid the original 
material of history. Becoming more of an artist, rhetorician and 
philosopher than he now is, he must be less of a pedant and color- 
less investigator. In a word, going back to Moses, Thucydides and 
Herodotus ; Tacitus, Gibbon and Voltaire ; Niebuhr, Macaulay, 
Carlyle, Buckle, Green, Mommsen and Froude, he must study their 
systems, and, avoiding the mistakes into which they fell, thought- 
fully accommodating himself to the conditions of the present, he 
must prepare to fulfil the mission before him. He will then in time 
devise what is so greatly needed for our political life, the distinctively 
American historical method of the future. Of this we have as yet 
had hardly the promise, and that only recently through the pages 
of Fiske and Mahan ; and I cannot help surmising that it is to some 
Eastern seed planted here in the freer environment of the more fruit- 
ful West that we must look for its ultimate realization. 

Charles Francis Adams. 


The full record of J. Q. Adams's utterances on this most important 
subject has never been made up. (See Works of Charles Sumner, VI. 
19-23, VII. 142.) Historically speaking, it is of exceptional signifi- 
cance : and, accordingly, for convenience of reference, a partial record 
is here presented. 

In 1836 Mr. Adams represented in Congress what was then the Mass- 
achusetts " Plymouth " district. In April of that year the issue, which, 
just twenty-five years later, was to result in overt civil war, was fast assum- 
ing shape ; for on the 21st of the month, the battle of San Jacinto was 
fought, resulting immediately in the independence of Texas, and more 
remotely in its annexation to the United States and the consequent war 
of spoliation (1846-48) with Mexico. At the same time petitions in 
great number were pouring into Congress from the Northern states ask- 
ing for the abolition of slavery, and the prohibition of the domestic 
slave-trade in the District of Columbia; the admission into the Union of 
Arkansas, with a constitution recognizing slavery, was also under considera- 
tion. In the course of a long personal letter dated April 4, 1836, written 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 231 

to the Hon. Solomon Lincoln, of Hingham, a prominent constituent 
of his, Mr. Adams made the following incidental reference to the whole 
subject, indicative of the degree to which the question of martial law as a 
possible factor in the solution of the problem then occupied his mind : 

"The new pretentions of the Slave representation in Congress, of a 
right to refuse to receive Petitions, and that Congress have no Constitu- 
tional power to abolish slavery or the slave trade in the District of Colum- 
bia forced upon me so much of the discussion as I did take upon me, but 
in which you are well aware I did not and could not speak a tenth 
part of my mind. I did not, for example, start the question whether by 
the Law of God and of Nature man can hold property, hereditary prop- 
erty in man — I did not start the question whether in the event of a 
servile insurrection and War, Congress would not have complete, unlim- 
ited control over the whole subject of slavery even to the emancipation 
of all the slaves in the State where such insurrection should break out, 
and for the suppression of which the freemen in Plymouth and Norfolk 
Counties, Massachusetts, should be called by Acts of Congress to pour 
out their treasures and to shed their blood. Had I spoken my mind on 
those two points the sturdiest of the abolitionists would have disavowed 
the sentiments of their champion." 

A little more than seven weeks after thus writing, Mr. Adams made 
the following entries in his diary : 

May 2^tli. "At the House, the motion of Robertson, to recommit 
Pinckney's slavery report, with instructions to report a resolution de- 
claring that Congress has no constitutional authority to abolish slavery 
in the District of Columbia, as an amendment to the motion for print- 
ing an extra number of the report, was first considered. Robertson fin- 
ished his speech, which was vehement. . . . 

" Immediately after the conclusion of Robertson's speech I addressed 
the Speaker, but he gave the floor to Owens, of Georgia, one of the 
signing members of the committee, who moved the previous question, 
and refused to withdraw it. It was seconded and carried, by yeas and 
nays. . . . 

" The hour of one came, and the order of the day was called — a joint 
resolution from the Senate, authorizing the President to cause rations to 
be furnished to suffering fugitives from Indian hostilities in Alabama and 
Georgia. Committee of the whole on the Union, and a debate of five 
hours, in which I made a speech of about an hour, wherein I opened the 
whole subject of the Mexican, Indian, negro, and English war." 

It was in the course of this speech that Mr. Adams first enunciated 
the principle of emancipation through martial law, exercised under the 
Constitution in time of war. He did so in the following passage : 

" Mr. Chairman, are you ready for all these wars? A Mexican war? 
A war with Great Britain if not with France? A general Indian war? 
A servile war? And, as an inevitable consequence of them all, a civil 
war? For it must ultimately terminate in a war of colors as well as of 
races. And do you imagine that, while with your eyes open you are 
wilfully kindling, and then closing your eyes and blindly rushing into 
them ; do you imagine that while in the very nature of things, your own 

2^2 C. F. Adams 

Southern and Southwestern States must be the Flanders of these compli- 
cated wars, the battlefield on which the last great battle must be fought 
between slavery and emancipation ; do you imagine that your Congress 
will have no constitutional authority to interfere with the institution of 
slavery in any way in the States of this Confederacy? Sir, they must 
and will interfere with it — perhaps to sustain it by war ; perhaps to 
abolish it by treaties of peace ; and they will not only possess the con- 
stitutional power so to interfere, but they will be bound in duty to do it 
by the express provisions of the Constitution itself. From the instant 
that your slaveholding States become the theatre of war, civil, servile or 
foreign, from that instant the war powers of Congress extend to inter- 
ference with the institution of slavery in every way in which it can be 
interfered with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, 
to the cession of the State burdened with slavery to a foreign power." 

The following references to this speech are then found in the diary : 

Afay 20fh. — " I was occupied all the leisure of the day and evening 
in writing out for publication my speech made last AVednesday in the 
House of Representatives — one of the most hazardous that I ever made, 
and the reception of which, even by the people of my own district and 
State, is altogether uncertain." 

June 2d. — " My speech oh the distribution of rations to the fugitives 
from Indian hostilities in Alabama and Georgia was published in the 
National Intelligencer of this morning, and a subscription paper was 
circulated in the House for printing it in a pamphlet, for which Gales 
told me there were twenty-five hundred copies ordered. Several members 
of the House of both parties spoke of it tome, some with strong dissent." 

June igtli. — " My speech on the rations comes back with echoes of 
thundering vituperation from the South and West, and with one universal 
shout of applause from the North and East. This is a cause upon which 
I am entering at the last stage of life, and with the certainty that I cannot 
advance in it far ; my career must close, leaving the cause at the threshold. 
To open the way for others is all that I can do. The cause is good and 

So far as the record goes, the doctrine was not again propounded by 
Mr. Adams until 1841. On the 7th of June of that year he made a speech 
in the House of Representatives in support of a motion for the repeal of the 
Twenty-first Rule of the House, commonly known as " the Atherton Gag. ' ' 
Of this speech, no report exists ; but in the course of it he again enunciated 
the martial law theory of emancipation. The, next day he was followed 
in debate by C. J. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, Chairman of the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, who took occasion to declare that what he had heard 
the day previous had made his " blood curdle with horror." 

" Mr. Adams here rose in explanation, and said he did not say that 
in the event of a servile war or insurrection of slaves, the Constitution of 
the United States would be at an end. What he did say was this, that 
in the event of a servile war or insurrection of slaves, if the people of the 
free Stales were called upon to suppress the insurrection, and to spend 
their blood and treasure in putting an end to the war — a war in which 
the distinguished Virginian, the author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, had said that ' God has no attribute in favor of the master ' — 

The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifters 233 

then he would not say that Congress might not interfere with the institu- 
tion of slavery in the States, and that, through the treaty-making power, 
universal emancipation might not be the result." 

The following year the contention was again discussed in the course 
of the memorable debate on the " Haverhill Petition." Mr. Adams was 
then bitterly assailed by Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, and Thomas F. 
Marshall, of Kentucky. Mr. Adams at the time did not reply to them 
on this head; but, on the 14th of the following April, occasion offered, 
and he then once more laid down the law on the subject, as he under- 
stood it, and as it was subsequently put in force : — 

"I would leave that institution to the exclusive consideration and 
management of the States more peculiarly interested in it, just as long 
as they can keep within their own bounds. So far I admit that Congress 
has no power to meddle with it. As long as they do not step out of 
their own bounds, and do not put the question to the people of the 
United States, whose peace, welfare, and happiness are all at stake, so 
long I will agree to leave them to themselves. But when a member from 
a free State brings forward certain resolutions, for which, instead of rea- 
soning to disprove his positions, you vote a censure upon him, and that 
without hearing, it is quite another affair. At the time this was done I 
said that, as far as I could understand the resolutions proposed by the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Giddings), there were some of them for 
which I was ready to vote, and some which I must vote against ; and I 
will now tell this House, my constituents, and the world of mankind, 
that the resolution against which I should have voted was that in which 
he declares that what are called the slave States have the exclusive right 
of consultation on the subject of slavery. For that resolution I never 
would vote, because I believe that it is not just, and does not contain 
constitutional doctrine. I believe that so long as the slave States are 
able to sustain their institutions without going abroad or calling upon 
other parts of the Union to aid them or act on the subject, so long I 
will consent never to interfere. 

" I have said this, and I repeat it ; but if they come to the free States 
and say to them you must help us to keep down our slaves, you must aid 
us in an insurrection and a civil war, then I say that with that call comes 
a full and plenary power to this House and to the Senate over the whole 
subject. It is a war power. I say it is a war power, and when your 
country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of 
insurrection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and must carry it 
on according to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war an invaded 
country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, 
and martial law takes the place of them. This power in Congress has, 
perhaps, never been called into exercise under the present Constitution 
of the United States. But when the laws of war are in force, what, I 
ask, is one of those laws ? It is this : that when a country is invaded, 
and two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both 
armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory. 
Nor is this a mere theoretic statement. The history of South America 
shows that the doctrine has been carried into practical execution within 
the last thirty years. Slavery was abolished in Colombia, first, by the 
Spanish General, Morillo, and, secondly, by the American General, Bol- 
ivar. It was abolished by virtue of a military command given at the 

234 C. F. Adams 

head of the army, and its abolition continues to be law to this day. It 
was abolished by the laws of war, and not by municipal enactments ; 
the power was exercised by military commanders under instructions, of 
course, from their respective Governments. And here I recur again to the 
example of General Jackson. What are you now about in Congress ? You 
are passing a grant to refund to General Jackson the amount of a certain 
fine imposed upon him by a Judge under the laws of the State of Louisiana. 
You are going to refund him the money, with interest ; and this you are 
going to do because the imposition of the fine was unjust. And why was 
it unjust ? Because General Jackson was acting under the laws of war, and 
because the moment you place a military commander in a district which 
is the theatre of war, the laws of war apply to that district. . . . 

"I might furnish a thousand proofs to show that the pretensions of 
gentlemen to the sanctity of their municipal institutions under a state of 
actual invasion and of actual war, whether servile, civil, or foreign, is 
wholly unfounded, and that the laws of war do, in all such cases, take 
the precedence. I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that the 
military authority takes for the time the place of all municipal institu- 
tions, and slavery among the rest ; and that, under that state of things, 
so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists t have the 
exclusive management of the subject, not only the President of the 
United States but the commander of the army has power to order the 
universal emancipation of the slaves. I have given here more in detail 
a principle which I have asserted on this floor before now, and of which 
I have no more doubt, than that you, Sir, occupy that Chair. I give it 
in its development, in order that any gentleman from any part of the 
Union may, if he thinks proper, deny the truth of the position, and may 
maintain his denial ; not by indignation, not by passion and fury, but 
by sound and sober reasoning from the laws of nations and the laws of 
war. And if my position can be answered and refuted, I shall receive 
the refutation with pleasure ; I shall be glad to listen to reason, aside, as 
I say, from indignation and passion. And if by the force of reasoning 
my understanding can be convinced, I here pledge myself to recant what 
I have asserted. 

" Let my position be answered ; let. me be told, let my constituents 
be told, the people of my State be told, — a State whose soil tolerates not 
the foot of a slave, — that they are bound by the Constitution to a long 
and toilsome march under burning summer suns and a deadly Southern 
clime for the suppression of a servile war ; that they are bound to leave 
their bodies to rot upon the sands of Carolina, to leave their wives and 
their children orphans ; that those who cannot march are bound to pour 
out their treasures while their sons or brothers are pouring out their 
blood to suppress a servile, combined with a civil or a foreign war, and 
yet there exists no power beyond the limits of the slave State where such 
war is raging to emancipate the slaves. I say, let this be proved — I am 
open to conviction ; but until that conviction comes I put it forth not as 
a dictate of feeling, but as a settled maxim of the laws of nations, that in 
such a case the military supersedes the civil power." 

The only comment on this utterance made by Mr. Adams in his 
diary was the following: — "My speech on this day stung the slave- 
ocracy to madness." 

Here the proposition rested until 1861, when the course of events 
brought into forcible application the principles abstractly enunciated 
twenty years before by Mr. Adams. 


One of the most sensational and damaging books ever pub- 
lished for the sins of a feeble and foolish government and the delec- 
tation of a scandal-loving public was Mirabeau's Secret History of 
the Court of Berlin. The unanimous outcry that greeted its appear- 
ance is not difficult to understand. Prince Henry of Prussia, brother 
of the illustrious Frederick, was at the time the guest of the French 
court, and here was a semi-official agent of that court informing the 
world that the Prince was narrow, vain, incapable and ridiculous ; 
the peril of a war with the most military power of Europe had but 
recently been avoided, and here were thrown to the public quasi-diplo- 
matic reports to the French government showing up the ruler of the 
Prussian monarchy as a "king of weaklings," as a feeble-minded, 
self-opinionated, boorish monarch, whom profligacy and conceit 
alone swayed. In these able, trenchant and witty pages, the sur- 
roundings of the Prussian court were unmercifully painted in lurid 
and scandalous colors, as they had originally been depicted in the 
dispatches sent from Berlin by Mirabeau for the information and 
amusement of the advisers of Louis XVI., perhaps for that of the 
King himself. The fate of the book was clearly written and easy to 
forecast. Versailles made hurried apologies to Potsdam, the author 
bowed before the storm and brazenly denied all paternity, and the 
hangman, on an order of the Parliament of Paris, consigned it in due 
form to the flames ; all of which matters in no way prevented the 
reading of the book by all who could procure a copy. 

Between the publication of the original edition by Malassis at 
Alengon in 1789 and of the latest one, now under review, various 
reprints have appeared, of which Mr. Welschinger, the present 
editor, purports to give a complete list ; his attention may be directed 
to at least two which he has failed to notice : one by Blasdon (Pater- 
noster Row, 1789), the other by P. Byrne (Dublin), of the same 

The present edition does great credit to the indefatigable French 
historian, and it must be said at the earliest possible moment that 
Mr. Welschinger appears at his best when treating a subject that 

1 La Mission Secrtte de Mirabeau a. Berlin, 1786-1787 ; d'apres les documents orig- 
inaux des Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, avec introduction et notes par Henri Wel- 
schinger. Paris : Plon, Nourrit et Cie. 1900. 


236 A 5 . M. Johnston 

does not relate to the beloved Napoleon. The editing has been well 
and thoroughly done ; for the first time the names left in blank in 
all former editions have been successfully filled in, and Mr. Welsch- 
inger has added to the whole an introductory essay on Mirabeau 
that is acceptable and readable. This said, one or two criticisms 
may not be out of place. The first of these relates to the title. 
Why name the book La Mission Secrete de Mirabeau a Berlin when 
in reality it is nothing more than an amplified edition of the Histoire 
Secrete de la Cour de Berlin ? What is meant is this. Mr. Welsch- 
inger had clearly two courses before him, — either to edit Mirabeau's 
original book, in which case his title should have been the original 
title, — or to relate the history of Mirabeau's mission, giving as a part 
of that history the text of the dispatches, in which case the title he has 
chosen would have been justified. Between these two courses Mr. 
Welschinger has hesitated ; he has given us perhaps more than an 
edition, certainly less than a history. Working in the archives of 
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he has filled the blanks left in all 
former editions with the names of the people for whom they stood ; 
he has added some interesting letters from Talleyrand to Mirabeau, 
and from Esterno to Vergennes ; further, he has collated Trenck 
and annotated profusely. Had he but gone a step further and ad- 
equately dealt with two difficult and obscure matters of great inter- 
est and vital importance he might have claimed to have given us a 
full and authoritative relation of a curious and, in some ways, mys- 
terious international episode ; omitting these, as he practically does, 
he lays himself open to the criticism of incompleteness that has just 
been made. Mr. Welschinger makes no attempt to follow out either 
the financial interests that played so large a part in Mirabeau's mission 
to Berlin, or his relations with the secret societies, the Freemasons, 
the Illumines, the German Union. 

Besides, one or two criticisms of detail may be made. The dis- 
patch Number XII. that is given under date August 22, was cer- 
tainly written earlier, probably between the 10th and the 15th of 
that month. The date assigned to dispatch Number XVII. is obvi- 
ously wrong. 

Among the prominent figures of the French Revolution, that 
of Mirabeau is perhaps the most typical of that violent social 
upheaval, but beneath the rugged and hideous distortion of his large 
features was concealed immense common sense and a constructive 
genius that placed him far in front of most of his contemporaries. 
He appeared by his face, by the strange violence and passion of his 
life, by his flaming disregard for decency, for reserve, for honor, by 
the overflowing of his superabundant vital energy, to personify the 

JMirabeait 1 s Secret Mission to Berlin 237 

return to the state of nature preached in the literature of his time, — 
but to nature, not under its Watteau or Trianon aspect, not as seen 
from the banks of blue Geneva, but to ferocious, volcanic, all- 
devouring nature, — that of the Septcmbriseurs and of the Carmag- 
nole. But under all his extraordinary lack of moral restraint, 
of respect for the rights and opinions of others, under all his over- 
weening vanity and overbearing insolence and invective, Mirabeau 
was possessed of a keen, shrewd insight that showed him facts as 
they were, and not as they appeared. To this he added the rare 
power of clear and effective expression, which, when he wrote or 
spoke with sincerity, at times rose to the greatest height of forcible 
eloquence. He wrote letters (as some of these from Berlin) that 
in delicacy of wit and irony equal the most vaunted of Madame de 
Sevigne's, but that in force, in knowledge, in freedom from artifice, 
immeasurably surpass them. There was nothing mincing about 
Mirabeau. As the flow of his pen, so that of his tongue, and as 
his written words brought financial ruin and caused sovereigns to 
tremble, so those he spoke perhaps changed the face of Europe, 
might perhaps, had he lived, have saved a monarchy. 

Gabriel Honore de Riquetti, son of the Marquis de Mirabeau, 
was born in 1749. His father, known from the name of a success- 
ful pamphlet as L Ami des Hommcs, came from a family of petite 
noblesse that had for some generations been unfavorably known for 
the eccentricities of its members. The marquis duly maintained 
the traditions of his fathers, or surpassed them even ; for in vice 
and profligacy he was a source of wonder even to that remarkable 
generation. His wife was not much better than he, and the quar- 
rels and disorders of the couple were for some years the standing 
scandal of France. 

The old marquis, among his other amiable peculiarities, was a 
domestic tyrant of the worst kind, for which, as well as for the 
vicious example their parents presented, his large family had to 
pay. Daughters were made to marry or to take the veil at the 
earliest possible age, and young Mirabeau was subjected to a sys- 
tem of harsh discipline totally unsuited to his precocious, expansive 
and intelligent nature. 

The repression that had marked the period of his early educa- 
tion had not tended to improve his character. It was at length 
exchanged for the military service. Hardly had he entered on this 
career than he embarked on a series of grave disorders that resulted 
in imprisonment. After his release he served in an expedition to 
Corsica, and there, apparently, revealed military talents of a high 
order. Although only eighteen he was already beginning to im- 

2 » 8 R- M.Jo /ins ton 

press those with whom lie came into contact with a sense of his 
extraordinary powers. His uncle, who had no great love for him, 
says: "Unless the cleverest impostor in the world, he is of the 
finest stuff for the making of a pope, a captain by sea or land, a 
chancellor, or even an agriculturist." 

Shortly after his return from Corsica, young Mirabeau married a 
wealthy parti, and settled down to a provincial life. But his idea of 
a quiet country life was all his own, he was soon in debt, and in- 
dulged himself in a violence of conduct, a viciousness of living and 
an overbearingncss of manner that surpassed the worst eccentric- 
ities of his forefathers. His wife was not much better, and was un- 
faithful ; finally a disgraceful and famous fracas, in which Madame de 
Cabris and Monsieur de Mouan were concerned, resulted in the in- 
tervention of the Marquis de Mirabeau, who obtained a lettrc de 
cachet in virtue of which his unruly son was relegated to a royal 
prison. The restraint he was placed under appears to have been 
light ; it allowed him sufficient liberty to make the acquaintance of 
the very commonplace Sophie, Marquise de Monnier ; this lady, 
whose husband was too old to attract her, fell in love with the hide- 
ously ugly, but magnetically attractive prisoner. In the end she 
eloped with him, the guilty pair escaping to Holland with what of 
the husband's money the fair one had been able to purloin. It was 
during this first sojourn abroad that Mirabeau developed the power, 
which he had not long since discovered, of writing for the press. 
Pamphlets and reviews of books of a democratic character soon 
made him a name as an eloquent and dangerous pamphleteer. He 
might have resided in peace in Holland, but with characteristic 
violence in one of his productions he indulged himself in the luxury 
of a virulent attack on his father and friends ; this resulted in his 
prompt arrest through the action of the French embassy at the 
Hague. In his absence from France he had been condemned to 
decapitation, but his fate was imprisonment at Vincennes, where he 
was destined to pass the next four years of his life. 

It was while thus imprisoned, that Mirabeau composed his cor- 
respondence with Sophie, long considered his best work, the most 
effective passages of which should be read with a considerable grain 
of rhetorical salt. But this is not the place in which to dwell on this 
famous literary incident. The termination of his seclusion came as 
the result of the intercession of his father and of his wife, which he 
did not hesitate to abjectly entreat. 

Then followed stormy times. The old marquis, the young count, 
and their wives, plunged into the vortex of conjugal and family dis- 
putes. Twisting and turning, lying and quibbling, they amazed the 

Mirabeau s Secret Mission to Berlin 239 

public and even the lawyers with their venom, violence and turpi- 
tude ; but furthest of all carried the Titan voice of young Mirabeau, 
and the loud and brazen speechifying that made of him, with his 
family, the public nuisance of France, revealed him to the world as 
her most splendid and masterful orator. 

It was then, while he stood at the bar of astonished and scandal- 
ized public opinion, the most notorious character of France, his 
vices written large on his distorted, bloated, pock-marked face, that 
Henriette van Haren, better known as Madame de Nehra, met him. 
She was only nineteen and knew little of the world. With all the 
spontaneous courage of her age, and after conquering the first 
natural movement of repulsion, she fell under the irresistible spell of 
the monster and determined to throw in her lot with his. It was 
with this young girl, of whom her contemporaries never spoke but 
with respect and regard, that Mirabeau spent the next few years of 
his tempestuous life, — they were to be those in which his excesses 
were least conspicuous, and his manners and thought least extrava- 

From the uproar and resentments he had aroused in his native 
land, the unrestrainable pamphleteer sought a refuge in England ; 
there he met many prominent men, assisted at sittings of the House 
of Commons, continued to publish, and voraciously to read what- 
ever came to hand, especially the works of the economists. From 
what Mirabeau saw, heard, and read on this visit, may be traced 
many of the political, financial and administrative ideas that] he 
turned to such good use afterwards as a member of the Assemblee 
Nationale. Expatriation, however, soon proved irksome ; Madame 
de Nehra crossed the channel and succeeded in obtaining an assur- 
ance from Breteuil that Mirabeau would be unmolested if he 
went back to Paris. He accordingly returned and became engaged 
in a new series of events that were to culminate in the mission to 

Among the pamphlets published by Mirabeau during his stay 
in England was one dealing with the stock-jobbing that was a 
prevalent mania of his time. Having returned to Paris, he con- 
tinued to devote much of his attention to things financial, and in 
1785 brought out La Liberie de V ' Escompte (" on the non-restraint of 
discount"). This attracted the attention of the well-known Swiss 
bankers, Panchaud and Claviere ; they soon made the acquaintance 
of the pamphleteer. Panchaud was the biggest operator in stocks of 
Paris, and, like his successors of the present day, placed much re- 
liance on secret and exclusive information and on the influencing of 
public opinion through the press ; he was surrounded by a large 

240 A'. M.Johnston 

circle of aristocratic hangers-on. Panchaud was also a freemason, 
and finance, free-masonry, and the opposition aristocracy all jostled 
very closely in his salons. It was there that Mirabeau met the 
Due cle Chartres, the most important personage in the masonic 
world, soon to be known as Philippe Egalite, Due d' Orleans, his 
boon companion, the Due de Lauzun, and, among others, the Abbe 
de Perigord, who achieved renown later as the Prince de Talleyrand. 
Here then was the greatest practical intellect of the day, a man with 
no other principle than that of his own advancement, placed at the 
centre of all financial and secret intrigue, in the midst of the 
shrewdest bankers, the most scheming adventurers and the most 
unprejudiced and ambitious politicians of France. What Mr. 
Welschinger has failed to bring out is that in this group was con- 
centrated a power of money, of intellect and of secret intrigue, that 
made of it one of the principal forces of France. 

The bankers' ring having secured this new and invaluable ally 
were not long in putting his powers to the test. It so happened that 
Calonne, controller of the King's finances, who since he had suc- 
ceeded Necker two years before, had been engaged in a perpetual 
struggle to stave off bankruptcy, had arrived at the opinion that the 
secret of the low quotations of the state securities was the inflated price 
to which speculation had sent the shares of certain public companies. 
From this opinion, the controller drew a sage conclusion : if the 
quotations of the great speculative securities could be brought down 
to something like a representative price, the state securities would 
then attract more attention and rise in value. Starting from a totally 
different point of view, the bankers' ring were also anxious to de- 
preciate the prices of certain gambling stocks, though it may be sur- 
mised that it was not in the expectation of seeing the state securi- 
ties benefit from a big fall of prices. Be that as it may, Calonne 
and the ring, working together, intrusted their work to Mirabeau, 
and wonderfully well did he perform it. Claviere crammed him with 
the facts, and he put them into brilliant and masterly prose ; with 
so much expedition did he labor, it is said, that one production of 
three hundred pages only occupied him eight days. Before the 
avalanche of abuse, ridicule and invective thus showered forth, the 
shares of the Bank of St. Charles fell from 800 to 320, the Paris 
Water-Works fell 44/0, the Caisse d'Escompte dropped in sympa- 
thy, despite the efforts of Beaumarchais and his friends, and a finan- 
cial panic ensued in which every quoted security, including of course 
those of the state, fell heavily . Panchaud, Claviere and their 
friends netted large profits over the operation, but as to poor M. de 
Calonne, he gained nothing but a somewhat expensive lesson in 

Mirabeau s Secret Mission to Berlin 241 

finance at heavy cost to his pocket and to that of the King. Angered 
at the unexpected and fatal result of the pamphleteer's eloquence, 
Calonne turned furiously against Mirabeau, and the latter, for his 
own protection, prepared a violent pamphlet against the minister, 
showing the latter's financial iniquities in the most merciless light. 
Armed with this unpublished tirade, as with a loaded pistol held at 
the controller's head, Mirabeau, with his powerful backing, was in 
a position to make terms. It was decided that he should leave 
Paris ; his services being no longer urgently required, it was as well 
to utilize his talents in some new direction. This was what the 
bankers' group, or let us say Panchaud, Claviere, Talleyrand, Lauzun, 
arranged, with the consent of the pamphleteer. He was to go to 
Berlin where, through the relations of the Amis Reunis, a sect of 
Freemasons concerning which something more will appear presently, 
they had a secret means of acting. Mirabeau was to spy out the 
land, — politically, for the benefit of Calonne and the government, — 
financially, for that of his friends who had their eyes fixed on Fred- 
erick the Great's hoarded millions, and vaguely contemplated the 
establishment of a bank at Berlin. In addition to these objects, in 
which others were interested, Mirabeau may be conjectured to have 
had in mind that he might find, to his own profit, some opening 
suitable to his talents in the Prussian administration, that he might 
reveal himself in so brilliant a light as to force his way into the 
French diplomatic service, or that he might, at the worst, find new 
material on which to found a new series of his ever flowing publi- 

Mirabeau left France on his German adventure at the end of the 
year 1785. Mr. Welschinger states that his only letter of recom- 
mendation was one from Vergennes, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Esterno, French ambassador at Berlin. This statement must be 
taken for what it is worth, and cannot be accepted as correct from 
the narrow standpoint of strict proof. It is more than probable that 
Mirabeau was furnished with at least equally important recommenda- 
tions from the French bankers to their German correspondents and 
from the Amis Reunis to the highest masonic and other secret 
circles at Berlin. Besides this, he was already in close relations 
with Major Mauvillon, with whom he was collaborating a history of 
Frederick the Great ; this officer was a prominent " Illumine," and it 
is noticeable that among others of the Frenchman's earliest acquaint- 
ances in Germany may be noted the names of such well-known 
" Illumines " as Charles von Struensee, Nicolai, Luchet, and others ; 
it was the latter who wrote the Essai sur les Illumines that has been 
wrongly ascribed to Mirabeau. In addition to these already suffi- 

2^2 R< M. Johnston 

cient openings, the French pamphleteer may be guessed to have 
had easy access to the circle in which Barth, Nicolai and Walther 
were conspicuous, or in other words, to the " German Union." 
Mr. Welschinger's hesitation at entering this very obscure field 
of history may be easily understood, for the authorities are contra- 
dictory, uncertain and misleading, but however difficult and un- 
satisfactory the task, it may be better to attempt to give some 
sort of indication of what must ever remain a very obscure chapter 
of history, than to take the course Mr. Welschinger does of ignor- 
ing what is incapable of strict proof. Unless some general view of 
the operations of the secret societies of France and Germany be 
obtained, no correct survey of the basis of Mirabeau's mission to 
Berlin can be had. 

France and Germany, not to mention other parts of Europe, 
were at that time sown with masonic lodges, but the practice of the 
Masons of the two countries differed widely, as did that of the indi- 
vidual lodges. In France, new sects arose, and rites of all sorts, 
some of them wildly extravagant. Still, as a whole, the lodges 
remained essentially masonic in character. Without giving an 
extended account of the sects, and of the peculiarities of such lodges 
as those of the " Chevaliers Bienfaisants " of Lyons, or of the 
" Contrat Social " at Paris, without dwelling on the Martinistes, the 
Amis Reunis and the Philalethes, or on such excesses as were com- 
mitted, for instance, at Ermenonville under the guidance of the quack 
St. Germain, the only fact that need be insisted on is that a great 
body of French Masons were grouped as Philalethes, or Amis Reu- 
nis, into the " Grand Orient " of France under the Mastership of the 
Due de Chartres, afterwards Due d'Orleans, and that the Panchaud- 
Talleyrand group were within the innermost circle. Among the for- 
eign correspondents of this group, it is as nearly certain as possible 
that Ferdinand of Brunswick, Mauvillon andd'Alberg can be placed, 
the latter then, as in later days, a far more important personage than 
he appeared to the public. Leaving the Amis Reunis for the present, 
let us cross the frontier. 

In Germany, the Masons had not gone so far in variation and 
complexity of ritual as in France, though the "strict observance," 
in which the Duke of Brunswick took a prominent part, deserves 
mention ; on the other hand, several secret societies arose from 
among the masonic lodges, with well defined and advanced pro- 
grammes. Leaving on one side the Rosicrucians, who need not 
enter into the subject and who may be dismissed as an offshoot of 
masonry, the most famous of these were the Illuminati or Illumines, 
as they shall be called here. The founder of this society was a 

Mirabeaii's Secret Mission to Berlin 243 

professor of the University of Ingolstadt, Weisshaupt by name. 
The principal object of the association was, if the truth be told, to 
concentrate as much power as possible in the hands of its founder. 
But to those initiated into its highest grades and most solemn mys- 
teries, the doctrines of the equality of men, of the falsity of religion, 
and of the foundation of the universal republic were gradually un- 
folded. Illuminism spread with tremendous rapidity, chiefly in 
masonic circles, and received accessions from even the highest 
ranks ; for some years it flourished unsuspected. Finally the Elec- 
tor of Bavaria first suspected, then discovered it, and it was osten- 
sibly suppressed in 1783. But the only result of the steps taken 
by the Elector was to break up the centre of the society, to put an 
end to the leadership of Weisshaupt ; the Illumines continued to 
flourish in various parts of Germany under a variety of forms for 
some years, and included among their members representatives of 
all classes, even of royalty, though the latter, it may be guessed, 
never reached the highest grades. From among the Illumines arose 
the less important but very curious " German Union." The pro- 
gramme and the doctrines of the latter resembled closely those of 
the former, but it had a business side. It included all the principal 
publishers of Germany, and their aim was to convert it into a secret 
trade-guild giving them a monopoly of public opinion and of pub- 
lishing profits. It was to be a secret continuation under a some- 
what more convenient style of the ancient Gelelirtcnbucliliandlung. 
Under cover of the reading-rooms and literary clubs which the Ger- 
man Union instituted, it was sought to control the thinking public 
by decrees issued from Leipzig. The Allgemeine Dcntsclie Biblio- 
tliek and the Berlinische Monatschrift were the organs of the German 
Union ; Mirabeau assiduously studied both these publications. The 
importance of this curious society was short-lived and never very 
great ; the scandal of Dr. Barth finished it. 

Among the Masons and their offshoots on both sides of the 
frontier, Mesmer, Cagliostro, Lavater, St. Germain and all the 
quacks and spiritualists prospered. But it is a mistake to identify 
any of these men, or the movements they exploited, with any or all 
of the societies named. Some lodges and many Masons, Illumines 
and others, doubtless fell under their influence, while they were 
always ready to enroll and proclaim themselves members of these 
societies. But other lodges, other Masons and Illumines despised 
and ridiculed them. Men with hard heads like Mirabeau, Weiss- 
haupt, Talleyrand and Nicolai, were not to be taken in by jugglery 
and charlatanism, even if King Frederick William and Fraulein von 
Voss were. 

2A4 R' M.Johnston 

Having thus briefly called attention to a state of affairs that 
placed Mirabeau in a position in many ways advantageous and ex- 
ceptional, we must return to an account of his journey. 

Immediately on his arrival at Berlin, he characteristically wrote 
to the old King asking for an audience. Frederick, with his usual 
expedition, immediately answered the French traveller, granting his 
request. A first interview Avas followed by several others, and es- 
tablished Mirabeau as a person of importance at Berlin. In the 
meanwhile he saw much of Mauvillon and moved in literary and 
diplomatic circles. He appears to have particularly cultivated the 
acquaintance of Von Dohm of the Prussian Foreign Ministry, of 
Prince Henry, the King's brother, and of Ewart, the very clever 
first secretary of the British legation, who was to prove in the near 
future at least as clever a diplomat as Mirabeau himself. Esterno, 
the French ambassador, a man of little judgment and no weight, 
was evidently not delighted at the appearance of this irregular rep- 
resentative of the French ministry, and in his dispatches to Ver- 
gennes showed considerable animus against the new-comer. 

As usual, the indefatigable French pamphleteer was not long idle ; 
absorbing the new facts about him with the utmost facility, he gave 
them out again adorned with the brilliancy of form which he knew 
how to impart. At this period he came within the influence of the 
great German publisher Nicolai, a prominent Illumine and mem- 
ber of the German Union, and did much literary work for him, in- 
cluding, it is probable, the writing of some violent attacks on the 
Prussian political system and administration. His principal ac- 
knowledged production was a defence of the famous Jewish philos- 
opher, Moses Mendelssohn, a friend of Nicolai's. 

But political affairs were the ostensible object of Mirabeau's jour- 
ney, and he accordingly prepared tor M. de Calonne a Memorandum on 
the European situation. The statements contained in this document 
we need not follow, but, to place the reader at the right point of view 
for judging of what is to ensue, the position of affairs in Europe, 
as they might appear in Berlin, must now be briefly summed up. 

By far the most important and interesting figure on the stage of 
politics was that of the aged King of Prussia. The terrible Seven 
Years' War had left the great Frederick in possession of desolated 
Silesia, and had established his reputation as the greatest general since 
Julius Caesar. The period of war over, he had ruled his subjects 
stringently, but with economy, had drilled his splendid army to his 
heart's content, and had cultivated the arts of peace. The greatest 
personal prestige in Europe was his, the most perfectly organized 
army and the largest reserve of gold. As against this, Prussia was 

Mirabeau 's Secret Mission to Berlin 245 

actuated by no very well-defined aggressive ambition"; the one point 
on which her foreign policy was likely to lead her into difficulties 
shall be indicated presently. 

Russia, under Catherine II., was principally occupied in repres- 
sing Poland and extending her borders at the expense of Turkey. 
The affairs of Sweden and Courland need not be noticed here. 

Austria, under Joseph II., was on amicable terms"with Russia, 
and also with France, through the Emperor's sister, Marie An- 
toinette. Up to the year 1786, his chief preoccupation had been 
internal reforms of a liberal character ; from that date, his policy be- 
came one of expansion towards the south. Yet Prussia viewed with 
suspicion the son of Maria Theresa, and could never feel entirely 
certain that the conquest of Silesia was forgotten and that the Em- 
peror would not some day attempt its recovery or perhaps seek 
compensation in some other direction. 

England was fast recovering from the effects of the disastrous 
war which, arising out of the foolish policy pursued towards her 
American colonies, had resulted in the humiliating treaty of Paris. 
Wiser counsels were now in the ascendant, the younger Pitt had com- 
menced his administration of affairs, and the public funds were rising 
by leaps and bounds. Commerce and finance now engrossed the 
attention of England's statesmen, while on the Continent such 
shrewd men as Harris, Dalrymple and Ewart were rapidly increas- 
ing her lately impaired influence. 

France was on the verge of a great revolution ; for a century 
past her monarchs and ministers had, with but rare exceptions, been 
distinguished for nothing but profligacy, dishonesty and incompe- 
tence. Yet the wealth of the country had increased, principally 
through the exertions of the middle class, professional and mercan- 
tile, that had vastly increased in numbers and importance. Finance 
and speculation had been introduced, and notwithstanding one or 
two panics, the extent of the banking and company operations testi- 
fied, not only to the wealth, but to the enterprise of the country. 
Alongside of this class, in which intelligence, whether honest or 
otherwise, was the one means of success, arose a school of writers of 
whom Diderot, Voltaire and Rousseau may be recalled ; these lit- 
erary giants and their followers, together with the French travellers 
and soldiers who had visited America at the time of the War of Inde- 
pendence, had set the fashion of thinking towards the natural rights 
of man, and against maladministration and despotism. Last of all, 
the condition of the masses was deplorable, and worse, in that it was 
largely remediable. The farming of the revenue, the restrictions on 
inland circulation, the improvidence, incapacity and dishonesty of 

vol. vi. — 17. 

246 R- M.Johnston 

those in high places were plagues that occasionally brought terrible 
results. While in one part of France a surplus of wheat brought its 
owners no return, in a neighboring province the people would be 
eating grass, and dying of starvation. The finances of a country, 
that a very few years of good administration should have made 
wealthy, had been reduced by the long infliction of divine right, 
incapacity, and aristocratic robbery, to a state of chaos and bank- 
ruptcy ; under an unintelligent and obstinate king and senseless and 
venal ministers, France was fast sinking into the gulf of revolution. 

The chief preoccupation of the western powers was the ques- 
tion of Holland. The curious constitution of that country, an 
incompatible mixture of monarchism and republicanism, was always 
giving rise to trouble between stadholders of the House of Orange 
and the democratic party. One of these periodical difficulties was 
now engrossing the attention of European diplomacy. Wilhelmina, 
niece of Frederick, sister of the Prince of Prussia, afterwards Fred- 
erick William II., was the wife of the stadholder, so that the House 
of Orange had a family claim to the support of the royal house of 
Prussia as well as to that of Great Britain. The English diploma- 
tists were striving hard to effect a rapprochement between the two 
powers on this question, thereby hoping to strengthen their country's 
European position by bringing her into line once more with the 
great military power of Frederick. France, in a spirit of half- 
hearted opposition to England, had been supporting the democratic 
party in Holland ; the questions a French statesman might well ask 
himself were these : How would the probably early death of Fred- 
erick affect the situation ? Would Austria be persuaded to bring 
pressure to bear on Prussia, either in the direction of Silesia, or by 
attempting the succession of the childless Elector of Bavaria ? 
Could an understanding on the question of Holland be effected ? 
How could a rapprochement or alliance between England and 
Prussia be prevented ? In his memorial to Calonne, which is dated 
June 2, 1786, Mirabeau predicts the death of Frederick within two 
months (a very shrewd guess as will be seen). After brilliantly 
summing up the international position, not without a passing stab at 
Esterno, he concludes that the best line of policy for France is to 
come to terms with Prussia and England on the basis of a reciprocal 
guarantee of actual possessions. For bait to England, he places 
foremost a commercial treaty which he well knew would coincide 
with the views of Pitt, of his friends in Paris, and of the French 

France had one or two good cards' to play and the diplomatic 
volte-face recommended by Mirabeau was not only feasible, but 

Mirabcau 's Secret Mission to Berlin 247 

offered many advantages. The anxiety of the English diploma- 
tists at that time may well be exemplified by a quotation from a dis- 
patch from Sir Jarres Harris, then minister at the Hague and after- 
wards better known as Lord Malmesbury, to Lord Carmarthen ; it 
is dated February 26, 1786. Alluding to Mirabeau, he writes: 
"... I must needs confess . . . that I strongly admit in my own 
mind the belief of a secret understanding and fellow feeling between 
Prussia and France, and that they say to each other, as Moliere's 
doctors, — Passes moi la rhubarbe, et je vons passerai le sine. — Let 
me alone in Holland, says France, and you, Prussia, shall have 
nothing to fear in Bavaria." 

For a few days of June Mirabeau returned to Paris. The views 
he had so ably presented had been heartily indorsed by the clique ; 
Calonne, easily influenced, and still dreading the terrible unpublished 
pamphlet that was to expose his financial iniquities to the public, 
was persuaded to agree to Mirabeau's return to Berlin as secret 
agent of the government. It was arranged that his dispatches 
should be sent through the intermediary of Talleyrand, whose task 
it would be to decipher them and to present them to the minister ; 
it was also further arranged that Calonne should supply the neces- 
sary funds. 

It was while on this brief visit to Paris that Mirabeau is asserted 
(by Barruel, Robison and other authorities of the same class) to 
have introduced the secret organization and doctrines of the Illumines 
into France. It is said that he had been initiated by Mauvillon and 
that his journey to Paris had for its principal object the initiation of 
Talleyrand, Orleans, Lauzun, and other prominent members of the 
Grand Orient. Such a statement, derived by Barruel from an un- 
known source, is not made to command confidence, at the same time 
it would be a mistake to reject a statement, otherwise probable, merely 
because it owes its origin to that not veiy scientific historian. 
Whether Mirabeau was an Illumine or not can probably never be 
proved now, but that he was is at least highly probable (notwith- 
standing his own disclaimers) ; that he initiated his friends on the 
occasion of his visit to Paris in June, 1786, is just as incapable of 
proof, but there is nothing inherently improbable about it, though it 
it is quite certain that such an occurrence cannot be assigned to 
September, 1786, as has been done by some writers, for Mirabeau 
spent most of that month in Dresden. 

The sixty-six dispatches sent to Talleyrand from Berlin are full 
of interest from the first line to the last ; at times they rise to the 
highest pitch of literary merit ; they are never dull. Mirabeau sur- 
veys everything that the court of Prussia can show with the keen 

248 R- AT. Johnston 

and cynical eye of a philosopher and political free-lance. His ob- 
servations on matters commercial, financial, political and social, are 
vivid and full of food for reflection, but he does not hesitate to vent 
his spite, when the occasion serves, and to relate scandalous stories 
about the highest personages, calculated to tickle the highly sea- 
soned palates of Talleyrand and his other good friends, and, when 
he believes that by so doing he can further his own interests, to 
boldly invent facts. It is not possible within the space of this arti- 
cle to go through these dispatches at length ; only a few points of 
interest will be touched on, and the reader who would have the 
whole of the chronique scandaleuse of Berlin, the story of Fraulein 
von Voss and all the rest, must be referred to Mr. Welschinger's 

When Mirabeau reached Berlin in July, the public attention was 
centred on the last hours of the fast-failing Frederick. Copious 
details of the state of the King were sent off to Talleyrand by every 
courier ; on August 2 it is related that : " Frese (the King's doc- 
tor at Potsdam) is still very much in disgrace for having dared utter 
the word, — dropsy, — in answer to a summons to state, as a man of 
honor, the name and character of the disease. The King suffers 
from fits of shivering and is constantly wrapped in rugs and covered 
with quilts. He has not been to bed for six weeks. . . . What 
seems certain is that ' we ' do not wish to die. ... at all events the 
mind is not affected, and 'we' are even working particularly hard.' 

How Mirabeau heard of the death of the King, is related in the 
following lively manner, under date August 17 : 

" The event is accomplished, Frederick William reigns, and one of 
the grandest characters ever formed by nature is dissolved. My firm re- 
solve of friendly duty was that you should have the earliest news of this 
event, and my measures had been taken with the greatest care. At eight 
on the morning of Wednesday, I already knew that ' we ' were at the 
last extremity ; that the day before ' we ' had only given the pass-word 
at twelve instead of at eleven as usual ; that it was noon before ' we ' had 
spoken to the secretaries who had been in attendance since five ; that 
notwithstanding this, the dispatches had been clear and precise ; that 
' we ' had again eaten immoderately, notably a lobster. Besides all this, 
I was aware that the lack of cleanliness prevailing about the patient's 
room and about him . . . had set up a sort of putrid fever ; that 
the somnolence of that day, Wednesday, was nearly lethargic ; that 
everything announced a hydropic apoplexy, a dissolution of the brain, 
and, in fine, that a few hours must in all probability witness the closing 
scene. At one o'clock I was on horseback on the road to Potsdam, 
drawn by some vague presentiment, when a groom came galloping by for 
Doctor Zelle, who was ordered not to lose a minute and who started at 
once. I soon learnt that the groom had killed his horse. ... I 
hastened to the French minister's ; he was out ; he was dining at Char- 
lottcnburg, no means of meeting him at Berlin. I got myself dressed ; I 

Mirabeaii's Secret Mission to Berlin 249 

start for Schoenhausen and arrive at the Queen's at the same time as our 
representative ; he had no details and had no idea the King was in so 
serious a condition ; not one of the ministers would believe it. Lord 
Dalrymple, with whom I am on too good terms to dissemble, assured me 
I was mistaken. I answered, ' Possibly ; ' but I whispered to our min- 
ister that my news was from the bedside, and that he would be well 
advised to believe that a speculator might possibly be as well informed 
as a diplomat. "... 

Mirabeau then goes on to describe the steps he took for insuring 
the safe dispatch of the great news to France ; special couriers out- 
side the walls, pigeons, and so forth ; his precautions were infinite, 
for it was certain that the Prussian government would, at the first 
moment, put an embargo on all news. 

" M. de Nolde was just leaving at half-past six in the morning, when 
General Goertz, aide-de-camp to the late King, came up at a tearing gal- 
lop, shouting: — By order of the King, close the gates, and so M. de 
Nolde had to turn back. Within five minutes I was mounted, (my 
horses had remained saddled all night), and, to accomplish my fullest 
duty, galloped off to the French m nister's ; he was asleep ; I at once 
wrote that I had safe means of communication in case he had any occa- 
sion for such a convenience ; he answered, (and 1 have kept his note as 
a curious memento in case, though I can hardly believe it, M. de Vergen- 
nes should receive no dispatch) ; — -' Le Comte d'Esterno has the honor 
of thanking Monsieur le Comte de Mirabeau ; he will not avail himself 
of his obliging offer. ' ' ' 

The accession of the Prince of Prussia to the throne left vacant 
by the death of his illustrious uncle gave rise to all the ambitions 
and uncertainties usual in such cases. A man of Mirabeau's tem- 
perament was not likely to be the last to bring himself to the 
notice of a new monarch from whom anything might be expected, 
he therefore composed a memorial, afterwards published under the 
title of Lettre remise a Frederic Guillaiime II, which Mr. Welsch- 
inger would have been well advised had he added to his appendix. 

Frederick William was an unknown quantity ; he was thought 
to be adverse to the routine of business and known to be addicted 
to pleasure. Would the new duties of his elevated station effect a 
change in him ? Prussia stood in need of reform ; Frederick had 
been economical and had accumulated a large reserve of gold, but 
his financial system had none the less been badly organized and 
disorderly ; it required radical alterations. Would the new king 
undertake them ? Could he be persuaded to intrust them to a 
really capable financier ? Would he be willing to earn an income 
by investing the gold of his predecessors in some remunerative 
manner to be indicated by such skilled financiers as Panchaud, 
Struensee, Mirabeau ? 

250 &• M. Johnston 

Frederick William might have done worse, as the sequel proved, 
than take the French adventurer as his financial adviser, and this 
was doubtless the opinion of Mirabeau himself. His letter to 
Frederick William is a high pitched but fine piece of rhetorical flat- 
tery and advice ; it merits perusal as it is most characteristic of the 
writer. There is some internal evidence that tends to show that 
this letter was addressed by one Illumine to another. 

In the early days of the new reign it was expected that great 
authority would be exercised by Prince Henry, brother of the late 
kino- but Frederick William soon showed that, even if he was not 
disposed to do the hard work of his station, he had no intention of 
sharing any of its authority. Neither with the King, nor with Prince 
Henry, to both of whom he made all possible advances, did Mira- 
beau succeed in improving his position ; he was too French and too 
heroic a remedy for the ills of Prussia. 

Before the coolness of the King, and because of his equivocal 
unofficial position, Mirabeau soon found himself at a standstill ; a 
fortnight after the accession he writes : 

"It is becoming very difficult to observe the King. He is intro- 
ducing the strictest ceremonial of German etiquette. It is said that he 
will not receive foreigners, at all events for a while. I shall of course be 
informed of what is going on by the spying of valets, courtiers and secre- 
taries, and also by the intemperate outbursts of Prince Henry ; but there 
are only two ways of really exercising influence here, that is in giving, 
or rather in suggesting, ideas to the master or to his ministers. To the 
master ? How can I, as we do not meet ? To the ministers ? It is 
neither easy nor proper for me to broach business with them since I am 
not accredited, and those discussions that do arise by chance are short, 
vague, and interrupted. If my services are considered useful, I should 
be sent where I can be accredited," otherwise I shall cost more here than 
I am worth." 

The question of Holland, that was eventually to lead to Prus- 
sian intervention, was fast coming to a head. Ewart, a very young 
diplomat, whose early death closed an interesting and promising 
career, was temporarily in charge of the British embassy at Berlin, 
and was successfully negotiating an understanding with the Prus- 
sian ministers. Mirabeau, with no official position, unsupported and 
unheeded by the ministers at Versailles, could do little to place 
France in a better position, and was condemned to look on while 
the friendship of England and Prussia became every day closer. If 
powerless and playing a losing game, he at all events kept his wits 
about him. The representative of England was beginning to assume 
a high tone about the rights of the Stadholder of Holland : " Yes- 
terday, Mr. Ewart," writes Mirabeau, " secretary of the English 
legation, in the presence of fifteen people, M. de Hertzberg backing 

Mirabeau' s Secret Mission to Berlin 251 

him up the while by word and by gesture, addressed these very 
words to me, — The Stadholder is constitutionally the executive 
power of Holland, or, to put it more clearly, his position in Holland 
is precisely similar to that of the King in England. I answered 
with frigid irony, — Let us therefore hope the Hollanders will not 
cut his head off. The laugh was not with Mr. Ewart ! " 

To conclude with the affairs of Holland, it may be noted that 
not the least interesting of Mirabeau's dispatches from Berlin are 
those that refer to the efforts made by him to recover the ground 
lost by French diplomacy in this business. His arguments are 
plausible and show a fine grasp of political principles, but they leave 
an overwhelming impression of the falsity of the writer. It must be 
pronounced more than probable that both in the case of the negotia- 
tions with the Duke of Brunswick and with Baron de Reede, Mira- 
beau was actively engaged inventing diplomatic positions with the 
sole object of thereby securing his employment in the French dip- 
lomatic service. 

On a small point of etiquette, a stupid slight had been pu ont 
the French ambassador ; Mirabeau relates, in a pungent letter, how 
Frederick William tried to efface the bad impression that had been 

" I shall commence this dispatch with some perfectly authentic in- 
formation': that appears to me decisive as to the character of the new reign. 
I will recall what I wrote on the 29th of August. — 'The King seems to 
have determined to give up all his old habits ; it is a noble effort ! He 
retires before ten, he rises at four. ... If only he perseveres he will 
afford a unique example of the habits of thirty years conquered. If he 
succeeds, he will reveal a force of character that will prove too much for 
all of us. ' Well ! like all the rest I was taken in by appearances. The 
truth is that at half-past nine, while we thought him asleep, he was cele- 
brating Sardanapalian orgies in the innermost apartments of the palace. 
. . . What sort of mortal then is the master ? I still think it would be 
hasty to come to a conclusion to-day, but one is tempted to answer, — the 
king of weaklings. No wit, no strength, no logic, no application, the 
taste of the hog of Epicurus, and of the heroic, nothing but pride, unless 
I mistake for that quality a narrow, shopkeeping vanity. . . . However 
I am not engaged on a second volume of Madame de Sevigne. I am not 
speaking evil of Frederick William because I have nothing to do with 
him, as she used to praise Louis XIV. because he had just made her dance 
a minuet. Yesterday at the Queen's circle he three times addressed me, 
and this for the first time in public. ' You have been to Magdeburg and 
Brunswick?' 'Yes, Sire.' ' What did you think of the manoeuvres ?' 
' I admired greatly.' ' I am asking you for the truth and not for a com- 
pliment.' 'Sire, the truth is to me that only the presence of Your 
Majesty could have enhanced such a superb sight.' 'And how is the 
Duke?' 'Perfectly well, Sire.' 'Will he soon be here?' 'Your 
Majesty alone can know.' . . . He smiled . . . That is a sample! 
You may well imagine that what is said before the whole court is a matter 

25 2 

i?. M.Johnston 

of total indifference to me ; but with the spectators it is far otherwise, 
and I note this as having been intended as some sort of reparation to 
France ! ' ' 

In his dispatch of December 2, 1786, occurs a curious passage, 
too long to quote, in which Mirabeau with many expressions of dis- 
like and horror describes proceedings and rites of initiation which he 
ascribes to the Illumines. Among many authentic descriptions of 
Rosicrucian, Masonic and Illumine ceremonies none can be found 
to tally with the one here given, and it bears every appearance of 
being fictitious and of having been written for other eyes than those 
of Talleyrand. 

As early as the end of October the expatriated pamphleteer was 
tiring of his not very satisfactory, and unfruitful mission. Politically 
there was nothing to be done, the millions of Frederick seemed no 
nearer the safes of Panchaud's bank, or the linings of Mirabeau's 
pockets. He' writes : " I am full of disgust and lassitude ; I appeal 
to your honor and friendship to tell me what I am, what I am doing, 
where I am being carried, or to arrange matters so that I may again 
enjoy freedom. The editors will deal with me more kindly than 
our rulers do, and I shall not be called on to treat them so tenderly. 
I will perform anything at the bidding of friendship, but not at that 
of those in authority, and I should be a great fool to exert myself 
more in their behalf than they do themselves." 

Whenever the irascible exile gave forth threats, Talleyrand, 
prompted by Calonne as we may guess, poured oil on the troubled 
waters, as witness the following extract from a letter of the Abbe 
to Mirabeau in which, if flattery occupies a large place, the propor- 
tion of truth must remain highly problematical : " We are more 
than pleased with your correspondence, as I hear repeated every 
day. The King reads it with the utmost interest. M. de Calonne 
thanks you for your promptness, for the care with which your dis- 
patches are drawn ; I have laid emphasis on the excellence of your 
statistical information. The value of your work has been appre- 

In the month of January, 1787, Mirabeau had come to the final 
conclusion that he had nothing to hope from either Frederick Wil- 
liam or Calonne. He could do nothing more at Berlin. On the 
1 3th of that month he wrote to Talleyrand a letter which shall be 
the last noticed here and in which occur the following passages : 

"Never did kingdom show more symptoms of rapid decline than 
this. It is being undermined from all sides at once. Sources of reve- 
nue cut off ; expenses increased ; principles out of fashion ; public 
opinion wasted ; the army weakened ; the few useful men discouraged; 

MirabeaiCs Secret Mission to Berlin 253 

those for whom others have been made discontented, now discontented 
themselves ; all meritorious foreigners sent packing ; for the sake of 
appearing to rule alone only rapscallions promoted. ... I might remain 
here ten years without giving you any new facts, though doubtless many 
details. . . . What is to be my function in the future? Nothing useful ; 
but usefulness, and that great, immediate, direct, is the only thing that 
could make me longer tolerate this ambiguous position. Once more I 
repeat, what I deserve, what I can do, what I am worth, must now be 
decided by the King and his ministers. If I neither deserve, nor am 
capable of accomplishing anything, I am costing the King too much. 
If I do deserve and if I am capable of anything. . . I owe it to myself to 
ask for and to obtain some position, or to go back to my old trade of 
citizen of the world that will be less fatiguing to body and mind and less 
unfruitful of fame." 

A week later Mirabeau had written the last of his dispatches 
from Berlin and was on his way to Paris. He had accomplished 
nothing, but had learned much, and passed a diplomatic appren- 
ticeship that was soon to stand him in good stead. His keen 
political instinct had detected in the convoking of the Notables of 
France, then just decided on (perhaps at his advice), the first note 
of the revolution ; the time was fast approaching when his elo- 
quence was to sway the fortunes of King and of people from the 
tribune of the Assemblee Nationale. 

It is uncertain what prompted Mirabeau to publish his corres- 
pondence from Berlin two years later. Mr. Welschinger thinks that 
it was owing to pressure for money, and that would appear the best 
opinion. But it may be taken as certain that Mirabeau, then on the 
point of appealing to the people to support him against the Crown, 
had quite realized the impression these documents would produce 
of the incapacity of the French ministers and of their diplomatic 
agents, and also of his own superior ability. Whatever his motives, 
few who have read the dispatches will defend the act. 

No one before Mr. Welschinger had attempted the task he has 
so successfully accomplished. As an editor, he has left little for a 
successor to do ; it has perhaps been shown that, from the point 
of view of the historian, there is yet much to be done before the 
tangle of the hidden threads of the operations, diplomatic, financial, 
and social, of Mirabeau at Berlin is unravelled. 

R. M. Johnston. 


Since the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453 the 
relations of the Western Nations to the Ottoman Empire have been 
in many respects unique. These relations were determined and de- 
fined by decrees of the sultans, who granted large privileges and 
powers to Europeans resident on their soil. To these decrees in 
due time the name of Capitulations was given, apparently for the 
reason that they were divided into articles or chapters. They were 
personal grants, valid only for the life of the grantor. Hence they 
were renewed, often with modifications, on the accession of a new 
sultan. So we find many Capitulations made with France, Eng- 
land and other states. The earliest of these Capitulations, to 
which reference is now made for authority, is that of 1535, with 
Francis I. of France. It is more specific and formal than any pre- 
vious decree. It remained practically in force for 300 years. 

It is an interesting fact that concessions similar to those made in 
the Turkish Capitulations were granted to foreigners in the Orient 
prior to the establishment of the Ottoman power in the Levant. 
There is a tradition that ten centuries ago Arab traders were admit- 
ted to Canton with permission to erect a mosque, and have a cadi 
and their own laws ; l and another that about the same time the 
califs of Egypt granted similar privileges to the merchants of 
Amalfi. It is certain that in the Latin colonies in the Greek Empire 
and on the coast of Africa and of Syria in the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries the traders from Amalfi and Venice carried with them 
their local laws and jurisdiction. After the crusades the Frankish 
barons holding eastern ports sought successfully to attract western 
trade by releasing it from many of the burdens imposed on it in 
Italy and France in the form of taxes, imposts, the droit d ' aubaine, 
etc. The foreign community or colony was governed under the 
laws of its own land by a consul, or an official having some other 
title, but invested with the powers of a magistrate. In the Mussul- 
man states of Northern Africa and the Levant, in the fourteenth 
century the foreigners of each nation were often gathered in one 
large establishment with their shops, their chapel and their consular 
residence. At the same period in the Greek Empire and in Chris - 

1 Travers Twiss in Revue de Droit International, 1893, p. 207. Pardessus, Lois 
Marilimcs, II., p. cxxxviii. 

( 254) 

The Turkish Capitulations 255 

tian states in Syria the foreigners received sometimes the concession 
of a whole street or even of a quarter of the city for their churches, 
residences, mills and baths, and in some cases of lands adjacent to 
the city. But in all these Oriental states the western merchants had 
the privilege of exterritorial jurisdiction. These concessions seem 
to have been due to a recognition of the wide difference between the 
eastern and the western civilization, laws, customs and manners, 
and to have been deemed conducive to the harmonious life of the 
natives and the foreigners. They were a natural outgrowth of the 
conditions in which these peoples of diverse origins found them- 
selves and were regarded as no more beneficial to the foreigners 
than to the natives. 

Pradier Fodere, who gave special study to this subject, thinks 
that the Mohammedans were very ready to grant large privileges 
to the foreign merchants because of their disinclination to leave 
their own country for the purposes of trade, and because of their 
lack of experience in navigation, and their need of attracting for- 
eigners to make use of their extended coast, their fine harbors and 
their abundant products. 1 

As Mohammed II., when he captured Constantinople in 1453, 
was familiar with these usages, which had been followed in Moslem 
and Christian seaports of the Levant for three or four centuries, 
and which on the whole had contributed to the harmony between 
the natives and the foreigners, it is not surprising that he decided 
to grant to the foreign residents in his domain substantially the 
same privileges which they had previously enjoyed. It afforded 
him the simplest and easiest method of administration. It was for 
his convenience quite as much as for theirs that he left large liberty 
to the conquered Greeks, and soon confirmed to the Greeks and 
Venetians and other nations the privileges they had enjoyed under 
the old Empire. He was inspired by real statesmanship. It may 
well be doubted whether he supposed that he was exercising special 
generosity to the foreign powers. 

When Francis I. of France found himself engaged in his great 
conflict with the Emperor Charles V., he threw aside the scruples 
which Christian sovereigns had generally entertained against form- 
ing an alliance with the Moslems, and sought the friendship of the 
Sultan Suleiman, who was also opposing the German Emperor. 
One of the results of this friendship was the granting by the Sultan 
of what is generally called the First Capitulation. Unhappily the 
text of this important document is lost. But as we have later Capit- 
ulations, which we have every reason to suppose do not differ es- 

1 Revue de Droit International, 1869, p. 119. 

256 / B. Angell 

sentially from the first, we are reasonably sure of its import. It 
seems to have been in form, not a treaty, but a unilateral document, 
a grant or concession by the Sultan to his friend, the King of 
France. It permitted to French subjects the rights of residence, 
trade and local jurisdiction which have been since 1535 enjoyed by 
them. The Capitulation which is now generally cited as the basis 
of the rights claimed by foreigners is that of 1740. Since by 
Capitulations and later by treaties other nations have received the 
same rights as "the Franks," all nations refer back to the Capitu- 
lation of 1740 to sustain their claims. 

The substance of the concessions in the chief Capitulations was 
as follows : The Franks were to have the liberty to travel in all parts 
of the Ottoman Empire. They were to carry on trade according 
to their own laws and usages. They were to have liberty of wor- 
ship. They were to be free from all duties save customs duties. 
They were to enjoy inviolability of domicile. Their ambassadors and 
consuls were to have exterritorial jurisdiction over them. Even if they 
committed a crime, they were to be arrested by an Ottoman official 
only in the presence of a consular or diplomatic official of their own 
country. The Ottoman officers, if asked by a consular or diplo- 
matic officer to aid in the arrest of a French subject, must render 
such service. The Franks had the full right of making wills. If 
they died intestate in Turkey, their own consul must take possession 
of their property and remit it to their heirs. In fact, the Franks 
and other nations at last had impcria in imperio. 

Naturally enough other western powers soon sought to secure 
the same privileges as France. In 1579 Queen Elizabeth endeav- 
ored to secure the favor of the Sultan by reminding him that like 
him she and her subjects were opposed to the worship of images. 
This remarkable attempt to show a resemblance between Protestan- 
tism and Mohammedanism was not immediately successful in the 
face of French opposition. But in 1583 the Queen did succeed in 
establishing relations with the Sultan and appointed William Hare- 
bone ambassador. The Capitulation was afterwards many times 
renewed. The Netherlands received a Capitulation in 1609, and 
Austria in 161 5. 

In 1673 France obtained a new power, namely, the exclusive 
right of protecting under her flag the subjects of sovereigns who 
had received no Capitulations. This gave her prestige in Western 
Europe, and placed several Powers under obligations to her. But 
in 1675 England after a vigorous effort succeeded in depriving 
her of the exclusive right of protection of other nations, so that some 
states, Genoa for instance, had the option of English or French 

The Turkish Capitulations 257 

protection. In 171 8 Austria got permission for Genoa and Leghorn 
to use her flag. The smaller states were for a long time glad to 
secure the protection of one of the strong Powers. 

Perhaps no concession made by the Capitulations to foreign 
powers has been more abused than the grant of this right of protec- 
tion. We are all indebted to M. Francis Rey for the thorough 
study he has made of this subject, and I borrow mainly from him 
the statements which follow. 1 The French, English and Romans 
seem to have been especially guilty o abuses of the privilege of 
taking foreigners under their protection. They sold to native 
Greeks and Armenians the privilege of protection by a document 
which exempted them from paying duties on goods imported. 
Many of these became rich by this advantage, and were allowed to 
make a transfer of their privilege for a consideration. Ambassadors 
were allowed to have a large number of dragomans, to each of 
whom they gave a barat, which secured for them valuable exemp- 
tions. The ambassadors came to dispose of these appointments 
or barats for sums ranging from 2500 to 4000 piasters. One of the 
French ambassadors, it is stated in an official report, received more 
than 400,000 francs from this source. The English ambassador is 
said to have received ^2000 to .£3000 income from the same source. 
The ambassadors presumed to bestow this barat for life. They 
used to bribe officials even in the Sultan's household. They went 
so far as to issue patents of protection to whole families of Greek or 
Armenian subjects of the Sultan. 

Russia and Austria shamefully abused this right of protection 
for political ends. Rivals in seeking influence in Moldavia and 
Wallachia in 1780 and 1782, their consuls competed with each 
other in gratuitously granting patents of protection to the natives. 
At the close of the last century Austria had by this process more 
than 200,000 subjects in Moldavia, and Go, 000 in Wallachia. But 
these last were afterwards made Russians by changing the patents, 
when the Russian influence became preponderant in Wallachia. 

In 1806 in order to embarrass Russia Napoleon put an end to 
the abuse by French ambassadors of the right of issuing the barat 
to any persons but the dragomans. And Turkey succeeded in pur- 
suading most of the foreign Powers to imitate his example. But 
this did not prevent Russia and Austria and Great Britain, through 
their consuls, taking large numbers of Turkish rajas under their pro- 
tection by one pretence or another. In 1808 it is said that Russia 
had 120,000 Greek subjects of the Sultan, Austria a large number 

1 La Protection Diplomatique el Consulaire dans les Echelles du Levant et de Bar- 
barie, par Francis Rey. Paris, 1 899. 

25 S J. B. Angell 

of Dalmatians and Croats, and Great Britain many Indians and Mal- 
tese registered as their proteges. Of course they formed lawless 
crowds claiming exemption from police supervision. Some of the 
proteges were rich merchants, whose acts caused diplomatic conflicts. 
It is not strange, therefore, that in 1869 the Sultan issued an trade 
forbidding the naturalization of his subjects under a foreign govern- 
ment unless they had previously obtained his consent. Surely he 
had been imposed on long enough. 

The treaties of this century between Turkey and western Pow- 
ers are all based on the Capitulations, notably those of 1740. 
Of late years some important changes have been made. The most 
noteworthy are these : Down to the nineteenth century foreigners 
could not hold real property except under borrowed names. Since 
1867 they have been allowed to hold it. Duties on imports were 
formerly only three per cent. Now they are eight per cent., but 
can be raised only by treaty. Since 1868 the inviolability of the 
domicile of a foreigner is limited to residences within nine hours' 
journey of a consular post. Questions of real property are de- 
termined in an Ottoman court. Religious freedom is confirmed in 
all the treaties. 

Naturally enough Turkey has made repeated efforts to annul 
the Capitulations. She tried to do this at the Paris Congress of 
1856, and again in 1862. But the Powers generally have been un- 
willing to yield to her desire. Germany, whose policy for some 
years has been to secure the favor of the Sultan, renounced the 
Capitulations ten years ago, but under the most favored nation 
clause in her treaties retains the same privileges as others. 

All the Powers except the United States have surrendered in large 
degree their exterritorial jurisdiction over their subjects, though the 
consul of the subject accused of crime attends his trial, and if in- 
justice is threatened, his case is made a matter of diplomatic con- 

Our insistence on exterritorial jurisdiction over our citizens ac- 
cused of crime now results in the miscarriage of justice. For the 
Turkish government declines to furnish witnesses, and allows the 
culprit to escape. It maintains that we have no right to exercise 
the jurisdiction we claim. It affirms that our copy of the treaty is 
not correct. There is great need of the adjustment of the question 
by the negotiation of a new treaty. 

We have also a constant source of difficulty with Turkey in re- 
spect to naturalized Armenians. Many come to this country and 
take our naturalization papers and return home as American citizens. 
But the Sultan recognizes no naturalization since 1869, unless it 

The Turkish Capitulations 259 

has been made by his consent. The British avoid the trouble we 
have by declaring in writing on the passport of every Turkish sub- 
ject naturalized in Great Britain that it is not valid on return of the 
bearer to Turkey. 1 

Until the government of Turkey undergoes important improve- 
ments, and especially until justice is more impartially administered 
by her courts, it will not be prudent for the western Powers to make 
exactly such treaties with her as they may properly make with each 
other. The difference between the customs and laws of the Mo- 
hammedan nations on the one hand and those of the Christian 
nations on the other is so marked that the relations between the 
two must long be determined by treaties breathing something of 
the spirit of the old Capitulations. 

James B. Angell. 

1 This is in accordance with the following provision in the British Naturalization Act 
of 1870. " An alien to whom a certificate of naturalization is granted . . shall not, 
within the limits of the foreign state of which he was a subject previously to obtaining his 
certificate of naturalization, be deemed to be a British subject unless he has ceased to be 
a subject of that state in pursuance of the laws thereof, or in pursuance of a treaty to that 


For the origin of the nominating convention it is necessary to 
go back to the period which marks the rise of democracy itself — 
that is, the eighteenth century. The period, that is, which marks 
the transition from absolutism or aristocracy to democracy will mark 
also the transition from absolutist or autocratic methods of nomina- 
tion to democratic methods. In New York this transition was made 
from a virtual aristocracy to a democracy in the middle and last half 
of the eighteenth century. It will be necessary therefore to answer 
the following questions : ( I ) What were the vital elements in the 
political life of New York province in the early eighteenth century, 
and how were nominations made then? (2) When did the transi- 
tion from aristocracy to democracy begin, and what indications are 
there of a new method in nominations accompanying this change ? 
(3) To what extent did the new method displace the old before the 
Revolution ? 

In 1700 New York was a royal province. Its governmental 
organization consisted of a governor with his deputy, advised by a 
council of his own appointment, and a popular assembly which was 
co-ordinate with the governor and council in legislation. There 
were established courts of justice and various crown officers besides 
the governor. But the vital fact in the political history of New York 
in the early eighteenth century was not the governor, or the coun- 
cil, or the assembly, — was not the organization of the government 
at all ; the vital fact was the existence of a few rich and influential 
families. Their wealth was based on land and commerce ; their in- 
fluence was the result of ability, social position, and a close organi- 
zation secured informally by constant, far-sighted, prudential inter- 
marriages. In other words New York was controlled by an 
aristocracy of wealth and ability, and this control was essentially 
medieval in its nature — that is, informal and personal. Let us see 
in more detail how this control was effected, and how, as a part of 
this control, nominations to elective offices were made. 

In the first place, the theatre of operations was small, there 
were originally but twelve counties * covering a narrow strip of 

1 Colonial Laws of New York (Albany, 1894), I. 121, 122; Memorial History\of 
New York, J. 408. Ostrander, Brooklyn, 1 1 8. 

( 260) 

Nominations in Colonial New York 261 

territory on both sides of the Hudson, and Long Island and Staten 
Island. The number of counties increased with the population, but 
they were mostly cut out of the old ones, so that by the time of the 
Revolution New York, territorially, was practically what it had been 
at the opening of the century. 

But New York was not only territorially small ; more important 
still, what there was of it was largely in the hands of a few men who 
had benefited by the surviving medieval custom of making large 
land-grants for personal services. In nearly every county some 
representative of the coterie of great families held considerable tracts 
of land and helped to carry out a more or less concerted plan of 
action. On Staten and Long Island few extensive grants were made 
during the English period ; but even here the most favored ones 
were men influential in political life — frequently men, such as Smith 
and Nicolls, whose chief interests were elsewhere. 1 The wealth of 
the influential families of New York City and County was based 
upon industry and commerce rather than upon land, though here 
too some valuable though comparatively small grants were made. 
New York was nevertheless pre-eminently a commercial city 3 and 
the families which were eminent socially and politically make up 
the roll of her most famous merchant houses. George and Caleb 
Heathcote, William Smith and William Smith, Jr., the Crugers, 
one branch of the Livingston family, the Waltons, Alsops, Van 
Dams, — these were some of the principal merchant families of New 
York City, and these are names constantly met with in the political 
history of the province. 

But it was northward along the Hudson that the great landed 
families lived and exercised an influence which was not limited by 
their own broad estates, but extended throughout the province and 
was especially powerful in the metropolis, with whose prominent 
families they were united by ties of interest or of blood-relationship. 
The largest part of Westchester County was comprised within the 
six manors located there ; and in 1 769 it is estimated that at least 
five-sixths of the inhabitants of the county lived within their bounds. s 
In Dutchess County large grants were made to Philipse, Heathcote, 
Beekman, and Schuyler. 4 In Albany County the Livingston manor 
spread over seven modern townships, and the great Van Rensselaer 

■Bayle's Suffolk, 197, 226. 

2 " New York probably carries a more extensive commerce than any [other] town in 
the English American provinces." Kalm, Description of the City of New York in the 
year 1748, in Manual of the Corporation (1869), 845. 

'De Lancey, Origin and History of Manors in New York, in Scharf's History 
of Westchester County, I. 91. 

* Smith, Dutchess County, 43, 44. 

VOL. VI. — 18. 

262 C. Becker 

manor stretched twenty-four by twenty-eight miles along the 
Hudson, while still farther north on the Mohawk were the pos- 
sessions of Sir William Johnson, whose influence was perhaps great- 
est of all. 1 

The above brief summary will serve to indicate the chief families 
composing the New York aristocracy of wealth and ability. An 
extraordinary proportion of the wealth — especially the landed 
wealth — of the province was in their possession, and of the social 
position and political influence incidental to such possession they 
made good use — so good indeed, that their names mark every page 
of New York history in the first three-quarters of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. How, then, was this aristocracy organized for purposes of 
political control ? 

It was organized, according to the wont of aristocracies, in- 
formally, by as wide intermarriages as possible. Each man had an 
"interest" great or small. If he wished to increase it, it was well 
to have a large family and contrive to make marriage alliances with as 
many and important families as possible. The family and the family 
welfare, socially and politically, was the standard. Thus — to note 
only a few of the most striking examples — the De Peysters were 
united with the Alexander, 2 the Van Cortlandt, 3 the Schuyler, 4 
and the Livingston 5 families. The Heathcotes were allied to the 
Smith" and the De Lancey families, 7 and through the De Lancey 
family to the Philipse, 8 Van Cortlandt, 9 Schuyler, 10 and Morris 11 
families. The Livingstons married into the Van Brugh 12 and 
Duane 13 families, and were united with the De Peyster u and the 

'Kip, Olden Time, 12, 13. For a map showing exact location of landgrants and 
manors in New York, see Documentary History of New York (1849), I. 
2 Valentine\s Manual (1857), 556. 
- 1 Ibid. 
* JIM. 

5 Indeed there were few prominent families of the province who were not related in 
some way to the De Peyster family. At the funeral of Abram De Peyster, Jr. , whose 
death occurred in 1767, the following families were represented among the relatives of 
the deceased : Van Cortlandt, Beekman, Bancker, Rutgers, Bedlow, Livingston, De 
Lancey, De La Noy, Lott, Walton, Cruger, Bayard, Clarkson, Van Home, Philipse, 
Schuyler, Stuyvesant, Jay, Roosevelt, etc. Ibid. 

6 Valentine's Manual (1864), 665. Caleb Heathcote married the daughter of 
Chief Justice William Smith. 

I By the marriage of Anne Heathcote to James De Lancey. Ibid. 
8 Scharf, Westchester County, I. 169. 

8 Valentine, History of New York. 243-244. 

I" Ibid. 


II Memorial History of New York, IV. 522, 523. 
"Ibid, II. 436 n. 

" Valentine's Manual ( 1861 ), 556. 

Nominations in Colonial Nezv York 263 

Schuyler ' families, and more or less closely, therefore, with the 
connections of these. 2 

Under such circumstances it is clear that any man of ability 
who had extended his " interest " judiciously might easily come to 
have a controlling influence within a faction or a party. A kind of 
feudal hierarchy would be formed. Having attached to his "inter- 
est " a number of the most important families, he would secure 
through each of them a number of others perhaps less important, and 
so on down. He would have his machine organized on a personal 
family basis, rather than on an impersonal " spoils " basis, though the 
spoils element might not be entirely wanting. Practically this is what 
happened in New York in the eighteenth century. After some fifty 
years of intermarriage and political control, two families emerged, 
each with its following, as the leaders in the struggle which was, 
though political in some degree, after all very largely personal in its 
nature. These were the Livingston and De Lancey families ; 3 and 
that the struggle was personal rather than political is indicated by 
the fact that the parties were known by the names of their respective 
leaders. 4 

So much for a landed and commercial aristocracy and its close 
personal organization ; what were some of the conditions in New 
York which made easy the political control which it exercised ? 
These were : a limited suffrage ; infrequent and irregular elections ; 
a small voting population, the relation of a portion of it to the aris- 
tocracy, and the manner of voting ; general political indifference 
among the lower classes. 

The franchise was limited to freeholders, and to freemen of the 

1 Memorial History of New York, IV. 522, 523. 

2 This far-reaching and complex network of family relationships among the aristoc- 
racy has often been noted. " For more than a century these families retained their posi- 
tion, and directed the infant colony. They formed a coterie of their own, and generation 
after generation married among themselves." Kip, Olden Time, 14, 15 ; Memoriae 
History of New York, II. 604 ff ; De Lancey, Origin and History of Manors, in Scharf's 
History of Westchester County, I. 130. The best notion of the political significance of 
these intermarriages may be gathered from the letters of Cadwallader Colden. See 
Colden Letter-Book, I. 362, 363, 459, 468, II. 68, 167, 168, 223, 224, 398, 399 : in 
New York Historical Society Collections, Fund Series, IX., X. 

3 Dawson, Westchester County during the America?! Revolution, 89. Memorial History 
of New York, II. 223, 570. Colden Letter-Book, II. 223, 224. No single man in New 
York had greater influence, perhaps, than Sir William Johnson ; but his influence was 
due rather to other causes, and he seems to have held somewhat aloof from the partisan 
strife of the Livingstons and the De Lanceys. 

* " It may gratify the reader to know that of the members of the Assembly ( 1752), 
Mr. Chief Justice De Lancey was nephew to Colonel Beekman, brother to Peter De 
Lancey, brother-in-law to John Watts, cousin to Philip Verplanck and John Baptist 
Van Rensselaer ; ... of the whole house the only member neither connected with Mr. 
De Lancey nor within the sphere of his influence was Mr. Livingston." Smith, His- 
tory of New York, II. 142, 143. 

264 C- Becker 

corporations.' The elections were held whenever the assembly 
was dissolved, sometimes at such short notice that the total voting 
population, such as it was, could not be got to the polls. 2 But the 
whole voting population, on account of the limitations of the suffrage, 
was small. In 1790 the proportion of voters for assemblymen to 
the total population was approximately twelve per cent. 3 Using 
this as a percentage previous to the Revolution the voting popula- 
tion increased from 2,168 in 1698 to 20,256 in 1771. 4 This is a 
liberal estimate too, because the percentage of people of African 
birth was less in 1791 than during the pre-revolutionary period. 5 
But even so, the voting population was small and therefore pro- 
portionately easy to manage. A voting population of from two to 
twenty thousand, scattered over twelve counties, gave no great diffi- 
culty to an aristocracy as coherent and well organized as that of 
New York province. And this was made easier still by the per- 
sonal relation of the aristocracy to a portion of the voting \, na- 
tation, and by the method of voting. That tenant voters would be 
largely influenced by lords of manors is perhaps sufficiently obvious. 
The method of voting, too, contributed to the same end. It was 

1 << Every freeholder within the province and free man in any corporation shall have 
his free choice and vote in the election of the representatives." Colonial Laws of New 
York, I. iii. Freeholders were defined, by the act of May 16, 1699, to be those who 
" have lands or tenements improved to the value of forty pounds in freehold free from all 
incumbrance and have possessed the same three months before the test of the said writ.'' 
Colonial Laws of New York, I. 405. Quoted in Dawson's Westchester County during 
the American Revolution, 4, note 3. The date given by Dawson is May 8, 1699. Free- 
men of the New York Corporation were such as had permission to " use any art, trade, 
mystery, or manual occupation," within the city save in " times of F'aires." Extract from 
Dongan's Charter, April 20, 1686, quoted in The Burghers of New Amsterdam and the 
Freemen of New York, 1675-1S66, in New York Historical Society Collections, 1885, p. 
48. By this charter such persons were to pay, if merchant traders or shop-keepers, three 
pounds, twelve shillings ; if handicraftsmen, one pound, four shillings. Ibid., 49. But 
at the Common Council for April 24, 1686, the "fee for freedomes" was made five 
pounds. Ibid., 48. This seems to have been the law until 1784 when a slight modifi- 
cation was made. Ibid., 239, 240. For the list of freemen admitted in New York City 
from 1686 to 1776, see ibid., 53-238. 

Besides the counties, the manors of Rensselaerwick, Livingston, and Cortlandt, and 
the borough of Westchester, enjoyed the privilege of sending representatives. 

1 " As to the present election it was appointed so suddenly by the sheriff that it was 
impossible to collect the votes of this extensive county, particularly as the roads are so 
bad and the rivers impassable." William Johnson to Dr. Auchmuty, Jan. 25, 1769. 
Johnson's MSS., XVII. 51. 

3 Based upon "a census of the electors and inhabitants of the State of New York 
taken in the year 1790." (Broadside in the Library of the New York Historical So- 
ciety, Vol. I. of the collection) and a " List of electors in New York state for the assem- 
bly, reported by a committee of the House, Jan. 27, 1791 ." (Greenleaf's Journal, 
Jan. 27, 1791.) 

* This estimate is made on the basis of statistics presented in the Documentary His- 
tory of New York CI849), I. 689-697. 

<> Ibid. 

Nominations in Colonial New York 265 

throughout viva voce ; every man voted in full knowledge of the 
candidates and of the powerful leaders. 1 A voter could not be in- 
dependent in secret ; by his vote he proclaimed to the world in 
whose "interest" he stood. Every voter was watched, we may 
be sure, and his record was known. 2 In addition to this the wide- 
spread political indifference among the common people, in the rural 
districts at least, made political control by the aristocracy still more 

By whom, then, and how were nominations made as a part of 
this political control ? They were made practically by the controll- 
ing members of the aristocracy, informally and personally. Strictly 
speaking there was no method — nominations were methodless. This 
assertion rests largely on a lack of evidence rather than on a wealth 
of it. The very fact that there is scarcely any evidence left to us 
of how nominations were made tends to show that there was no 
formal method — tends to show in the light of the conditions just 
enumerated, that candidates were "set up " by some form of pri- 
vate personal agreement among the two or three men within a 
county whose "interests" were sufficient to decide the election. 
Their stand once taken, all who were in their "interest" followed 
their lead as a matter of course, for this is the essence of the aris- 
tocratic method, that men are governed by personality rather than 
by principle. The question in Albany was not, what are the can- 
didate's principles, but whom is Sir William or Col. Livingston for? 

But although the lack of evidence tends to show that this was 
true because this fashion of selecting candidates, above all others, 
would leave little trace save in private correspondence, what evi- 
dence there is tends to confirm it ; and that little is to be gleaned 
from such correspondence. What has been said of the old aristo- 

1 The method of taking a poll is detailed by the law of May 16, 1699, Colonial Laws 
of New York, I. 406 ff. See also De Lancey, Manors of New York, in Scharf s His- 
tory of Westchester County, I. no. The best notion of what a colonial election was 
like can be obtained from a description of the election of Lewis Morris to the Assembly 
from Westchester County in 1733. New York Journal, Nov. 5, 1733 ; quoted in Bol- 
ton, History of Westchester County, I. 136-139; and given in substance in the Memoria I 
History of New York, II. 233. 

2 A wealthy and influential member of the aristocracy could be opposed by a com- 
mon man only with some temerity. The view taken of such opposition is well illustrated 
in the closing lines of the description of the election of Lewis Morris in 1733. " Upon 
the closing of the poll, the other candidate, Forster, and the Sheriff, wished the late 
Chief Justice much joy. Forster said he hoped the late judge would not think the 
worse of him for setting up against him, to which the judge replied, he believed he 
was put up against his inclinations, but that he was highly blameable." New York 
Journal, Nov. 5, 1733. 

3 Dawson, Westchester County dwing the American Revolution, l,ff. Clute, Staten 
Island, 82. 

2 66 C. Becker 

cratic method of making nominations can readily and most fitly be 
illustrated by extracts taken from the manuscript letters and papers 
of Sir William Johnson. 1 

In May, 1745, the Assembly was dissolved for lack of respect 
to the governor, 2 and in the election which followed the services of 
Sir William were enlisted by the governor, who wished a certain 
Mr. Holland returned for Schenectady. 3 Not long after we find 
Mr. Holland himself soliciting the aid of his patron thus : * "there 
is a barrell of the flour wanting, which I suppose Peter left behind 
him. Your interest in the [ensujing election at Schenectady for a 
representative is desired for your [friejnd and servt. . . E. H." 

Three years later another election occurred. In such a county 
as Albany the centre of political activity was naturally at the city 
of Albany, and most of the candidates came from there. That this 
was often a ground of complaint by outlying districts we may well 
believe. In this election of 1748 indeed the farmers of Canajoharie 
were up in arms, threatening to set up a candidate of their own. 
The ollowing document will explain how the matter was settled 
through the influence of Johnson. 5 

" Messers. 

" Considering how troublesome and inconvenient it would be to all 
the farmers to have an election at this time of the year, I went immedi- 
ately to Albany to see to make it up easy now without any trouble. 
Philip Schuyler and Hans Hansen were sett up by the people of Albany, 
so I sent for them, and told them if they would do their best for the 
government of the country we would not sett up anybody against them 
now, but if they would not do good now for the country we would set up 
others next time, whereupon they promised me they would do what they 
could. . . . Now gentlemen and friends I thank you all heartily for your 
good will for me, as well as if you had voted every bit. I hope when 
there is another election you will be all as one body to stand by me and 
put in other good men if these wont do good for us now. For my part 
1 am resolved as I live here to stand by you all for the good of the whole 

1 Sir William Johnson was one of the most influential members of the New York 
aristocracy. His influence in the northern counties was especially great. On this point 
see a letter from the Revolutionary committee of the Palatine District of Tryon County, 
May 18, 1775, American Archives, fourth series, II. 637; and Campbell's Tryon 
County, 29. 

The letters and papers of Sir William Johnson in twenty-six volumes are in the 
State Library at Albany. They have been calendared and indexed. Vols. I. -XXII. 
contain letters and papers arranged chronologically from 1738 to 1774. Vols. XXIII.- 
XXV. contain letters and papers arranged chronologically from 1733 to 1775. Vol. 
XXVL contains private business papers. I am indebted to the courtesy of the head of 
the Manuscript Department of the State Library for the use of these papers. 

1 Stone, Life of Sir William Johnson, I. 157. 

'■'//'/,/., 188. 

1 K. II. to Sir William Johnson, June 7, 1745. Johnson MSS., XXIII. 11. 

6 Johnson MSS., XXIII. 78. This document is in the handwriting of Johnson. 

Nominations in Colonial New York 267 

river and hope we will always be true to one another. I am with hearty 
thanks for all your good will, your true friend and well wisher. 

W. J. 
To all the Messers of Canajoharie. " 

This document speaks with no uncertain note of the personal 
influence of Sir William, at least over the farmers of Canajoharie. 
But his influence, as we shall see, was not limited to the Mohawk 
region : it was almost if not quite as great in other parts of the 
county, and even in the city of Albany itself his name was one to 
conjure with. " It may easily be seen," writes a correspondent from 
Albany two years later, 1 "that the intention of the heads here in 
general are (sic) for putting in Coll : Schuyler and Peter Winne, 
who with their party here work very hard from morning till night 
and Mr. Collins sends letters to all parts of the county. Mr. De 
Peyster is very diligent — wether for himself or others is yet a secret 
to your friends who long to see you here and say if you appeared it 
would make a great alteration for they confess it is in our power to 
turn the skeals if you take it in hand." 

Factional contests became increasingly sharp towards the time 
of the Revolution : as early as 176 1 competition for the assembly- 
seat in Albany County had become keen and a number of men were 
ready to set themselves up. For most of them it seemed desirable, 
for some it seemed essential, to get the support of Sir William John- 
son. The old members, we are told, 1 " propose to advertise them- 
selves this day without the advise of any one of the citizens." But 
although they may have ignored the magnates of Albany, it does 
not appear that they found it wise altogether to neglect Johnson. 
On the same day we find one of them, at least, seeking his aid for 
the office. 2 "As the gentlemen here in town propose to set us up 
for Representatives for the city and County of Albany, and if its 
agreeable to you we beg your Interest, in which you'll very much 
oblige us. We remain respectfully, sir," etc. 3 A third party deter- 
mined to run Abraham Yates, the late sheriff, who was, they assured 
Sir William, "a very good man," and was likely to have "a pretty 
strong interest," but, " nevertheless we should be glad to know 
your Inclinations, as we are certain they would be supported by 
both the manors of Rensselaer and Livingston." 4 

The next election — the last but one in the colonial period — came 

Richard Miller to William Johnson, July 3, 1750. Johnson MSS , XXIII. 121. 

2 David Van der Heyden to William Johnson, Feb. 3, 1761. Johnson MSS., V. 38. 
The old members were Jacob Ten Eyck and Peter Winne. 

3 Jacob Ten Eyck and Volckert P. Douw to William Johnson, Feb. 3, 1761. 
Ibid., 37. 

* David Van der Heyden to William Johnson, Feb. 3, 1761. Ibid., 38. 

2 68 C. Becker 

in the spring of 1768. 1 James Butler, a friend of Sir William's, 
kept the latter informed of the various candidates. But most peo- 
ple, he writes, 2 " believe that those you [desjire will carry the point : 
there are some that are very faint-hearted, knowing your Interest to 
be too great for their [strength]." Early in January the report got 
abroad that Sir William intended to set up a candidate of his own 
from the Mohawk district — a report which created some consterna- 
tion at Albany, and occasioned many conjectures and many meet- 
ings. The common opinion was that Sir John Johnson must be 
the intended candidate. For the friends of Sir William, who were 
constantly urging him to active conflict with the Albany faction, this 
was good news. " If there is any such intention," writes Cartwright, 
from Albany, 3 " should be very glad to know it. You may depend 
on the Interest of Cuyler's family, of Hanson's, and many more, 
who would be glad to know it. Whatever Interest or connection 
I have you may command in that or anything else." But the 
rumor was merely a rumor, for we are told that neither " myself nor 
Sir John had the least thought of his setting up;" but Sir William, 
nevertheless, had " some reason to think that I could have carried 
the county without much difficulty." 4 

The last election in New York province came the next year, 
1769, and was for the most part only a continuation of the struggle 
begun the year before. No previous elections were more bitterly 
contested/' In Albany, as in most places, the personal element was 

1 Meanwhile between the elections of 1761 and 176S Johnson received a letter from 
Schenectady, which throws interesting light on the method, or lack of method, in nomi- 
nations, which prevailed at that time. " I have been thinking on what has for some time 
passed been advised, which is that I should become a candidate to represent the town- 
ship in Assembly whenever a vacancy happened, and as my becoming a member . . . 
might be a means to settle all party affairs here, I shall . . . have no objection in so 
doing, provided you approve and will favor me with your Interest . . . otherwise I will 
think no more of it . . . on the other hand, if you think it right I will endeavor with 
my other friends to make what Interest I can . . . although I am sensible that your 
Interest alone can do it." John Duncan to William Johnson, Nov. 19, 1763. Johnson 
MSS., VII. 252. 

2 James Kutler to William Johnson, Dec. 12, 1767. Johnson MSS., XV. 173. 

' Benjamin Cartwright to William Johnson, Jan. 8, 1768. Johnson MSS., XV. 228. 

'William Johnson to Hugh Wallace, April 8, 1768. Johnson MSS., XVI. 66. 

5 The new issues which were coming to the front were cutting into the old factions and 
separating families long connected by political and social ties. The rupture between the 
Colden and Clinton families is an example. There is an interesting letter among the 
George Clinton papers, from the young Cadwallader Colden to George Clinton, relative 
to this rupture, which throws so much light on the political methods of the time that it is 
worth reproducing at length. 

" Coldingham, Jan. 11, 1769. 
' Sir. The heats and animosities created by the last election in this part of the 
"iimly (and that loo among the most intimate acquaintances . . . ) gave me such con- 
cern that I can't but say that I am truly sorry there is now an opportunity for the renew- 

Nominations in Colonial New York 269 

still predominant. Philip Schuyler, one of the old members, owed 
his position, partially at least, to the interest of Johnson, whose sup- 
port he had asked at former elections, 1 and his re-election now de- 
pended not upon his attitude toward current political questions, but 
upon his personal relations with Sir William. " I assure you," writes 
Hugh Wallace, 2 " this gentleman behaved very badly here, and I am 
told spoke of you at the Indian Congress with some disrespect. I got 
into his company and ntroduced a discourse about that affair, but 
his tone was different or, by God, his bones would have paid for it. 
I think you ought to exert your Interest that he should not be re- 
turned." The zealous partisan of Sir William goes on to suggest 
that Sir John be returned n Schuyler's stead, not because Sir John 
was a fitter man, but because " it would give great pleasure to many 
of your sincere friends ; " at any rate, " as you have it in your power 
to send who (sic\ you please for Albany county, I wish you would 
stop Coll : Schuyler, and I think you might send a fitter man than 
poor Myndertse for Schenectady." Johnson replied to Wallace on 
January 25, stating that he had only recently heard of the "partic- 
ular you mention with regard to Philip Schuyler." Since then he 
had received a polite note from Schuyler and the other candidate 
"' requesting my interest again, on which I immediately wrote him as 
I ought with regard to the report I had heard which he has denied or 
endeavored to explain away. However I think it necessary to take 

ing or continuing those fermentations. ... I cant question you, for your part, being a 
ready to promote any scheme that may have a tendency to unite this end of the county 
again and to restore that friendship that has so long subsisted between you and my 
father's family ; and I see but one way at present likely to bring this about ; and that is to 
think of a third person for candidate for this end of the county who was not mentioned 
in the last election, and consequently not of either party, and such a one there happens 
to be even within the county, — Mr. Peter Du Bois. Perhaps this will appear to be your 
son's forsaking his friends and the party he joined at the other end of the county. I 
cant think this objection of sufficient weight when it is considered that Mr. Du Bois (if 
of any) must be of the same party. Besides I should leave the people of this end of the 
county entirely to themselves with regard to the choice of the other member. As a 

lover of peace and concord I now offer these things to your consideration. I am sensible 
that it is as little for the private benefit of your son to be in the assembly as it would be 
for me, and therefore if the influence which one or two gentlemen in New York has over 
him is such as to put a reconciliation with me out of the question I shall then ever know 
what to depend upon and perhaps things may take a different turn from what he expects. 

... A little reflection, I think, must induce you to use your influence with your son to 
comply with [these] proposals. The weight they have with you and him will ever after 
•determine how much I shall be, Sir, 

Your Humble Serv't, 
Cad' Colden Jun r ." 
George Clinton Papers, I. II. 

'William Johnson to the Rev. Dr. Auchmuty, Jan. 25, 1769. Johnson MSS., 
XVII. 51. 

'Hugh Wallace to William Johnson, Jan. 7, 1769. Ibid., 32. 

2 yo C. Becker 

the first opportunity of a personal explanation as he writes in such a 
manner that it would not be altogether justifiable in me to condemn him 
at once." l Unless this is an exaggerated account of Sir William's 
influence — and it very likely is to some extent — he seems to have 
had as sure a grip on Albany County as any modern boss could 
well have. The difference lies here : the personal influence of a 
modern boss is secret, working through an open formal organiza- 
tion, and based upon the control of the spoils ; the personal influence 
of Sir William was open, working through a private informal organ- 
ization, and based to a very considerable extent upon personal at- 
tachment. Sir William was not a boss, he was a patron. 

If this serves to show what the nature of the aristocratic method 
of nomination was, it also indicates to what extent this method pre- 
vailed down to the Revolution. It is now necessary to retrace our 
steps and search for the beginnings of the democratic method. 

The period from 1730 to 1750 in New York discovers a 
marked advance in material prosperity and in scientific and liter- 
ary activity ; it is in some senses a renaissance period, having 
its basis in a growing democratic spirit, a coming consciousness 
of equality. 2 It is here we must look for the origin of the 
nominating convention, which is an incident in the growth of 
this democratic spirit. The nominating convention is an incident in 

1 William Johnson to Hugh Wallace, January 25, 1769. Johnson MSS., XVII. 52. 
The same sentiments are expressed in a letter to John Watts, January 26, r/69. Ibid., 
56 ; and in a letter to the Rev. Dr. Auchmuty, who must have made a similar request, he 
says, " As to the person you particularly mention, he applied to me at his first entrance 
into the House, and as I had nothing then to urge against him, I made no stir, nor had 
he any opponents. If his conduct since will justify me, I shall at another opportunity do 
what is needful, as I have the pleasure to find that conduct which gives me inward satis- 
faction has produced me an Influence and Interest in this country which it is not in their 
power to deprive me of." William Johnson to Dr. Auchmuty, January 25, 1769. Ibid., 
51. Kora more complete account of the trouble between Johnson and Schuyler, see the 
letter from John Wetherhead to William Johnson. January 9, 1769. Ibid., XXV. 125. 

2 Judge Jones in his history calls 1750 the golden age in New York and all modern 
writers have agreed in ascribing to this period a decided intellectual activity, compared, 
at least, with what preceded. See Memorial History of New York, II. 230, 448 ff. 631, 
632 ; III. 115. To be convinced that it was a period of growing democratic conscious- 
ness it is only necessary to look through the newspapers and broadsides of the time, and 
follow through the political discussions which arose, remembering always that this was 
the logical outcome of the previous years of conflict between the lower house and the 
governors — between the representatives of the people in the colony and the representa- 
tives of the government in England. For example, a broadside, dated September 28, 
I736, says, relative to the Van Dam-Clarke controversy, " Every freeman has a right to 
declare who is entitled to the government and it is no crime in a free one, though it may 
be in fiance or Spain. ... Let every man declare boldly who he thinks entitled, Van 
Dam or Clarke, and the Corporation it is supposed will act according to the directions of 
theii constituents." Vol. I., of a collection of broadsides in the Library of the New York 
Historical Society. See other broadsides in the same collection. 

Nominations in Colonial New York 2 7 1 

the effort of the masses to pull down authority from the top and 
place it on the ground — an instrument by which they try to get 
vital control of the business of governing. One thing which aided 
them in this effort — which was in truth partially the result of it, but 
which in turn reacted upon it and powerfully confirmed it — was the 
establishment of newspapers, the extension of printing generally, 
and the consequent struggle for freedom of speech and the press. 1 
In the face o this growing democratic spirit, the very essence of 
whi«-ri is individual nitiative, the great families found their influence 
growing weaker, found it less possible to hold a following by mere 
force of personality. As men came more and more to have opin- 
ions of their own and to express them through the newspapers and 
broadsides, or at least imbibed such opinion as others were thus ex- 
pressing, the leaders found it increasingly necessary to win over 
their " Interests " to every measure and every ticket, by force of 
reason, or what passed for reason, rather than by force of person- 
ality. This is simply saying that when men learn that they may 
have opinions on political questions with reasons for them, some 
broadly generalized theory of political right, or governmental policy, 
or social change, instead of some powerful personality, will claim 
their allegiance. This was happening in New York during the 
middle and last half of the eighteenth century, and the change was 
followed there as everywhere by the disintegration of old follow- 
ings, the increase of factions, general political heterodoxy. The 
old leaders therefore found themselves increasingly under the ne- 
cessity of extending their influence and harmonizing thought and 
action, not merely over the field of a narrow oligarchic aristocracy, 
each member of which was sure of his own following, but over the 
whole field of those who were politically interested. Marriage al- 
liances, which had been the means for effecting the informal personal 
organization of the aristocratic period, were no longer efficient or 
practicable ; one could not marry the whole world, and, besides, 
marriage was a personal bond only ; marrying into a man's family 
did not mean marrying into his principles, much less the principles 
of all of the members of that family. The thing that had to be done 
therefore was this : this growing anarchy of opinion, of individual 
initiation, had to be harmonized, organized, centralized in a formal 
and public manner on the basis of principle, instead of, as formerly, 

1 Printing was first introduced into New York in 1693 by William Bradford. He 
also established the first newspaper in New York, the New York Gazette, which dates 
from the fal of 1725. Of more importance in this connection was the establishment of 
Zenger's New York Journal, in 1733, as the avowed organ of the popular party. Popu- 
lar sentiments were freely expressed in this somewhat rabid sheet, and in numerous 
broadsides which Zenger made a business of printing and circulating. 

2 ~2 C. Becker 

in a personal private manner on the basis of leadership. Practically 
we find just this thing happening in New York at this time — the be- 
ginnings of the association of individuals, in a more or less public 
manner, with little in common but their political views, and with no 
other aim than the accomplishment of a definite political purpose. 

1 shall now try to llustrate the beginnings of this new method 
in the period before the Revolution. That these beginnings should 
be more marked in the cities than in the country, needs, perhaps, no 

As early as 1739 the reeholders and freemen of New York City 
were informed that " Whereas a great number of the freeholders and 
freemen of the said city have agreed and resolved to choose the follow- 
ing persons to represent them, to wit : [four names follow], Your 
vote and interest are desired . . . at the ensuing election." 1 Though 
this does not necessarily imply an actual meeting of a formal nature, 
it does imply an agreement of some sort, and, what is more impor- 
tant, indicates the growing authority of common men in such matters 
when acting jointly. Likewise at the election of 1743 " a great 
number of inhabitants," we are told, agreed in a similar manner to 
support a certain ticket. 2 Notices of a like nature became more 
common at the succeeding elections. 1 

At this time too the practice of writing letters and addresses to 
the freeholders and publishing them in the newspapers and in broad- 
sides became common. In these addresses the issues were discussed 
more or less intelligently, the candidates criticized, and information 
freely given as to the rights of citizens, the duties of legislators and 
the qualities which it was desirable that public servants should 
have.' In all of these can be clearly seen the tendency toward 
organization in a more formal way and on the basis of common 
political notions. 

■The New York Gazette, Feb. 20-27, 1739- Copied in Valentine's Manual of the 
Corporation (1865), 744. 

2 Valentine's Manual (1865), 751. 

3 New York Post Boy, Dec. 21, 1747 ; Valentine's Manual (1S65), 821; New 
York Gazette, July 30, 1850 ; Valentine's Manual (1866), 643, 697. An amusing 
squib, entitled, " Political Bill of Mortality," taken from the papers of William Living- 
ston, is printed by Sedgwick in his Memoir of the Life of William Livingston (1833), 
65. It states that in the month of August, 1750, there were in all no political deaths in 
New York City, three dying "of nocturnal consultations," fourteen " of running about 
lor votes," etc. 

4 '1'hesc addresses are too long to be reproduced in full. The New York Gazette of 
|:ui. iS, 1748, contains one of three columns, signed, " Freeholder." The author argues 
against the present members, whom, he finds, it is intended to return. A reply is printed 
in the same paper, Jan. 25, in which the present members are supported. Such com- 
munications become more and more frequent from 1750. Newspapers and broadsides 
constituted, so to say, the forum of political discussion. 

Nominations in Colonial New York 273 

A little later I ' ere are some indications of half-clandestine meet- 
ings in the natur of caucuses. At first the evidence of these meet- 
ings comes in the form of ridicule and burlesque — an indication 
probably that they had not been at all requent before. 1 In spite of 
ridicule, however, these meetings tended necessarily to become more 
frequent and to take on more and more an open and public char- 
acter. This need for formal organization found expression also in 
the foundation of the " Whig Club " in 1752, under the direction of 
the leaders of the Livingston party. 2 The club was composed of 
William Livingston, William Smith, Jr., and John Morin Scott. 
They met " once in each week at the popular tavern of the King's 
Arms," and, we may imagine, served as well as possible the pur- 
poses for which county and state central committees now exist. 
Passing over much that would serve still further to illustrate the 
growing publicity and he tendency toward formal organization in 
methods of nomination, it w 11 be sufficient perhaps to indicate the 
stage which had been reached in this development at the last formal 
elections in 1768 and 1769. 

By 1768 the practice of self-nomination had already begun to 
excite adverse comment ; s for self-nomination was a survival of the 
old system in that it implied a more or less private and secret agree- 
ment behind . It was now passing away as these private agree- 
ments were changing into formal public meetings which did their 
own nominating. By this time, too, the publication of long and 
elaborate letters and addresses in newspapers and handbills, had 
come to be a firmly established practice, 4 — a practice to which we 

1 See burlesque in New Ycrk Gazette, Feb. 3, 1752. In same connection see ibid. , 
Feb. 17. 

2 Memorial History of New York, II. 346. The King's Arms Tavern was located 
on the northeast corner of Broad and Dock (now Pearl) streets, opposite " Black Sam " 
Fraunces's tavern. The building was destroyed in 1890 ; the old Fraunces tavern build- 
ing is still standing. 

3 New York Mercury, Feb. 15, 22, 1768. 

* See broadside entitled, "The Watchman No. I," in the New York Historical So- 
ciety library, Vol. I. of the collection. The article is an attack on the De Lancey 
family and belongs to the year 1 7 68. See also an address to " The Freeholders and 
Freemen of the City and County of New York" in the same collection. It probably 
belongs to the election of 1768 or 1769. The author descants on the blessings of repre- 
sentative government, and exhorts the freeholders to choose men of " Sincerity and Pro- 
bity and Capacity." He would exact from candidates a declaration " that they will not 
accept any office of honor or profit under the government . . . while they represent 
you ; that they will do all in their power to get an agent appointed at the court of Great 
Britain . ... At all events choose men o ability and no Boys.'" See also, same col- 
lection, broadside entitled, " To the Citizens of New York on the present critical situa- 
ation of affairs," etc. The Lenox Library collection of broadsides of this period and 
later has been conveniently described and summarized in the Bulletin of the New York 
Public Library, Jan., 1 899, pp. 23 ff. 

274 £"• Becker 

look back for the origin of our present convention platforms. But 
it was not until the final election in the spring of the next year that 
the new method clearly assumed its first distinctive form — the for- 
mal public mass-meeting; by a glance at this election we may per- 
ceive how far the new method had developed before the Revolution. 

The questions at issue in both elections were for the most part 
the same. At bottom was the old Livingston-De Lancey rivalry ; 
on the side of Livingston were ranged the dissenters, the lawyers, 
and the radical anti-British party, while the Church, the merchants, 
and the compromisers stood by De Lancey. Nevertheless the old 
personal rivalries were giving way before the coming life-and-death 
questions of British control, which were cutting into the old fac- 
tions and rapidly reorganizing parties on a basis of principle instead 
of on a basis of leadership. This tendency is clearly to be seen 
in the election of 1769, at the very time when the new methods in 
nomination are first coming prominently to the front. 

The result of the bitter personal contest of 1768 was the elec- 
tion of one member of the Livingston party, Philip Livingston him- 
self, and three of the De Lancey party, James De Lancey, James 
Jauncey, and Jacob Walton. As the election of 1769 approached, 
Livingston determined not to be a candidate at all unless there could 
be a "peaceful election." With other members of his party, there- 
fore, he addressed a letter to De Lancey and Walton, deploring the 
religious dissensions and proposing a temporary union of the parties 
by the nomination of a joint ticket, each party naming two candi- 
dates. 1 This proposition was rejected, but on January 4 the De 
Lancey party held a meeting at the Exchange, where they nomi- 
nated De Lancey, Jauncey, and Walton, and sent a messenger to 
Livingston offering to make him the fourth member. 2 Livingston 
having declined this proposal, the meeting proceeded to fill out their 
ticket with the name of John Cruger, the mayor. 3 The Livingston 
party had its meeting the very same day, and notwithstanding 
Livingston's refusal to stand as a candidate for either party unless a 
compromise could be arranged, proceeded to form a ticket of which 
he was the head, the others being Peter V. Livingston, Theodorus 
Van Wyck, and John Morin Scott. 4 These meetings, it is related, 
consisted of some hundreds of inhabitants. 5 They were of course 

'Sedgwick, Memoir of William Livingston, 146, 147. The statement of Sedgwick 
is based upon a broadside in the New York Public Library. See also the statement of 
Philip Livingston, New York Mercury, Jan. 9, 1769. 

2 Memorial History of New York, II. 396; New York Mercury, Jan. 9, 1769. 

' New York Mercury, Jan. 9, 1769. 

* Ibid, 

5 Memorial History of New York, II. 396. 

Nominations in Colonial New York 275 

mere mass-meetings and unorganized, but the unorganized mass- 
meeting leads directly to the organized nominating convention. 

Thus while the old method, previous to the Revolution, retained 
its hold rather firmly in the rural districts and the upper counties, 
the new method had attained its first distinctive form, at least 
within the city of New York. The Revolution itself gave a power- 
ful impetus to the new method, and practically destroyed the old. It 
destroyed the old by breaking up and driving out the old aristocracy ; 
gave a great impetus to the new by teaching a minority the uses of 
formal organization — mass-meetings, committees, resolutions, chair- 
manships, and rules of order. When the Revolution was over, and 
the new elective offices were to be filled, these lessons were not 

Carl Becker. 


Familiar as the student of history is with the growth of legend, 
it is frequently assumed that these products of fancy develop only 
in the absence of documents and contemporary records ; or that, if 
they do invade the field of authenticated history, it is only to clothe 
the bare limbs of fact with the foliage of picturesque incident or 
winged words : Columbus stands the egg on its end, or Galileo 
mutters " e pur si muove." History is full of such touches, which 
if not true are not essential distortions of the train of events. For 
examples of the complete legendary reconstruction of history we 
naturally turn to the Middle Ages or earlier periods, and call to 
mind the Donation of Constantine or the story of William Tell. 
That such a reconstruction of history should take place in the latter 
half of the nineteenth century in the United States and should in- 
volve an event of such immense importance and world-wide pub- 
licity as the acquisition of Oregon will seem little short of incredible. 
To trace the steps by which the imaginative reconstruction of this 
transaction, strangely distorting the relative significance of men and 
events, has slowly but steadily pushed aside the truth, until it has 
invaded not only the text-books but the works of historians whose 
reputation gives their utterances a certain authority, would give 
every one a new idea of the pervasive and subtle power of the leg- 
endary faculty of the human mind and of the need of unceasing 
critical vigilance. 1 

1 Its first appearance in a formal history was in W. H. Gray's History of Oregon, 
1792-/849, Drawn from Personal Observation and Authentic Information, Portland, 
Oregon, 1870. Von Hoist mentions it in 1881 {Const. Hist, of the U. S., III. 51, 52), 
with some hesitation. It is taken from Von Hoist by Lyon G. Tyler, Letters and Times 
of the Tylers, Richmond, Va., 1885, II. 439, and presented with some corrective com- 
ments. The period of its widest diffusion and general acceptance, however, begins in 
1883 with the publication of Barrows's Oregon. Thence it has passed into magazine and 
newspaper articles and text-books. See McMaster's With the Fathers, N. Y., 1896, the 
chapter entitled "The Struggle for Territory," pp. 307-310; McMaster's School History 
of the U. .V., 1897, pp. 32-34; J. W. Foster's Century of American Diplomacy, 1900, 
P- 3°5 ; J- w - Burgess's The Middle Period, 1897, pp. 314-316; the school histories of 
Scudder, Thomas, Montgomery, and Gordy, also the Encycl. Brit, as well as the Amer- 
ican Supplement and The International Cycl., arts. Oregon. 

In 0. W. Nixon's How Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon, Chicago, 1895, all the 
legendary elements are combined with some genuine material, but the author is either 
ignoranl of or suppresses essential facts. Eva Emery Dye's McLoughlin and Old Ore- 
gon, Chicago, 1900, adds new fictitious materials. This book is hardly more than an 


The Legend of Marcus Whitman 277 

To enable the reader to follow a critical investigation of how 
Marcus Whitman saved Oregon to the United States, a brief outline 
of the story must be given. 

About the first of October 1842, while Dr. Whitman was dining 
at a trading-post of the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Walla 
Walla the news comes of the arrival of a colony of Canadians from 
the Red River country. The assembled company is jubilant and a 
young priest cries out " Hurrah for Oregon ! America is too late, 
and we have got the country." Whitman realizes that if Canadian 
immigration has really begun the authorities at Washington ought 
to know it, and a counter American immigration ought to be 
promoted, so that when the joint occupation of Oregon is termi- 
nated, the presence of a majority of American settlers may turn the 
balance in favor of the United States by right of possession. The 
government must be informed as to the value of Oregon and its 
accessibility by overland emigration. In spite of the protests of 
his fellow missionaries, he immediately starts for Washington, where 
he arrives March 2, 1843, most opportunely to secure the postpone- 
ment of negotiations looking to the surrender of Oregon by pledg- 
ing himself to demonstrate the accessibility of the country by con- 
ducting thither a thousand immigrants, which he does during the 
ensuing summer. 1 

The essential points in this statement are the cause and purpose 
of Dr. Whitman's journey to the East in 1842, his influence on the 
Oregon policy of the government and his organization of the great 
immigration of 1843. Incidental or collateral assumptions usually 
accompany this statement to the effect that great ignorance and in- 
difference in regai d to Oregon prevailed in Washington and gener- 
ally throughout the United States, and that Dr. Whitman was able 
to dispel the ignorance and to transform the indifference into a deep 
and widespread interest. In both the essentials and the explanatory 
details the story of how Marcus Whitman saved Oregon is fictitious. 
It is not only without trustworthy contemporary evidence, but is 
irreconcilable with well established facts. No traces of knowledge 

historical romance. It is a most curious fact that although Bancroft's Oregon, which was 
published in 1885, contains a well digested and true account of the causes of Whitman's 
journey and his connection with the emigration of 1843, all carefully authenticated from 
contemporary sources, it has been entirely neglected by the authors of the books above 

My eyes were first opened to the intricacies and curious origin of the legend by a very 
careful investigation conducted under my supervision by one of my students, Mr. Arthur 
Howard Hutchinson. His study of the question convinced him that there was a larger 
amount of collusion and purpose in developing and disseminating the story than I have 
thought it best to try to prove in this article. 

1 Cf. Barrows's Oregon, p. 160 ff. ; McMaster, With the Fathers, pp. 307-310. 

VOL. vi. — 19. 

278 E. G. Bourne 

oi~ it have ever been found in the contemporary discussion of the 
Oregon question. The story first emerges over twenty years after 
the events and seventeen years after Whitman's death and its con- 
ception of the Oregon policy of the government is that handed down 
by tradition in an isolated and remote community. Criticism of a 
simple type has winnowed out some of the crudest misconceptions, 
unconscious that more is needed to substantiate a narrative than to 
sift out its impossibilities. 1 

The real cause of Dr. Whitman's journey to the East was the 
decision of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign 
Missions to discontinue the southern branch of the mission, and his 
purpose was to secure a reversal of that order, and reinforcements 
from the Board, and to bring back, if possible, a few Christian 
families. The rapidly increasing immigration into Oregon made an 
increase of Protestant missions essential if Oregon was to be saved 
from becoming Catholic. 

Owing to difficulties of the work among the small and widely 
scattered groups of Indians and to dissensions among the mission- 
aries of the Oregon missions the Prudential Committee of the 
American Board passed the following resolution, February 23, 
1842 : "That the Rev. Henry H. Spalding be recalled, with in- 
structions to return by the first direct and suitable opportunity ; 
that Mr. William H. Gray be advised to return home, and also the 
Rev. Asa B. Smith, on account of the illness of his wife ; that Dr. 
Marcus Whitman and Mr. Cornelius Rogers be designated to the 
northern branch of the mission; and that the two last named be au- 
thorized to dispose of the mission property in the southern branch 
of the mission." 2 

This action of the Prudential Committee was discussed at the 
meeting of the Oregon Mission, September 26, 1842. Mr. Gray 
requested that he might be released to establish a boarding-school 
under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company's officials, which 
was refused. On the 28th it was 

"Resolved: That if arrangements can be made to continue the 
operations of this station, that Dr. Marcus Whitman be at liberty and 
advised to visit the United States as soon as practicable to confer with 

1 Cf. Burgess, The Middle Period, pp. 315-316, and Eells, History of Indian Mis- 
sions, Philadelphia, 1882. On pp. 43-46, Mr. Eells tells the true history of Whitman's 
journey East and then on pp. 162-176 the full legendary account, omitting only such de- 
tails as are obviously irreconcilable with the records of the Board ! 

2 Records of the Prudential Committee of the American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions, at the Congregational House, Boston. Cf. The Missionary Herald, 
Jan. 1843, p. 14, and the Report oi the A.B.C.F.M. for 1842, p. 194. 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 279 

the committee of the A.B.C.F.M. in regard to the interests of this mis- 
sion." ' 

E. Walker, moder. 
Cushing Eells, Scribe, 
H. H. Spalding." 

On October 3, 1842, Mr. Walker wrote to the Board a long 
letter regarding the work in Oregon, urging them to keep up the 
missions for the benefit of the incoming white settlers as well as for 
the Indians for whom they had been established. " With this view 
of the case," he writes : 

' '• % " You will see why we were unwilling to abandon the South branch, 
for as it seemed to us, by giving that up we were giving up the whole mis- 
sion. Notwithstanding we thought that the object of your letter had 
been accomplished by the reconciliation which had taken place, still we 
felt ourselves placed in a trying situation, we hardly knew what course to 
pursue, but concluded to wait until we could receive an answer to the 
committee [communication?] 2 of the mission stating that the difficulties 
of the mission were settled. We found too that there was a difficulty in 
sustaining the mission as so many had withdrawn and as the reinforce- 
ments had stopped at the Islands [Hawaiian Islands] . After considerable 
consultation without coming to any definite conclusion and as we were 
about starting for our place, a proposition was made by Dr. Whitman 
for him to return to the States this winter to confer with the Prudential 
Committee and conduct a reinforcement out next summer if it was thought 
best to continue the mission. At least something definite could be de- 
cided upon. The proposition being presented just as we were on the 
eve of leaving we felt at first that we could not then give a decided 
answer to it. We wanted him to think and pray over it and proposed 
we return and send in writing our conclusion. But we were told that 
there was no time to be lost, that we must decide it now, or it would be 
too late. After some more consultation, we stated that if the station 
could be put in a situation which would render it safe to be left and after 
proper arrangements could be made, we would consent to Dr. Whitman's 
going to the States. We do not approve of the hasty manner in which 
this question was decided. Nothing it seemed to us but stern necessity 
induced us to decide on the manner we did. It seemed death to put the 
proposition in force and worse than death to remain as we were. I have 

1 From letter-book "Oregon Indians" in the records of the Board. The letter is 
dated : " Waiilatpu, Oct. 3rd, 1842," and endorsed " Rec'd. 30 Mar. 1843." For the 
action of the mission see Miss. Herald, Sept. 1843, p. 356, also Report of the 
A.B.C.F.M., 1843, p. 169. 

The statement in Mr. Walker's diary, under date of September 28, is : "At break- 
fast the Dr. let out » hat was his plan in view of the state of things. We persuaded them 
to get together and talk matters over. I think they felt some better afterwards. Then 
the question was submitted to us of the Dr.'s going home which we felt that it was one 
of too much importance to be decided in a moment, but finally came to the conclusion if 
he could put things at that station in such a state we could consent to his going and with 
that left them and made a start for home." From the MS. in the possession of the Ore- 
gon State Historical Society. 

2 The word is " committee " in my transcript, but it maybe an error in copying. 

280 E. G. Bourne 

no doubt if his plan succeeds it will be of great good to the mission and 
the country." 1 

This letter was endorsed by dishing Eells : "lam happy to 
say that the subjects of this letter have been frequently discussed 
of late by Mr. Walker and myself. I do not now recollect that 
there has been any important difference in the conclusions arrived 
at." Mr. Spalding wrote from Clearwater, October 15, a letter of 
twenty quarto pages in answer to the letter of the Board of February 
26, 1842. 2 It is a reply to the charges preferred against him and 
contains not a word about Whitman's journey. Mr. W. H. Gray 
wrote from Waiilatpu, October 3, 1842, to the Board to announce 
his appointment as "Secular Agent and General Superintendent of 
the Oregon Institute " and his release by the mission. He adds : 
" Dr. Whitman will be able to give you the particulars respecting the 
affairs of the mission and the results of the last meeting," etc., etc. 3 

Mrs. Whitman wrote to her absent husband from Waskopum, 
March 4, 1843 : " I have never felt to regret in the least that you 
have gone — for I fully believe the hand of the Lord was in it — and 
that he has yet blessings in store for Oregon. Yes, for these poor 
degraded Indians." Again, from Waiilatpu, May 18, 1843, "wish- 
ing you my dear husband ... as speedy a return to the bosom 
of your family as the business of the Lord upon which you have 
gone will admit of." * 

In none of these letters nor in any received from the members of 
the Oregon mission is there even a hint that Dr. Whitman had an- 
other purpose in going East than to save and reinforce the mission. 
Nor do these contemporary letters support in the slightest degree 
the picturesque narrative of the scene at the dinner at Walla Walla, 
with the rejoicing over the emigrants from the Red River, for the 
very good reason that this Hudson's Bay Company emigration ar- 
rived the year before ! 5 All this part of the Whitman story is ab- 

1 Letter-book as before. Cf. the " Remarks" in the Miss. Herald, Sept. 1843, P- 356. 

2 Letter-book, "Oregon Indians." 

* Letter-book, "Oregon Indians." 

6 Sir George Simpson, An Overland Journey Round the World, Philadelphia, 1847, 
I. 62 and 94. There were twenty-three families in the party. " Chaque annee il vient 
du Canada un certain nombre de families qui ne sont point engagees. A la fin de 1841, 
il en est arrive trente de la colonie de la Riviere Rouge ; pres de la moitie s'est etabli au 
Ouallamet." Du Flot de Mofras, Explorations du Territoire de /' Oregon, etc., pendant 
tes Annies 1840, 1841 et 1842, Paris, 1844, II. 209. Cf. Bancroft's Oregon, I. 252 ; also 
Myron Kelts, History of Indian Missions on the Pacific Coast, Philadelphia, 1882, p. 166. 

The mistake of dating this Red River emigration in 1842 apparently originated with 
Gustavus Ilines in his Oregon: Its History, Condition and Prospects, etc., Buffalo, 1851, 
p. 387. This book was written while Hines was in the East {cf. Bancroft, Oregon, I. 
225, note) and the mistake was a not unnatural slip of the memory. It had a curious 
result, however, of supplying the mythical occasion of Whitman's journey. 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 2 8 1 

solutely destitute of contemporary evidence, is irreconcilable with 
established facts, and is, in fact, purely fictitious. 

As most of the rest of it is equally imaginary it may be well at 
this point to examine into its origin and the trustworthiness of its 
author before pursuing the detailed criticism of the narrative. 

The fictitious account of Whitman's journey, its causes, purpose 
and achievements, originated with his colleague in the Oregon mis- 
sion, the Rev. H. H. Spalding. 1 It subsequently received apparent 
confirmation by the testimony of others connected with the mission, 
as W. H. Gray, Cushing Eells, and Dr. Whitman's nephew, Perrin 
B. Whitman. All this testimony is later than Spalding's original 
statement and gives the clearest internal evidence of having been 
either derived from him or colored by his narrative. At the time of 
the Whitman massacre Spalding underwent a terrible nervous and 
physical strain and apparently never recovered from his sufferings. 2 
He believed the massacre had been instigated by the Catholic mis- 
sionaries and this belief made him almost if not quite a monomaniac 

1 '' Mr. Spalding, his first and most zealous associate, attempted to bring these facts 
before the world, but the caution of those who would whitewash his (Dr. Whitman's) 
sepulchre induced Mr. Spalding to give up in despair." Gray's Oregon, 482. The 
reader will find reason to question the truthfulness of the concluding words. " Rev. H. 
H. Spalding was about the first person to make known the fact of Dr. Whitman's going 
East on a political errand. Dr. G. H. Atkinson learned of it, and believed that this 
work ought to be set to the credit of missions. He said so publicly. In his journey East 
in 1865 he told the secretaries of the American Board that while they had been accus" 
tomed to look upon their Oregon mission as a failure it was a grand success. They were 
very skeptical and thought that many extravagant assertions had been made about Whit- 
man's achievement. Dr. Atkinson replied : 'Write to Dr. Eells, as you know him to 
be careful in his statements and are accustomed to rely on what he says.' " Myron Eells, 
Father Eells, or the Remits of Fifty-five Years of Missionary Labors in Washington 
and Oregon; A Biography of Cushing Eells, D.D., Boston, 1S94, p. 106. Secretary 
Treat wrote to Dr. Eells and from Dr. Eells's reply which was published in the Mission- 
ary Herald, Dec, 1866, pp. 370-72, and from the statements Dr. Atkinson had made 
he prepared an address on "Early Indian Missions," which he delivered at the meeting 
of the American Board in Pittsfield, Sept. 27, 1866. The report of this address in the 
Congregationalist, Oct. 5, 1866, is the earliest printed version of the Whitman story that 
I have found. It does not contain the Fort Walla Walla incident. As Mr. Treat was the 
Secretary of the Board in 1843, and at all times had access to the records I have quoted, 
one must regret that his desire to believe the Spalding story and to have it believed de- 
terred him from making any serious attempt to verify it. That he was conscious of the 
inconsistency with the records is evident in his comment on Dr. Eells's letter, Miss. Her- 
ald, 1866, p. 374. 

2,< A poor broken-down wreck, caused by the frightful ending of his fellow asso- 
ciates, and of his own missionary labors." Gray's Oregon, p. 482. " His nervous sys- 
tem remained a wreck ever afterward." Mrs. F. F. Victor, River of the West, Hart- 
ford, 1870, p. 409. " There can be no doubt that Spalding's mind was injured by this 
shock. All his subsequent writings show a want of balance, which inclines me to re- 
gard with lenity certain erroneous statements in his publications. I find in the Oregon 
Statesman of August II, 1855, this line : ' H. H. Spalding, a lunatic upon the subject 
of Catholicism and not over and above sane upon any subject.' " H. H. Bancroft, 
Oregon, 1., 665, note. 

282 E. G. Bourne 

on the subject of Catholicism. His repeated charges brought forth 
an answer from Brouillet the Vicar-General of Walla Walla, 1 and 
nine years later Brouillet' s pamphlet was included by J. Ross 
Browne in an official report which he made on the causes of the 
Indian War in Oregon and Washington. 2 

Brouillet's reply is temperate in tone but makes assertions about 
the attitude of the Indians toward the Protestant missionaries and 
the causes of it, which the missionaries regarded as slanders. But to 
have this Catholic pamphlet distributed as a public document by the 
government incensed Spalding beyond endurance and roused him 
to ceaseless efforts to overwhelm the Catholics with obloquy. 3 By 
lecturing on the Protestant missions, the work of Whitman and the 
massacre, and by getting various religious bodies and groups of 
prominent men to pass resolutions drafted by himself he accumu- 
lated a mass of material which he got published under the title : 
Early Labors of the Missionaries of the American Board, etc., in 
Oregon, etc., as Executive Document 37 (Senate), 41st Congress, 
3rd session. It was as an element in this extraordinary campaign of 
vindication that the legendary story of Whitman was developed. 4 
Nothing could more effectively catch the public ear and prepare the 
public mind for resentment against the Catholics than to show that 
Whitman saved Oregon to the United States and then lost his life a 
sacrifice to the malignant disappointment of the "Jesuits" and the 
Hudson's Bay Company. This conjecture is very strongly sup- 
ported by Spalding's allegation in his memorial "American Con- 
gress vs. Protestantism in Oregon." "That there is abundant proof 
to show that the said Whitman massacre and the long and expen- 
sive wars that followed were commenced by the above said British 

1 Protestantism in Oregon : Account of the Murder of Dr. Whitman and the L'n- 
I rateful Calumnies of H. H. Spalding, Protestant Missionary, by the Rev. J. B. A. 
Brouillet, N. Y., 1853. Brouillet had saved Spalding's life. 

2 Executive Docs. ( House of Rep. ), 35th Cong., 1st Sess., No. 38. Spalding's charges 
are quoted on pages 49-51. 

3 Spalding did not become aware of the republication of Brouillet's pamphlet for 
some years {Senate Ex. Doc. 37, 41st Cong., 3rd Sess., p. 5). 

4 The date cannot be fixed with precision. Dr. Atkinson brought the story to Boston 
in 1865. Secretary Treat wrote Dr. Eells in consequence, Feb. 22, 1866. Bancroft 
says, I. 657, note ; "In 1866-67 Spalding revived the memories of twenty years before, 
and delivered a course of lectures on the subject of the Waiilatpu mission which were pub- 
lished in the Albany (Or. ) States Rights Democrat extending over a period from Novem- 
ber 1866 to February 1867." But the lectures apparently began at least one year earlier, 
for in one of them printed in the Early Labors he says it is eighteen years since the mas- 
sarre, which occurred in November, 1847. Exec. Doc. 37, p. 26. 

Extracts from Spalding's lecture and from his memorial entitled "American Con- 
gress vs. Protestantism in Oregon" are given in the appendix to this article as " The 
Primary Source of the Whitman Legend." The date of the publication of Doc. 37 was 
1 87 1 . 

The Legend of Marcus I] 7 hitman 283 

monopoly for the purpose of breaking up the American settlements 
and of regaining the territory, and that they were especially chag- 
rined against the said Whitman as being the principal agent in dis- 
appointing this scheme." 1 

The constant reiteration of the Whitman story in Spalding's 
collection of materials in Doc. 37 still further illustrates the re- 
liance that was placed upon it. 2 

Having shown the circumstances under which the Whitman 
story was first brought to light it is now time for us to examine into 
Spalding's veracity or trustworthiness as a source. The earliest tes- 
timony we have on this point is Gray's letter to the American Board 
from Waiilatpu, October 14, 1840. "Duplicity is a trait in his 
character that never in all probability will change." 3 The most 
conclusive proof of Spalding's untrustworthiness if not dishonesty 
in matters relating to this missionary history can be given. While 
Dr. Whitman was absent from his mission on his journey east in 
1 842-1 843 his mill was burned by the Indians. Elijah White, the 
United States sub-Indian-agent, made a special investigation of the 
circumstances and reported in his letter of April 1, 1843, to Com- 
missioner Crawford at Washington that the chief Feathercat "ac- 
knowledged his opinion that the mill was burnt purposely by some 
disaffected persons towards Dr. Whitman." Extracts from this 
letter were quoted by Spalding in his Early Labors, but following the 
word " Whitman " he inserted this additional sentence : " The mill, 
lumber and a great quantity of grain was burned by Catholic In- 
dians, instigated by Romanists, to break up the Protestant mission, 
and prevent supplies to the on-coming emigration by Dr. Whitman." 4 

This interpolation was made deliberately in an official document 
for the purpose of manufacturing evidence of previous Catholic 
malignity which would render plausible Spalding's accusation in re- 
gard to the massacre. Again, where Dr. White quotes an old chief 
as saying in regard to the conference he was holding : " Clark 
pointed to this day, to you, and this occasion ; we have long waited 

1 Exec. Doc. 37, p. 42. In the report of Dr. G. H. Atkinson's address before the 
American Board at Norwich in 1868 it is said : "He told most effectively the story of the 
manner in which the heroic missionary Dr. Whitman, who was subsequently murdered 
for the deed, made the journey from Oregon to Washington in 1842," etc. The Congre- 
gationalist, Oct. 15, 1868. Presumably this address is the same one that Dr. Atkinson 
later made before the New York Chamber of Commerce, Dec. 3, 1868 (N. Y., John 
W. Amerman), which contained the legendary interviews with Webster and Tyler, etc. 

2 Cf. for example, pp. 20-23, 2 S> 4 2 > 75—76, and 78 ; cf. Exec. Doc. 37. 41st Cong., 
3rd Sess. 

3 Letter-book, " Oregon Indians." 

4 Cf. the text of White's letter in Ten Years in Oregon : Travels and Adventures of 
Doctor E. White and Lady, etc., Ithaca, N. Y., 1850, and in Gray's Oregon, p. 229, 
with Exec. Doc. 37, p. 13. 

2 84 The E. G. Bourne 

in expectation ; sent three of our sons to Red River School to pre- 
pare for it," Spalding changed the last clause to " sent three of 
our sons to the rising sun to obtain the book from Heaven," thus 
manufacturing first-hand confirmation of the somewhat doubtful 
story of the Indians who came to St. Louis for the Bible. 1 

Inasmuch as Gray is commonly considered an independent con- 
temporary witness for the Whitman story it is necessary to examine 
his trustworthiness. 2 Gray was at Waiilatpu when the missionaries 
discussed the recall of Spalding and the discontinuance of the 
Southern mission. Yet in letters in the Daily and Weekly Astorian, 
reprinted in circular No. 8 3 of the Pioneer and Historical Society of 
Oregon, he said: "The order to abandon the mission I confess is 
new to me;" and in reply to Mrs. F. F. Victor's assertion that 
Dr. Whitman went East to secure a reversal of the order he denied 
that a meeting of the mission was held in September 1842* which 
authorized Whitman's journey. He thus deliberately denies some- 
thing that he must have known perfectly well if he remembered 
anything at all about the transaction, and professes ignorance of an- 
other fact of which he could not have been ignorant. Gray shared 
Spalding's intense prejudices and vindictiveness toward the Hudson's 
Bay Company and the Catholic missionaries. His History of Oregon 
is utterly untrustworthy as a source of Oregon history. 5 

Although many others have testified in recent years to the 
truth of the Spalding narrative, not a particle of contemporary evi- 
dence has ever been advanced in its support ; later testimony has 
all been colored by the public discussions and men have remem- 
bered what Spalding said, not what happened. A convincing ex- 
ample of this fact is furnished by the letter of Cushing Eells of 
May 28, 1866. He was present at Waiilatpu and was the secre- 
tary of the mission meeting, yet he writes in reply to an inquiry 

1 Cf. Ten Years in Oregon, p. 1S5, and Gray's Oregon, p. 225, with Exec. Doc. 
37. P- 13- 

I lie affirms that his account of the Fort Walla Walla incident is based on " his own 
knowledge ! " Hist, of Oregon, p. 289. 

3 Circular 8, pp. 5-6. 

4 He wrote the Board from Waiilatpu Oct. 3, 1842. "Dr. Whitman will be able 
to give you all the particulars respecting the affairs of the mission and the results of the 
last meeting." Letter-book, " Oregon Indians." 

■' " It would require a book as large as Gray's to correct Gray's mistakes." Ban- 
croft's History of the Northwest Coast, II. 536. " It has, however, three faults — lack of 
arrangement, acrimonious partisanship, and disregard for truth." Bancroft, History of 
Oregon, I. 302. " His book, in my best judgment, is a bitter, prejudiced, sectarian, 
controversial work in the form of a history." Peter H. Burnett, Recollections and 
Opinions of an Old Pioneer, N. Y., 1880, p. 222. These last two judgments I regard 
as absolutely just. 

II will not escape notice that both Spalding and Gray suppress all reference to the 
missionary troubles in 1842 and to the action of the Board. 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 285 

that " the single object of Dr. Whitman, . . . was to make a desperate 
effort to save the country to the United States." l Then follows a 
paragraph on Whitman's experience in Washington and the Ore- 
gon situation, which was derived from Spalding and can not have 
been Dr. Eells's recollection of Whitman's report, because, as will 
be shown presently, it cannot have been true. If in Dr. Eells's 
mind Spalding's inventions had displaced his own recollections, how 
much weight is to be attached to the testimony of Perrin B. Whit- 
man, Dr. Whitman's nephew, who was only thirteen years of age 
in 1843 ? 2 

The foregoing discussion of the account given by Spalding and 
Gray of the occasion of Whitman's journey East 3 does not aim to 
disprove that he intended to go to Washington, and to do what he 
could for the advantage of Oregon. Owing to the infrequency of 
communication with people from the Pacific coast and the wide 
public interest in the Oregon territory he could feel assuredj of 
being welcomed and of conveying useful information. The only 
evidences of such intentions that I have found, that are uncon- 
taminated by Spalding's fictions, are a reference in Dr. White's 
letter of April 1, 1 843/ to the Indian Commissioner at Washington, 
and A. L. Lovejoy's recollections as given in his letter to Dr. 
Atkinson in 1876. Lovejoy came to Oregon in the emigration of 
1842 and was induced to return with Whitman. He writes : 

"The day after our arrival Dr. Whitman called at our camp and 
asked me to accompany him to his house, as he wished me to draw up a 
memorial to Congress to prohibit the sale of ardent spirits in this country. 
The Doctor was alive to the interests of this coast, and manifested a very 

1 Missionary Herald, 1866, top p. 371. 

2 P. B. Whitman in a letter " To the Public," Oct. 11, 1880, said that Whitman's 
journey was for ihe double purpose of bringing out an immigration and to prevent the 
trading off of the Northwest coast. Circular?) of the Oregon Pioneer and Historical 
Society, p. 12. His age is derived from Dr. Whitman's letter to the Board, May 30, 
1843. Letter-book, "Oregon Indians." 

3 That he went East on the business of the mission was a matter of common knowl- 
edge at the time. "In 1842 Dr. Whitman visited the United States to obtain further 
assistance, in order to strengthen the efforts that had already been made. ... In 1843 
Dr. Whitman returned again to Oregon and resumed his labors." Ten Years in Oregon, 
by D. Lee and J. H. Prost, N. Y., 1844. According to Nixon, Mrs. Whitman's diary 
reveals nothing as to a political object. He explains this silence on the ground that 
absolute secrecy was necessary. How Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon, Chicago, 1895, 
p. 107. Yet according to Gray, Whitman defiantly announced his purpose at the Fort 
Walla Walla dinner. Gray's Oregon, p. 288. Spalding in his contemporary letter to 
Dr. White the sub-Indian -agent mentions Whitman's visit to the States but gives no rea- 
son. White's Ten Years in Oregon, 202. Gray's Orego7i, p. 235. 

4 Pie writes that the country of the Cayuse Indians " is well-watered, gently undu- 
lating, extremely healthy, and admirably adapted to grazing, as Dr. Whitman may have 
informed you, who resides in their midst." White's Ten Years in Oregon, p. 174; 
also in Gray, p. 219. 

2 86 E. G. Bourne 

warm desire to have it properly represented at Washington ; and after 
numerous conversations with the Doctor touching the future prosperity 
of Oregon, he asked me one day in a very anxious manner, if I thought 
it woufd be possible for him to cross the mountains at that time of the 
year. I told him I thought he could. He next asked : ' Will you ac- 
company me ?' After a little reflexion, I told him I would." 1 

Of Whitman's presence in Washington I have been able so far 
to find not a trace of local contemporary evidence. There is nothing 
in the Globe or the National Intelligencer among Washington papers, 
or in Niles's Register, although its pages for 1843 contain many in- 
significant items of Oregon news, or in the Washington correspon- 
dence of the Tribune or the Journal of Commerce. Curtis's Webster 
and Webster's Private Correspondence are alike silent. Interested 
as John Quincy Adams was in all diplomatic matters, Chairman of 
the House Committee on Foreign Relations, watchful and suspici- 
ous of the administration, his voluminous Diary knows nothing of 
Marcus Whitman. Equally devoid of light are Benton's Thirty 
Years' View, although Benton was a champion of Oregon, and 
Greenhow's History of Oregon, although Greenhow was a trans- 
lator in the State Department and an indefatigable collector of infor- 
mation about Oregon. 2 The Life and Speeches of Senator Linn, of 
Missouri, who was the most advanced leader of the Oregon party, 
make no reference to Whitman. Tyler's Tyler lacks any contem- 
porary reference to Whitman's presence in Washington, and if the 
author had found any he would have given it because he makes 
some conjectures as to the origin of the notion that Whitman ex- 
erted any influence on the diplomacy of that year. 3 

The only contemporary evidence of Whitman's activity in Wash- 
ington which has ever been advanced is in a letter which he wrote 
to the Secretary of War after his return to Oregon. The letter ac- 

1 Nixon, flow Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon, p. 306. Lovejoy's letter occu- 
pies pp. 305-312. Lovejoy's letter to Gray of Nov. 6, 1869, is similar interior as a whole 
but does not mention all the facts quoted above. Gray, pp. 324-327. 

2 Greenhow's preface is dated February 1844. He devotes twenty-five pages to the 
Oregon Question in 1843 and half a page to the Emigration of that year, p. 391. 

3 Tyler's Letters and Times of the Tylers, II. 439. In the appendix is a letter from 
Dr. Silas Reed under date of April 8, 1885, which twice makes mention of Whitman's 
visit to Washington but says nothing further than that he " furnished valuable data about 
Oregon and the practicability of a wagon route thereto across the mountains," p. 697. 
'too much stress cannot be laid on this, as Dr. Reed was an old man and his memory 
might easily have been colored by Barrows's Oregon then recently published. In at least 
one very important point in this letter he seems to have remembered more than occurred. 
See p. 699. In the Atlantic Monthly for Oct., 1880, in an art. entitled " Reminiscences 
of Washington " there is what appears to be an independent recollection of Whitman's 
visit to Washington, but it bears the familiar marks of Spalding's invention. It was 
written by Ben. Perley Poore. All that needs to be said is that Poore spent the years 
1841-1848 in Europe and the East ! 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 287 

companies the draft of a bill to promote safe intercourse with Ore- 
gon and begins: " In compliance with the request you did me the 
honor to make last winter while in Washington I herewith transmit," 
etc. 1 In addition to this there is Lovejoy's recollection of what 
Whitman told him during their return. Lovejoy writes : 

" The Doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder 
of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at Wash- 
ington and by the Board of Missions at Boston. The Doctor had 
several interviews with President Tyler, Secretary Webster and many 
members of Congress, touching the interests of Oregon. He urged the 
immediate termination of the treaty with Great Britain relative to this 
country, and the extension of the laws of the United States, and to pro- 
vide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast." 2 

All this is probable, but there was nothing novel in it, because 
the Linn Bill which had passed the Senate the month before had 
all these objects in view. Lovejoy's recollection shows not a trace 
of the Spalding legend of Whitman's having arrived in the nick of 
time to save Oregon from being " traded off for a cod fishery." 
Every account that has been published of Whitman's interviews 
with Tyler and Webster except this of Lovejoy is entirely fictitious, 
and not only fictitious but impossible, and could have originated only 
with a man ignorant of diplomacy in general and of the Oregon di- 
plomacy in particular. 

In the first place, Oregon was in no danger of being lost 
to the United States. The real danger was that the govern- 
ment would be pushed by the Oregon advocates in the West into 
an aggressive policy which might result in war with England. 3 
When the Linn Bill passed the Senate February 3, by a vote of 
24 to 22, providing for the extension of the laws of the United 
States over the whole of the Oregon territory, the erection of courts 
and the granting of lands to settlers, 4 there was not the slightest 
danger of the Senate ratifying a treaty to alienate the territory. 
The appearance of a solitary missionary in Washington advocating 
what a majority of the Senate had already voted, and what state 
legislatures were demanding in resolutions 5 was veritably a drop in 

1 See Nixon, p. 315. 

2 Gray's Oregon, p. 326. I use the earlier letter this time, the only essential dif- 
ference between the two being a parenthetical statement that Congress was in session 
when Whitman arrived, which is a mistake and may be an explanatory afterthought of 

3 Lord Palmerston said in the House of Commons, March 21, "if that bill passed 
into a law, an event which he conceived to be impossible, it would amount to a decla- 
ration of war." London Times, March 22, 1843, p. 3, col. 4. 

*The bill and the debates are conveniently summarized by Greenhow, pp. 377-388. 

5 " There were militant resolutions of the Legislatures of Illinois and of Missouri, 
relating to the Territory of Oregon." J. Q. Adams's memorandum of a meeting of the 

288 E. G- Bourne 

the bucket, and of equal significance. That Whitman influenced 
American diplomacy in any way at Washington is not only desti- 
tute of all evidence but is intrinsically improbable. The belief that 
he did so originated with Spalding, and the ever-present stamp of his 
invention in all the varying narratives is the reference to " trad- 
ing off Oregon for a cod-fishery." 1 

The fisheries were not a subject of negotiation in 1842, nor were 
they proposed for the expected negotiation of 1843. 2 Consequently 

Committee of Foreign Affairs, Feb. 25, 1843. Diary, XL 327. Feb. 9, Representative 
Reynolds, chairman of a select committee on Oregon, reported a bill for the immediate 
occupation of the territory. Niles' 's Register, XLTII. 397; Adams's Diary, XI. 314. 

'For the recurrence of this note, see Spalding, Exec. Doc. 37, pp. 22, 75 ; Eells in 
Miss. Herald, 1866, p. 371 ; Atkinson, ibid., 1869, p. 79; Gray, Oregon, p. 316 ; 
Victor, Overland Monthly, Aug. 1869, p. 155; Poore in Atlantic Monthly, Oct. 1880, 
p. 534 ; Eells, History of Indian Missions, p. 174; Nixon, How Marcus Whitman Saved 
Oregon, p. 128-9. Barrows in his Oregon, pp. 224-238, shows that the interviews are 
unhistorical by a process which completely undermines the rest of his narrative. Leav- 
ing the question of candor or honesty aside, what can be said of the truthworthiness of a 
writer who says, p. 233, that there is no evidence that Sir George Simpson was in Wash- 
ington in 1842-1843 and yet incorporates the myth in his narrative on pp. 153, 158, 202, 
203, 204, going so far on p. 203 as to reconstruct a conversation with Webster out of Sir 
George's Overland Journey Round the World? Barrows puts into Webster's mouth a 
remark about Whitman which was made by an anonymous friend of Webster's to an 
anonymous writer! Cf. Barrows, p. 225, with Exec. Doc. 37, p. 24, or Nixon, p. 133. 
Spalding does the same thing in his headline. The article is cited by Spalding from the 
Independent, Jan., 1870, but it is not there and has not been found, although a careful 
search has been made for it. Again, although Barrows lived near Boston, there is no 
evidence that he ever looked at the Missionary Herald for 1842-1843 or the Reports of 
the Board for those years. Barrows's method is unscientific and bewildering to the last 
degree. He goes over the same ground repeatedly and presents different and incon- 
sistent accounts of the same transactions. 

It is but justice to say that Mrs. Victor enjoys the lonely distinction of being the 
orly writer, so far as I know, who, having once published the legend, upon a more care- 
ful study of the evidence has had the open-mindedness to see and declare its legendary 
character. As the avowed author of Bancroft's Oregon, working nnder his editorial 
supervision, every student of Oregon history is under obligations to her for her scholarly 
and honest presentation of the facts derived from the unparalleled collection of materials 
gathered by Mr. Bancroft. While i have been greatly assisted in this study by the bib- 
liographical notes and in a less degree by the text in the Bancroft History, every impor- 
tant assertion in this article is my own matured conviction. It is a rare experience in a 
critical examination of sources to find in any general history so faithful and trustworthy a 
presentation of the contents of those sources as in the parts of the first volume of Ban- 
croft's Oregon that I have subjected to this test. The aspersions cast upon Mrs. Victor 
and the Bancroft History by writers too lazy to find out the facts or too blinded by pre- 
judice to see them or too dishonest to report them may have goaded her into counter-as- 
sertions and judgments not so carefully weighed as the text of the Histo-y, but such criti- 
cisms and charges as Nixon brought against the History and her work entitle him to 
rank with (hay in candor and trustworthiness, than which no more can be said. Cf. the 
San Francisco Call, Sept. I, 1895, and How Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon, pp. 

" 'I he only question of magnitude about which I did not negotiate with Lord Ash- 
burton is the <|ncstion respecting the fisheries." Webster to Mrs. Paige, Aug. 23, 1842, 
Private Corresfi., II. 146. That the fisheries were not to be considered in 1843 is shown 
by, Webster's letter to Minister Everett, Nov. 28, 1842, ibid., 153-4. 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 289 

Webster could not have told Whitman what Spalding attributes to 
him. It is in the highest degree improbable that either Tyler or 
Webster told Whitman anything about their plans, for the Presi- 
dent refused to give the Senate that information n December 1842, 1 
and it was only with the greatest difficulty that John Quincy Adams 
wormed it out of Webster on March 25, in the course of a three- 
hour interview. 2 Equally fictitious is the story of Sir George Simp- 
son's presence in Washington to negotiate or to influence negotia- 
tions in regard to Oregon and the fisheries. 3 

That Whitman's visit East dispelled ignorance about Oregon or 
inspired enthusiasm are equally without foundation. No doubt he 
could contribute some facts of interest, but the widely circulated 
Travels of Farnham were in the field ; 4 Greenhow's exhaustive his- 
tory was being distributed as a public document ; Fremont was 
under commission to explore the Rockies ; the Wilkes Exploring 
Expedition had explored the Columbia River and Puget Sound 
Regions two years earlier, and Sub-Indian-Agent White was writing 
frequent reports to his superiors at Washington. The ignorance 
and indifference of the government and the public are fictions of a 
later day. 

In such investigation of the newspapers as I have been able to 
make I have found just one news item about Whitman's journey 
East, outside of the missionary intelligence of two or three religious 
papers which refer to his visit to Boston. Whitman called on 
Horace Greeley in the last part of March and gave him some ac- 
count of the conditions in Oregon and of his journey. There is not 
a word in the interview that indicates that he had a political errand 

1 See Pres. Tyler's special message Dec. 23, in reply to the Senate Resolution of Dec. 
22, 1842. Statesman'' s Year Book, II. 1315, or Nilei ' s Register, LXIII. 286. 

2 Adams's Diary, XI. 344-347. The real Oregon policy of the administration was 
something very different from Spalding's invention. It was to yield to England the terri- 
tory north of the Columbia if England would acquiesce in or promote our acquisition of 
California from San Francisco harbor northward and the annexation of Texas to the United 
States. English influence was strong in Mexico and it was believed that if England 
urged these concessions on Mexico she would grant them for a reasonable consideration. 
See Adams's Diary, XI. 340, 347, 351, and 355 ; Tyler's Tyler, II. 692 and 698. That 
Webster revealed this project to Adams March 25 and about the same time or even later 
approached General Almonte the Mexican minister on the subject shows that Whitman's 
interviews, if he had them, had not had the slightest effect. See Adams's Diary, XI. 
347 and 355, entries of Mar. 25 and April 7. The legendary date of Whitman's arrival 
in Washington was March 2 or 3. He arrived later than that, but probably not so late 
as the 25th. 

3 1 have nowhere found a reference to his presence in Washington outside of the 
Spalding narrative and its derivatives, nor is there any evidence that he ever had any 
communications with the Washington authorities on the Oregon question. 

4 Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahnac and Rocky Mountains and in 
the Oregon Territory, by T. J. Farnham, New York, 1843. 

2 go E. G. Bourne 

or wished to stir up public sentiment on Oregon. 1 Here was a 
unique opportunity to reach the public, for Greeley was much in- 
terested in Oregon and printed all the news relative to it that he 
could gather, and had published a cheap edition of Farnham's Travels 
which had an immense sale. 2 

Turning now to Boston we find in the records of his conferences 
with the Board the real history of his journey and its purpose. 
His own statement is summarized in the record as follows : 

" Left the Oregon country 3rd. October, 1842, and arrived at West- 
port, Mo., 15 February 3 and in Boston 30 March 1843. Left unex- 
pectedly and brought few letters. Letters of March 1842 had been re- 
ceived and acted on. The difficulties between Mr. Spalding and others 
were apparently healed, and Mr. S. promises to pursue a different course. 
The mission wish to make another trial with Mr. Smith and Mr. Gray 
out of the mission. Mr. Gray requests a dismission and has left the 
mission and gone to the Methodist settlement. Mr. Rogers also. 4 . . . 
There is, however, an influx of Papists and many emigrants from the 
U. S. are expected. The religious influence needs to be strengthened. 
The mission therefore propose and request that : 

1. One preacher be sent to join them to labor at Waiilatpu — and that 

2. A company of some five or ten men may be found [formed?] 
of piety and intelligence, not to be appointed by the Board or to be 
immediately connected with it, who will go to the Oregon country as 
Christian men, and who, on some terms to be agreed upon, shall take 
most of the land which the mission have under cultivation with the mills 
and shops at the several stations, with the most of the stock and utensils, 
paying the mission in produce from year to year, in seed to the Indians, 
and assistance rendered to them — or in some similar manner, the particu- 
lars to be decided upon in consultation with the men. The result of this 
would be : 

1. Introducing a band of religious men into the country to exert a 
good religious influence on the Indians and the White population which 
may come in especially near the mission stations. 

2. Counteracting papal efforts and influences. 

3. Releasing the missionaries from the great amount of manual labor, 
which is now necessary for them for their subsistence, and permitting 

'This interesting description of Whitman's appearance and travels is too long to 
quote in full. lie impressed Greeley as a " noble pioneer, . . . a man fitted to be a 
chief in rearing a moral Empire among the wild men of the wilderness. . . . He brings 
information that the settlers in the Willamette are doing well, that the Americans are build- 
ing a town at the falls of the Willamette." Then follows an item in regard to members of 
Farnham's party and Whitman's itinerary. "We give the hardy and self-denying 
pioneer a hearty welcome to his native land." N. Y. Weekly Tribune, Mar. 30, 1843. 
'I his item was copied into the Cleveland Herald of April 6. In the same issue appeared 
threi ' olumns oi extracts from the N. Y. Tribune's cheap edition of Farnham's Travels. 
Any one can draw correct conclusions as to the relative strength of these two influences. 

2 Weekly Tribune, May 25. 

:> If Whitman did not arrive at Westport till Feb. 15, it is clear that he could not 
have reached Washington Mar. 2 or 3, as is alleged in the legendary account. It was 
a physical impossibility in 1843. Westport is about 323 miles from St. Louis. 

1 I he (.milled passage reports the condition of the Indians and the friendliness of the 
traders at Fort Walla Walla. 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 291 

them to devote themselves to appropriate missionary work among the In- 
dians, whose language they now speak. 

4. Doing more for the civilisation and social improvement of the 
Indians than the mission can do unaided. 

5. It would afford facilities for religious families to go into the coun- 
try and make immediately a comfortable settlement, with the enjoyment 
of Christian privileges, — both those who might be introduced upon the 
lands now occupied by the mission and others who might be induced to 
go, and settle in the vicinity of the stations. 

6. It would save the mission from the necessity of trading with immi- 
grants. Those now enter the country (sic) expect to purchase or beg 
their supplies from the mission for a year or two, and it would be thought 
cruel to refuse provide (sic) such supplies. 1 

Then follow a few facts about Oregon but not a word on the 
political question or Whitman's trip to Washington. According to 
Lovejoy's recollection 2 Whitman felt that the Board disapproved of 
his action in coming East. Of this there is no record. Yet the 
self-defensive tone of his later letters reflects the same impression. In 
such a conjuncture what more effective defense could he have made 
than to show the urgency of the political crisis in Oregon and 
in Washington ? 

Whitman's journey in fact was measurably successful, and the 
requests of the mission were granted. The minute in regard to his 
project for an emigration was : " A plan which he proposed for 
taking with him, on his return to the mission, a small company of 
intelligent and pious laymen, to settle at or near the mission station, 
but without expense to the Board or any connection with it, was so 
far approved that he was authorized to take such men, if those of a 
suitable character and with whom satisfactory arrangements could 
be made, can be found." 3 

Such was Whitman's plan of emigration, 4 and how different from 
the legendary proposal to Tyler and Webster to take out a thousand 
emigrants ! The fact that Whitman returned in company with the 
emigration of 1 843 has been transformed by legend into the accom- 
plishment of a previously announced purpose to organize and con- 
duct such a body of emigrants. Whitman, however, did not organ- 

1 Submitted to the Prudential Committee April 4, 1843, Doct. Marcus Whitman. 
Abenakis and Oregon Indians, Letter-book, 248. 

2 Gray's Oregon, p. 326; Nixon, p. 311. 

8 Records of the Prudential Committee. Cf. Report of the A. B. C. F. M., for 1843, 
pp. 169-173 ; Missionary Herald, Sept., 1843, p. 356. 

4 He seems to have made it public in a measure before leaving Oregon. At any rate 
Hines refers to " the departure of Dr. Whitman to the United States with the avowed in- 
tention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for Oregon" as having 
alarmed the Indians. It was also rumored that the Nez Perces had dispatched one of 
their chiefs to incite the Indians of the buffalo country to cut off Whitman's party on his 
return. Hines's Oregon, Auburn and Buffalo, 1851, p. 143. Hines's narrative is based 
on his diary at the time. 

2 Q2 E. G. Bourne 

ize the emigration of 1843, but joined it and rendered valuable 
services en route. As the facts about the emigration of 1843 are 
perfectly accessible in Bancroft, 1 I shall merely quote from Whit- 
man's letters such extracts as will illustrate his purposes and his own 
view of what he had accomplished by coming East. 

On May 12, 1843, Whitman writes from St. Louis, "I have 
made up my mind that it would not be expedient to try and take 
any families across this year except such as can go at this time. 
For that reason I have found it my duty to go on with the party 
myself." Calling attention to the Catholic missionary efforts, for 
which he refers the committee to De Smedt's Indian Sketches, he 
continues, " I think by a careful consideration of this together with 
these facts and movements you will realize our feelings that we 
must look with interest upon this the only spot on the Pacific Coast 
left where protestants have a present hope of a foothold. It is 
requisite that some good pious men and ministers go to Oregon 
without delay as citizens or our hope there is greatly clouded, if 
not destroyed." 

On May 30, he writes again from Shawnee : 

" I can not give you much of an account of the emigrants until we 
get on the road. It is said that there are over two hundred men besides 
women and children. They look like a fair representation of a country 
population. . . We do not ask you to become the patrons of emigration to 
Oregon, hut we desire you to use your influence that in connexion with 
all the influx into this country there may be a good proportion of good 
men from our own denomination who shall avail themselves of the ad- 
vantages of the country in common with others. . . . We cannot feel it at 
all just that we are doing nothing while worldly men and papists are 
doing so much. De Smedt's business in Europe can be seen, I think, 
at the top of the 23d page of his Indian Sketches, etc. You will see by 
his book I think that the papal effort is designed to convey over the 
country to the English. ... I think our greatest hope for having Oregon 
at least part protestant now lies in encouraging a proper attention of 
good men to go there while the country is open. I want to call your 
attention to the operation of Farnham of Salem and the Bensons of 
N. York in Oregon. I am told credibly that secretly government aids 
them with the Secret service fund. 2 Capt. Howard of Maine, is also in 
expectation of being employed by government to take out emigrants 
should the Oregon bill pass." 

1 Cf. Bancroft, Oregon, I. 390 If. It is perhaps unnecessary to say that Whitman 
never pretended that he organized the emigration. In his letter to the Secretary of War, 
received June 22, 1844, he wrote : " The Government will now doubtless for the first 
time be apprised through you, or by means of this communication, of the immense immi- 
gration (jf families to Oregon which has taken place this year. I have, since our inter- 

iew, been instrumental in piloting ... no less than three hundred families," etc. 
Nixon, p. 316. Mc would not have expressed himself in this way if his achievement had 
been the fulfillment of his pledge to Tyler to organize and conduct such a company. 

2 Cf. Parrish's statement in Bancroft, I. 177. 

The Legend of Mar-cus Whitman 293 

On November 1 he wrote from the Fort Walla Walla : " my 
journey across the mountains was very much prolonged by the ne- 
cessity for me to pilot the emigrants. I tried to leave the party, at 
different points, and push forward alone, but I found that I could 
not do so without subjecting the emigrants to considerable risk." 
Then follows a plea for more help from the mission board : 

' ' We very much need good men to locate themselves two, three or 
four in a place and secure a good influence for the Indians, and form a 
nucleus for religious institutions, and keep back Romanism. This coun- 
try must be occupied by Americans or foreigners : if it is by the latter, 
they will be mostly papists. ... I regret very much that I was obliged 
to return so soon to this country, but nothing was more evidently my 
duty. . . . Yet I do not regret having visited the States, for I feel that 
either this country must be American or else foreign and mostly papal. 
If I never do more than to have been one of the first to take white women 
across the mountains and prevent the disorder and inaction which would 
have occurred by the breaking up of the present emigration and establish- 
ing the first wagon road across to the border of the Columbia river, I am 
satisfied. I do not feel that we can look on and see foreign and papal 
influence making its greatest efforts and we hold ourselves as expatriated 
and neutral, I am determined to exert myself for my country and to pro- 
cure such regulations and laws as will best secure both the Indians and 
white men in their transit and settlement intercourse." 

In the following summer, on July 22, Whitman wrote in regard 
to the emigration of 1843, "The lateness of the spring prevented 
them from setting out so soon by a month as in ordinary seasons. 
No one but myself was present to give them the assurance of get- 
ting through, 1 which was necessary to keep up their spirits, and to 
counteract reports which were destined to meet and dishearten them 
at every stage of the journey. 2 

From these contemporary letters it is clear that Whitman made 
no claim to have organized the emigration of 1S43 or to have 
rendered them services, beyond encouragement and advice and guid- 
ance. These services were amply recognized by the leaders of the 

In Jesse Applegate's most interesting narrative, " A Day with 
the Cow Column," and in Peter H. Burnett's Recollections there are 
warm tributes to Whitman's disinterested and untiring efforts for the 
welfare of the emigration ; but neither of these leaders of the move- 
ment intimates that the organization of the expedition was owing in 
any way to Whitman. 3 In none of the strictly contemporary sources 

■In Hastings's Emigrant Guide to Oregon and California, etc., Cincinnati, 1845 , 
emigrants are cautioned not to leave Independence later than May 1. I. 147. 

2 All these letters are in the letter-book, " Oregon Indians." I may hereby express 
my appreciation of the courtesy with which the officials of the Board gave me access to 
their records. 

3 Applegate's article was originally published in the Overland Monthly, Aug. 1868 

VOL. VI — 20 

2 Q4 E. G. Bourne 

is Whitman credited with having organized the emigration and in 
many of them he is not even mentioned. 1 

The real force behind the emigration of 1843 was tne provisions 
for granting lands to settlers in Linn's bill which it was expected 
would pass Congress in 1843. 2 That a large emigration was in 
preparation for 1843 Whitman knew in 1842, five months before he 
left Oregon. May 12, 1842, Gray wrote from Waiilatpu : " There 
will probably be a large party of immigrants coming to this country 
in the spring of 1 843. Some young men are now returning with 
the expectation of bringing out a party next Spring." 3 That Whit- 
man may have urged individuals to join the emigration is likely 
enough, and is affirmed by Lovejoy, but he had no time to do more, 
and they would not have had time to get ready unless they had 
begun before his arrival. The legendary account of Whitman's 
relation to the emigration of 1843 has been supported by a letter 
published by Spalding from John Zachrey, one of the emigrants of 
1843, who wrote in 1868 that his father was influenced to go to 
Oregon by "a publication by Dr. Whitman, or from his represen- 
tations." 4 But no copy of this pamphlet has ever been found and 
it is difficult to find time for Whitman, who reached Westport 

I. 127-133. It is reprinted in Nixon's How Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon, p. 
146-163. Applegate says, " Whitman's great experience and indomitable energy were 
of priceless value to the emigrating column. . . . To no other individual are the emi- 
grants of 1843 so much indebted for the successful conclusion of their journey as to 
Marcus Whitman," p. 131-132. Cf. Burnett's Recollections and Opinions of an Old 
Pioneer, N. Y., 18S0, "Dr. Whitman, who had performed much hard labor for us and 
was deserving of our warmest gratitude," p. 126. 

■The emigration of 1843 attracted much attention in the newspapers, but Whitman's 
name is nowhere mentioned as a leader with those of the Applegates, Burnett and the 
others. See Burnett's Recollections, pp. 97-98. After Burnett decided to go, he " set to 
work to organize a wagon company. I visited the surrounding counties wherever I could 
find a sufficient audience and succeeded even beyond my own expectations." Cf. this 
extract from a letter from Iowa Territory dated Mar. 4, 1843. "Just now Oregon is the 
pioneer's land of promise. Hundreds are already prepared to start thither with the 
spring, while hundreds of others are anxiously awaiting the action of Congress in ref- 
erence to that country, as the signal of their departure. Some have already been to view 
the country and have returned with a flattering tale of the inducements it holds out. They 
have painted it to their neighbors in the highest colors. These have told it to others. 
The Oregon fever has broken out and is now raging like any other contagion." A r . Y. 
Weekly Tribune, April 1, 1843. As this letter is dated Mar. 4, and Whitman arrived at 
the present site of Kansas City, Feb. 15, and went straight to St. Louis, it is obvious he 
had no connection with this excitement. Several of the writers realizing this have attrib- 
uted to Lovejoy the work of getting up the emigration ; but he was at Bent's fort in 
Colorado while Whitman was in the East. 

2 The proofs of this are numerous. Dr. Whitman himself in a letter to the Secretary 
of War received June 24, 1844, says of the emigration: " The majority of them are 
fanners, lured by the prospect of bounty in lands, by the reported fertility of the soil," 
etc. Nixon, p. 316. 

3 Letter hook, " Oregon Indians." 
* Exec. hoc. 37, p. 26. 

TJie Legend of Marcus Whitman 295 

February 15, and Boston March 30, and was back again in St. 
Louis May 12, to write a pamphlet which could be circulated in 
Texas, where Zachrey lived, early enough for his father to start 
from Independence, May 22, for Oregon. 1 We have seen how 
Spalding interpolated Dr. White's letter, and Zachrey's letter con- 
tains things that Whitman could not honestly have put in a pamphlet. 3 
As the years passed Dr. Whitman attached so much importance 
to his services to the emigration that he evidently came to regard 
such a service as the purpose of his journey to the East. If it had 
been among his purposes it was to such a degree incidental and 
minor that he apparently never mentioned it to the Committee of the 
American Board, nor did his fellow missionary, Mr. Walker, refer 
to it. 

In 1847, m defending his return East in 1842, Whitman de- 
clared that the American interest in Oregon hinged on the success 
of the immigration of 1843. Had that been disastrous it may be 
easily seen what would have become of American interests. The 
disaster last year to those " who left the track I made for them in 
1843 . . . demonstrates what I did in making my way to the 
States in the winter of 1842-3, after the third of October. It was 
to open a practical route and safe passage and secure a favorable 
report of the journey from emigrants, which in connection with 
other objects caused me to leave my family and brave the toils and 
dangers of the journey." He reiterates this same idea October 18. 3 

It may be questioned if the emigration of 1843 would have met 
with disaster if Whitman had not been with them, or, if it had, 

1 Burnett, Recollettions, p. 99. 

2 For example " that he himself (that is Whitman) and mission party had taken their 
families, cattle and wagons through to the Columbia six years before." Exec. Doc. 37, 
p. 26. This was not true. Whitman changed his wagon into a two-wheeled cart at 
Fort Hall and left the two-wheeled cart at Fort Boise. Bancroft, I. 133. Farnhamsaw 
it there in 1839. Traveh, p. 77. In Exec. Doc. 37, pp. 74-78, is a series of reso- 
lutions adopted by the officials of a Baptist Church in Brownsville, Oregon, Oct. 22, 1S69, 
which were evidently drafted by Spalding. In resolution 6, in a report of Whitman's 
interview with President Tyler, is this sentence: " By his personal representations to 
President Tyler of this country, of its vast importance, and his assurance of a wagon 
route, as he assured him we had taken cattle, a wagon, and his missionary families through 
six years before." Now the " we" may be an inadvertent survival of Spalding's lan- 
guage or a misprint for " he." The interesting thing is that the Zachrey letter supplies 
the materials for this report of Whitman's conversation with Tyler. As the statement 
was not true in either case, the most natural conclusion is that Spalding invented it and 
inserted it in the text of the Zachrey letter. The rest of the Zachrey letter probably rep- 
resents the coalescence after twenty-three years in Zachrey's memory of what Whitman 
did on the way for the emigrants with the indistinct recollection of the inducements to 
start. It is probable that reports of some of Dr. White's speeches to promote emigration 
in 1842 (cf. White's Ten Years in Ore on, pp. 142-143) reached the elder Zachrey, 
and the boy (he was seventeen years old) later attributed the efforts of White to Whitman. 

3 These letters were printed in the Oregon Native Son, Feb 1900, pp. 471-472. 

2o6 E. G. Bourne 

whether that would have really made any difference in the history 
of the Oregon question. The sufferings of the emigration of 1846 
did not prevent the southern road from being attempted again in 
1847 ' and with success. The value of Whitman's services in 1843 
was very great and need not be questioned. That they were in- 
dispensable is far from certain. 

That the generally accepted story of Marcus Whitman is en- 
tirely unhistorical has been demonstrated. That this fictitious nar- 
rative should have been so widely diffused and accepted when the 
true story of Marcus Whitman was perfectly accessible in the Re- 
ports of the American Board and the volumes of the Missionary 
Herald is surprising. That this should have largely taken place 
since the publication of Bancroft's History of Oregon in 1885, which 
gives a clear and accurate account of what Whitman actually at- 
tempted and what he achieved, is almost incredible. 

The results of this investigation will come to many as a shock. 
Extraordinary efforts have been made in good faith to disseminate 
the story of Marcus Whitman in order to raise money for a suitable 
memorial and especially for Whitman College, and to many inter- 
ested in these enterprises this criticism of the Whitman legend will 
doubtless seem most unfortunate. Yet it is the true Marcus Whit- 
man whom they wish to honor, the devoted and heroic missionary 
who braved every hardship and imperilled his life for the cause of 
Christian missions and Christian civilization in the far Northwest and 
finally died at his post, a sacrifice to the cause, and not a political 
deus ex machina, a figment of H. H. Spalding's invention. The 
sturdy manliness and Christian devotion of Marcus Whitman, the 
unceasing labors of his life and his death in the service of Christian 
missions in Oregon, fully deserve every honorable memorial. The 
perversion of history cannot honor such a man. 

Edward Gaylord Bourne. 



Extracts from the Lecture of H. H, Spalding, as given in Senate Exec. Doe. 
j 7, 4rst Congress, third session, pp. 18-22. 

In 1841 no missionaries crossed, but several emigrant families, bring- 
ing wagons, which, on reaching Fort Hall, suffered the same fate with those 
of 1840. In 1842 considerable emigration moved forward with ox teams 
and wagons, but on reaching Fort Hall the same story was told them, 

1 Sec Bancroft, I. 543-572. 

The Legend of Alar cus Whitman 297 

and the teams were sacrificed, and the emigrant families reached Dr. 
Whitman's station late in the fall, in very destitute circumstances. About 
this time, as events proved, that shrewd English diplomatist, Governor 
Simpson, long a resident on the Northwest coast, reached Washington, 
[p. 19] after having arranged that an English colony of some 150 souls 
should leave the Selkirk Settlement on the Red River of the lakes in the 
Spring of 1842, and cross the Rocky Mountains by the Saskatchawan 


The peculiar event that aroused Dr. Whitman and sent him through 
the mountains of New Mexico, during that terrible winter of 1843, to 
Washington, just in time to save this now so valuable country from being 
traded off by Webster to the shrewd Englishman for a " cod fishery " 
down east, was as follows: In October of 1842 our mission was called 
together, on business, at Waiilatpu — Dr. Whitman's station — and while 
in session, Dr. W. was called to Fort Walla-Walla to visit a sick man. 
While there the "brigade " for New Caledonia, fifteen bateaux, arrived 
at that point on their way up the Columbia, with Indian goods for the 
New Caledonia or Frazer River country. They were accompanied by 
some twenty chief factors, traders, and clerks of the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany, and Bishop Demois, who had crossed the mountains from Canada, 
in 1839— the first Catholic priest on this coast ; Bishop Blanchett came 
at the same time. 

While this great company were at dinner, an express arrived from 
Fort Colville, announcing the (to them) glad news that the colony from 
Red River had passed the Rocky Mountains and were near Colville. An 
exclamation of joy burst from the whole table, at first unaccountable 
to Doctor Whitman, till a young priest, perhaps not so discreet as 
the older, and not thinking that there was an American at the table, 
sprang to his feet, and swinging his hand, exclaimed : " Hurrah for 
Columbia ! (Oregon.) America is too late ; we have got the country." 
In an instant, as by instinct, Dr. Whitman saw through the whole plan, 
clear to Washington, Fort Hall, and all. He immediately rose from the 
table and asked to be excused, sprang upon his horse, and in a very short 
time stood with his noble " Cayuse," white with foam, before his door ; 
and without stopping to dismount, he replied to our anxious inquiries 
with great decision and earnestness: "lam going to cross the Rocky 
Mountains and reach Washington this Winter, God carrying me through, 
and bring out an emigration over the mountains next season, or this 
country is lost." The events soon developed that if that whole-souled 
American missionary was not the " son of a prophet," he guessed right 
when he said a "deep-laid scheme was about culminating which would 
deprive the United States of this Oregon, and it must be broken at once, 
or the country is lost." We united our remonstrances with those of sis- 
ter Whitman, who was in deep agony at the idea of her husband perish- 
ing in the snows of the Rocky Mountains. We told him it would be a 

2o8 E. G. Bourne 

miracle it" he escaped death either from starving or freezing, or the savages, 
or the perishing of his horses, during the five months that would be re- 
quired to make the only possible circuitous route, via Fort Hall, Taos, 
Santa Fe, and Bent Fort. His reply was that of my angel wife six years 
before : "I am ready, not to be bound only, but to die at Jerusalem or 
in the snows of the Rocky Mountains for the [p. 20] name of the Lord 
Jesus or my country. I am a missionary, it is true, but my country needs 
me now." And taking leave of his missionary associates, his comfort- 
able home, and his weeping companion, with little hope of seeing them 
again in this world, he entered upon his fearful journey the 2d of Octo- 
ber 1842, and reached the City of Washington the 2d of March 1843, 
with his face, nose, ears, hands, feet, and legs badly frozen. It is 
well that the good man did not live to see himself and his faithful asso- 
ciates robbed and their character slandered by that very Government he 
was ready to lay down his life for. It would have been to him, as it is 
to me, the most mournful event of my life. . . . 


On reaching the settlements, Dr. Whitman found that many of the 
now old Oregonians — Waldo, Applegate, Hamtree, Keyser, and others — 
who had once made calculations to come to Oregon, had abandoned the 
idea because of the representations from Washington that every attempt 
to take wagons and ox teams through the Rocky Mountains and Blue 
Mountains to the Columbia had failed. Dr. Whitman saw at once what 
the stopping of wagons at Fort Hal] every year meant. The representa- 
tions purported to come from Secretary Webster but really from Gover- 
nor Simpson, who, magnifying the statements of his chief trader, Grant ; 
at Fort Hall, declared the- Americans must be going mad, from their re- 
peated fruitless attempts to take wagons and teams through the impassable 
regions of the Columbia, and that the women and children of those wild 
fanatics had been saved from a terrible death only by the repeated and 
philanthropic labors of Mr. Grant, at Fort Hall, in furnishing them with 
horses. The doctor told these men as he met them that his only object 
in crossing the mountains in the dead of the winter, at the risk of his 
life, and through untold sufferings, was to take back an American emi- 
gration that summer through the mountains to the Columbia with their 
wagons and teams. The route was practicable. We had taken our cattle 
and our families through several years before. They had nothing to fear ; 
but to be ready on his return. The stopping of wagons at Fort Hall 
was a Hudson Bay Company scheme to prevent the settling of the coun- 
try by Americans, till they could settle it [p. 21] with their own subjects 
from the Selkirk settlement. This news spread like fire through Mis- 
souri, as will be seen from Zacrey's statement. The doctor pushed on to 
Washington and immediately sought an interview with Secretary Webster 
-both being from the same State — and stated to him the object of his 
crossing the mountains, and laid before him the great importance of 

The Legend of Marcus Whitman 299 

Oregon to the United States. But Mr. Webster lay too near Cape Cod 
to see things in the same light with his fellow-statesman who had trans- 
ferred his worldly interests to the Pacific coast. He awarded sincerity to 
the missionary, but could not admit for a moment that the short resi- 
dence of six years could give the Doctor the knowledge of the country 
possessed by Governor Simpson, who had almost grown up in the coun- 
try, and had traveled every part of it, and represents it as an unbroken 
waste of sand deserts and impassable mountains, fit only for the beaver, 
the gray bear and the savage. Besides, he had about traded it off with 
Governor Simpson, to go into the Ashburton treaty, for a cod-fishery on 

The doctor next sought, through Senator Linn, an interview with 
President Tyler, who at once appreciated his solicitude and his timely 
representations of Oregon, and especially his disinterested though haz- 
ardous undertaking to cross the Rocky Mountains in the winter to take 
back a caravan of wagons. He said that, although the doctor's repre- 
sentations of the character of the country, and the possibility of reaching 
it by wagon route, were in direct contradiction of those of Governor 
Simpson, his frozen limbs were sufficient proof of his sincerity, and his 
missionary character was sufficient guarantee for his honesty, and he 
would, therefore, as President, rest upon these and act accordingly ; 
would detail Fremont with a military force to escort the doctor's cara- 
van through the mountains ; and no more action should be had toward 
trading off Oregon till he could hear the result of the expedition. If the 
doctor could establish a wagon route through the mountains to the Co- 
lumbia River, pronounced impossible by Governor Simpson and Ash- 
burton, he would use his influence to hold on to Oregon. The great 
desire of the doctor's American soul, Christian withal, that is, the pledge 
of the President that the swapping of Oregon with England for a cod- 
fishery should stop for the present, was attained, although at the risk 
of his life, and through great sufferings, and unsolicited, and without the 
promise or expectation of a dollar's reward from any source. And now 
God giving him life and strength, he would do the rest, that is, connect 
the Missouri and Columbia rivers with a wagon track so deep and plain 
that neither national envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever blot it out. 
And when the 4th of September, 1843, saw the rear of the doctor's car- 
avan of nearly two hundred wagons with which he started from Missouri 
last of April emerge from the western shades of the Blue Mountains upon 
the plains of the Columbia, the greatest work was finished ever accom- 
plished by one man for Oregon on this coast. And through that great 
emigration, during the whole summer, the doctor was their everywhere - 
present angel of mercy, ministering to the sick, helping the weary, en- 
couraging the wavering, cheering the mothers, mending wagons, setting 
broken bones, hunting stray oxen ; climbing precipices, now in the rear, 
now in the center, now at the front ; in the rivers looking out fords 
through the quicksands, in the deserts looking out water ; in the dark 
mountains looking out passes ; at noontide or midnight, as though those 

-oo E. G. Bourne 

thousands were his own children, and those wagons and those flocks were 
his own property. Although he asked not and expected not a dollar as 
a reward from any source, he felt himself abundantly rewarded when he 
saw the desire of his heart accomplished, the great wagon route over the 
mountains established, and Oregon in a fair way to be occupied with 
American settlements and American commerce. And especially he felt 
himself doubly paid, when, at the end of his successful expedition, and 
standing alive at home again on the banks of the Walla-Walla, these 
thousands of his fellow summer pilgrims, wayworn and sunbrowned, took 
him by the hand and thanked him with tears for what he had done. 


Extract from the Memorial of H. H. Spalding to Congress entitled : American 

Congress vs. Protestantism in Oregon, Exec. Doc. jy, 

4.1st Cong., third sess., p. 42. 

And that said Whitman, by his sleepless vigilance became convinced 
that a deep-laid plan was about culminating to secure this rich country of 
Oregon Territory to Great Britain, from misrepresentation on the part of 
Great Britain and for want of information as to the character and value 
of the country on the part of the Government of the United States. 

And that to prevent the sale and transfer of said Territory, and the con- 
sequent loss to the United States of this great Northwest and its valuable 
sea board, and the great commercial considerations therewith, said Whit- 
man did, in the dead of winter, at his own expense, and without asking or 
expecting a dollar from any source, cross the continent, amid the snows of 
the Rocky Mountains and the bleakness of the intervening plains, in- 
habited by hostile savages, suffering severe hardships and perils from be- 
ing compelled to swim broad, rapid, and ice-floating rivers, and to wander 
lost in the terrific snow-storms, subsisting on mule and dog meat, and 
reached the City of Washington not an hour too soon, confronting the 
British agents Ashburton, Fox, and Simpson, who, there is evidence to 
show, in a short time would have consummated their plans, and secured 
a part, if not all, of our territory west of the mountains to Great Britain, 
and by his own personal knowledge disproving their allegations, and by 
communicating to President Tyler important information concerning the 
country, and the fact that he had taken his wagons and mission families 
through years before, and that he proposed taking back a wagon-train of 
emigrants that season, did thereby prevent the sale and loss of this our 
ii< h Pacific domain to the people of the United States. 

And that said Whitman did then return to Oregon Territory and 
conduct the first wagon-train of 1,000 souls to the Columbia River, 
thereby greatly increasing American influence, and completely breaking 
the influence of the British monopoly and adding immensely to the cour- 
age and wealth of the little American settlement. 


/. Diary of Samuel Cooper, 1775-1776} 

Samuel Cooper, the writer of this diary, was one of the distin- 
guished men of the American Revolution. Born in Boston, March 
28, 1725, he was the second son and third child of the Rev. Wil- 
liam Cooper, 2 by his wife Judith, daughter of Samuel Sewall, Chief 
Justice of the province. His grandmother, Mehetabel Cooper, "the 
woman," as Dr. Colman said on her death, " that one would 
have wished to be born of," was niece and coheir to Lieutenant- 
Governor Stoughton, her mother being a daughter of Israel Stough- 
ton, lieutenant-colonel of Rainborowe's regiment, in the Parliamen- 
tary army. After completing his preparatory studies at the Public 
Latin School, he entered Harvard College, and was graduated 
thence in 1743, in the same class with James Otis. The year fol- 
lowing he was called to the ministry, being chosen, despite his 
youth, to succeed his father, recently deceased, as associate pastor 
of the church in Brattle Street (by the Mathers stigmatized as the 
"Manifesto" Church), of which his grandfather, Thomas Cooper, - 
was a founder. On May 21, 1746, he was ordained, and at the 
death of his colleague, Dr. Colman, the next year, became pastor, 
and continued as such until his own death, December 29, 1783. 
He was a fellow of Harvard College from 1767 to 1783, and on the 
resignation of Dr. Locke was elected to the presidency, but de- 
clined the office, as his father had done thirty-seven years before on 
the death of President Wadsworth. From 1758 to 1770, and 
again from 1777 to 1783, he was chaplain to the General Court. 
One of the founders of the American Academy of Arts and Sci- 
ences in 1780, he was its vice-president from that year until his 
death. In 1750 he received from Yale College the honorary de- 
gree of M.A., and in 1767 that of D.D. from the University of 

He was one of those to whom the confidential letters of Gover- 
nor Hutchinson were shown ; though from his own testimony, it 

J The original diary is in the possession of Marvin M. Taylor, Esq., of Worcester, 
by whom it was kindly lent to me. His wife, the late Mrs. H. Emilie Taylor, was a 
lineal descendant of the writer. 

2 Some account of Dr. Cooper's family may be found in the A 7 . E. Hist. Geneal. 
^.,XLIV. 53; XLIX. 385. 

( 3d ) . 

^ 2 Documents 

appears that they were not transmitted to him, as has repeatedly 
been affirmed. During the Revolution he was a frequent and pow- 
erful writer on the patriotic side ; but, apart from sermons, letters, 
and a few political essays, there are no writings preserved, which 
can now be distinguished as his. " The characters the most con- 
spicuous," writes John Adams 1 in 1S18, "the most ardent and in- 
fluential in the revival of American principles and feelings from 1760 
to 1766 were, first and foremost, before all and above all, James 
Otis ; next to him was Oxenbridge Thacher ; next to him, Samuel 
Adams ; next to him, John Hancock ; then Dr. Mayhew ; then Dr. 
Cooper and his brother." 

" Dr. Cooper was a fine scholar. . . . He wrote with elegance, 
and his delivery was eloquent. He had a readiness of thought and 
flow of language, that gave him great command over his hearers, 
whether in the pulpit or in conversation. His manners were pol- 
ished and courteous, and in the peculiar functions of his office he 
had great power to impress and to soothe. These qualifications 
secured to him the private affection and admiration of his parishion- 
ers ; while his knowledge of the world, and the active part which he 
took in public affairs procured him the esteem and confidence of 
many eminent public characters."' "To his uncommon endow- 
ments," says Palfrey, " he joined an address and what is called a 
talent for affairs, which, if he had not been the leading divine, 
would perhaps have distinguished him as the most accomplished 
gentleman and adroit statesman of his country and time." 

He married, September 1 1, 1746, Judith, only daughter of Dr. 
Thomas Buifinch, a prominent physician of Boston. By her he had 
two daughters, one of whom married Gabriel Johonnot (often men- 
tioned in the pages of the diary), and the other Joseph Sayer Hixon, 
of Montserrat. 

There are several portraits of Dr. Cooper, some of which are by 
Copley. Beside those in the possession of his descendants, there 
are two belonging to the Massachusetts Historical Society. Another 
painting, evidently a Copley, was owned by the late Oliver Wen- 
dell Holmes. Yet another likeness hangs in Memorial Hall at 

Dr. Cooper, as we learn from the diary and elsewhere,' left 

Works, X. 284. 

2 Tudor, Life of James Otis, p. 151. 

'■ 1 1 appears that there were earlier leaves of this diary, now missing, from the follow- 
ing passage in the History of Brattle Street Church, by Lothrop, p. 102 : " ' On the 16th 
ol April, 1775,' writes Dr. Cooper, in a journal, some fragments of which have been 
preserved and which I have been permitted to see [but which the present writer has failed 
'" lr "'|> ' the troubles in Boston increasing, and having received several menaces and 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 30 

o w o 

Boston shortly before the beginning of the siege, and did not return 
till after the evacuation. During this time he resided first at 
Weston, in the family of Samuel P. Savage, Esq., and afterwards at 
Waltham, where he supplied the pulpit, occasionally preaching in 
other towns and villages of Middlesex. 

Frederick Tuckerman. 


7 p. [April 177 5~\ Wednesday, wak'd by M rs Savage 1 about 3 o Clock ; 
a large Detachment f'm General Gage's army was at Lexington march- 
ing for Concord — rose, and set off with Mrs Cooper, call'd upon B r ' 2 
and Sister Cooper at Park's, went to M r Woodward's 3 : the Country 
round alarm'd — set out with th m for Framingham. din'd at Buckmin- 
sters. went to M r Stones at Sthboro. slept there and our Horses kept. 

20. Thursday. Continu'd at M r Stones' slept there Horses kept. 

21. Return'd to Weston with B r and Sister din'd at M r Woodwards. 
After Dinner M" Cooper went with Master Hubbard towards Boston. 
I return'd to M r Savage's slept therewith M r Conchlyn 4 of Licester 
M rs Cooper slept at Mr Cushings. 5 Horse kept there. 

22. Saturday. I din'd with B r and Sister Cooper at Parks my wife 
at M r Savage's slept there. Horse kept. 

insults, particularly at Mrs. Davis's from an officer, I left Boston by the advice of friends, 
and came with my wife to Mr. Savage's, at Weston, designing to ride in the country for 
the recruiting of my health, and to return to Boston in a few weeks, where I had left my 
dear child, all my plate, books, furniture, and so forth.' " " He was at Lexington," 
continues the authority just cited, " and dined with the Rev. Mr. Clarke, the minister, in 
company with Mrs. Hancock, the day before the battle." Cf. Queries of George 
Chalmers, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Colt., fourth series, IV. 371, 372. 

1 Samuel Phillips Savage (17 18-1797) was moderator of the meeting at the Old South 
Church, which decided that the tea should not be landed. He was a delegate to the first 
Provincial Congress, president of the Massachusetts Board of War during the Revolu- 
tion, and judge of the Court of Common Pleas for Middlesex. " He owned and occupied 
at this time the house standing on the Deacon Bigelow farm, so called, in the north part 
of Weston, near Daggert's corner." Drake, History of Middlesex, II. 496. 

2 William Cooper, an ardent and fearless patriot, whose name is found attached to 
nearly all the Boston papers of the Revolution. Born in Brookline, October I, 1721, he 
was educated at the Boston Public Latin School, and in early life became a merchant. 
After filling various offices, he was chosen in 1761 town clerk, in his brother's meeting- 
house, and re-elected annually for forty-nine years. During the war he was a member 
and clerk of the Committee of Correspondence, and in 1775 secretary of the Committee 
of Safety. He was several times a member of the House, and its speaker pro tern, during 
two sessions. From 1759 to 1799 he was register of probate for Suffolk. Very active in 
the affairs of the town and province, he served on many important committees, drafted 
many of the town documents of the Revolutionary period, and was a frequent writer in 
the public prints. He married, April 25, 1745, Katharine, daughter of Colonel Jacob 
Wendell, a merchant and member of the Council, and had issue eight sons and seven 
daughters. He died in Boston, November 28, 1809, aged 88. 

3 The Rev. Samuel Woodward (H.C. 1748), minister of Weston. 
*The Rev. Benjamin Conklin (Coll. N.J. 1755), minister of Leicester. 
5 The Rev. Jacob Cushing, D.D. (H.C. 1748), minister of Waltham. 

504 Documents 

23. Lord's day. Confin'd at M r Savages by Weather and Indispo- 
sition. Morse kept. 

24. Monday. Went with B r Cooper to Watertown. din'd at 
Brewers, saw Dispatch 1 f'm Hartford, slept at M r Savages. Horse 
kept there. 

25. Went with M" Cooper towards Boston to be near at Hand in 
Case the Inhabitants s'd have Leave f'm Gen' Gage to quit the Town 
wch had been shut up since last Thursday : found no Communication 
between Boston and the Country, din'd at M r John Dennies 2 at little 
Cambridg. 3 return' d to M r Savages, saw in the Way vast Number of 
our Militia marching in from the western Parts, slept at M r Savages. 
Horse kept for first Night at Deacon Russell's. 

Wednesday 26. Went in my Chaise to Cambridg, din'd at D r Ap- 
pleton's 4 M r Hill and M r How came to see me there, bro't me a Letter 
f'm Gov' Pownall and another f'm D r Franklin. Went to the Committee 
of Safety, communicated D. [r] F. 's Letter, saw General Ward 5 paid 
transient Comps to Him and Committee, heard on my return that D r 
Bond of Marblehead was apprehended for giving false Intelligence to 
Salem and Marblehead ccc Forces by we'h they were delay' d coming up 
to the Fight 7 on Wednesday. Slept at M r Savages. Horse at Deacon 
Russell's. Boston still shut up. my dear Nabby 8 there, no communi- 
cation. Reports that the Inhabitants were promis'd Liberty to leave the 
Town with their Effects upon giving up their Arms, that many had done 
so, but all still shut up. Reports also that the Forces from the Country 
wanting to be led immediately on to action began to grow uneasy. 

Thursday 27. Went with M" Cooper in my chaise to Cambridg, 
both din'd at President Langdon's, 9 return'd to M r Savages p.m. slept 
there. Horse at D. Russell's. 

Friday 28. At M' Savages, din'd there. Went with M" Cooper 
to visit Sister C. at Park's. I visited Neighbors Fisk. Fuller. Osmore. 
Ephraim Parks, slept at M r Savages. Horse at Russels 

Sat. 2Q. Saturday. My Wife went to Cambridg with B r Cooper in 
my Chaise. She took a Boy there and proceeded to Roxbury : to try 

l SeeJou>ii. Pro?*. Cong. Mass., p. 151, and note. 

2 John I Jennie, a prominent merchant and loyalist. 

3 The southerly part of Cambridge, afterwards incorporated as the town of Brighton. 
'The Rev. Nathaniel Appleton, D.D. (H.C. 1712), for more than sixty-six years 

minister of Cambridge, and for nearly as long a fellow of the Corporation. He was the 
'< ond person honored by the college with the degree of D.D., Increase Mather having 
been the first. 

r ' Artemas Ward, whose name stands first on the list of major-generals appointed by 
the Continental Congress, June 17, 1775. He had already been appointed by the Pro- 
vincial Congress of Massachusetts commander of all the forces raised by that colony. 

'• Nathaniel liond (H.C. 1766), surgeon of the 14th Continental regiment, who was 
charged before the Committee of Safety " with having acted an unfriendly part to this 
colony." The charges were not sustained. See Journ. Prov. Cong. Mass., p. 555. 

1 Al Lexington and Concord. 

" His daughter, Abigail. 

'' I he K<-v. Samuel Langdon, D.D., sometime minister of Portsmouth, N. H., and 
from 1774 to 1780 president of Harvard College. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 305 

if She c'd bring Nabby f'm Boston. She went to the Guards on the 
Neck. Cap't Shee of the Regulars obligingly offerr'd to carry a Billet 
to Nabby, told her he saw her well the day before. Nabby received the 
Billet that Evg. desiring her to be at Roxbury next Day if she could get 
out of Boston. I went to Cambridg a.m. din'd with M" Hill Quincy 
&c at Professor Wigglesworth's, 1 return' d by Sunset. M r " Cooper re- 
turn'd after 9 o Clock. Horse at Mr. Savages : being too late to send it 
to Russell's. 

jo. Lord' s day. M rs Cooper went to Roxbury for Nabby. I pch'd for 
M r Woodward a. 111. he pray'd. Din'd with him, as did Mr. Savage. I 
pray'd p. m. He pch'd. M r Woodward pray'd for my Daughter's 
Deliverance, return' d to Mr. Savages at 6 o Clock. M r " Cooper just 
arriv'd there with Nabby. Horse at D. Russell's Nabby and Katy slept 
with us at Mr. Savages 

7. May. Monday. Mrs. Cooper went wth Sister Cooper to Char- 
lestown, they din'd at M r Carys. sent Billets by Hopkins the Ferriman 
for our Trunks, met M r Payne of Boston, a Message f'm him to me. 
return' d in Evening. I went with M r Savage a. m. to Capt Whitte- 
more's, and Mr Woodwards, din'd at Mr Savages, went with him p. m. 
to M r Cushing's. Waltham. Katy and Nabby, my Wife and I, slept at 
Mr Savages : Horse at D. Russells 

2. May. Tuesday. Sat out in the Morning with M™ Cooper for char- 
lestown. din'd at M r Carys, receiv'd our Trunks f'm Boston with 
Brothers children, went to Medford. Drank Coffee with Deacon Smith's 
Lady at M r Bishop's, slept at M r Turell's. 2 Horse kept there. Nabby 
and Katy at M r Savage's. 

j. Wednesday, visited M rs Smith and M r Payne and Family at 
Brook's, went about n "Clock to Cambridg by Menotomy. 3 saw the 
Houses and Barns that had suffer' d in the Battle. Lt. Hull, a British 
officer died of his Wounds just as we pass'd the House where he lay. 
Mrs. Cooper din'd at Mr. Wigglesworth's. I din'd at Hastings with 
committee of Safety. News confirm' d that N. York had Secur'd all 
King's Troops and Stores, &c drank Coffee at John Harrington's. He 
kindly gave us a Bottle of Metheglin. 4 Slept at M r Savage's. Horse at 
D. Russell's. Nabby and Katy at M r Savage's. 

4. Thursday. My Wife and Nabby went to Cambridg and Charles- 
town in my chaise. I visited Sister Cooper at Park's, call'd at Dan! 
Parks', went f'm thence on Foot to M r Inches at D' Russell's House, 
din'd there, call'd at Sister Cooper's after dinner Katy at Mr Savages all 
day. Slept at Mr Savage's. Katy and Nabby at Joseph Russells Horse 
kept at D. Russell's. 

1 The Rev. Edward Wigglesworth, D.D. (H. C. 1749), Hollis Professor of 

2 The Rev. Ebenezer Turell (H. C. 1721), second minister of Medford. His life 
of Benjamin Colman is pronounced by Quincy, " the best biography extant of any native 
of Massachusetts written during its provincial state." Hist. Harv. Univ., II. 78. 

'The Second Parish in Cambridge ; later West Cambridge, now Arlington. 

4 Mead, a strong liquor made of honey and water fermented and flavored. 

-o6 Documents 

Fridav, May 5. Carried Nabby in my chaise 10 ° Clock a. m. to M r 
Woodward's. He not being at home rode with her towards Framing- 
ham, oated at Reeve's Tavern gratis, return'd to Mr Woodward's, we 
din'd there. Katy and Mrs Cooper at Savages, return'd by Parks'. 
found Mrs Cooper there. Katy walk'd over to Mr Woodwards slept 
with Nabby there. My wife and I at M r Savages. A Travailer f'm 
Hartford inform'd me this Day, that Connecticut had voted an Army of 
6,000. Worcester 1 1" Officer, Spencer next. Putnam 3'd. heard also a 
Report that the N. Yorkers had taken a King's Vessel 2 with a large Sum 
of Money after a bloody Engagement. D r Prescot 3 of Groton visited me 
this Morning and propos'd my Supplying their Pulpit, propos'd to Mr 
Woodward his going there and that I w'd supply his Pulpit wch He c'd 
not comply with. Horse at D. Russells. 

Saturday. 6' h M r and M rs Hyde call'd upon us early this Morng. 
He and my Wife sat out in my chaise about 10. for charlestown to try if 
we could bring Part of our Furniture from Boston. I din'd at M r Sav- 
age's. M rs Cooper at Charlestown. She return'd in the Evening, we 
slept at Mr Savages. Horse at Russell's 

Lord's day 7. Max. Went to publick Worship at Weston, heard Mr. 
Cushing both Parts of the Day. we din'd at Mr. Woodward's, my 
Horse at Josiah Smith's gratis, saw Mrs Jackson of Boston and her Son 
there p. m. going to N. Haven. Slep't at Mr Savages. Horse at Rus- 

Monday 8th. Cloudy and small Rain. We Din'd at M r Savages. I 
bro't Nabby and Katy p.m. from M r Woodwards to M r Joseph Russell's 
agreed for them both at 1 Doll, p'r Week, slept at M r Savage's. Horse 
at Russell's. 

Tuesday, p. Went with M" Cooper in my chaise to Brooklyne. 
Maj r j Thompson's Wife brot her a boy to carry her to the Lines, where 
She saw her Brother, 4 found he was unable to procure our Furniture f'm 
Boston ; I walk'd to Mrs. Flyslop's. din'd there with D r Chauncy 5 and 
Lady : Col. Quincy, Deacon Jeffries and Lady, saw Mr. Hunt, Mr Hill 
and M" Quincy. Rumor that the Troops were likely to make a Sally 
f m Boston, return'd to Mr. Savages, stop'd by the Way at M rs William's 
Waltham, saw Mrs Gill who had with great Difficulty got out of Boston. 
slept at Mr. Savage's. Horse at Russell's. 

Wednesday. Went in my chaise and Mr S' 8 Horse to the Lines at 
Roxbury. I stopt at the George Tavern on Boston Neck. Mrs Cooper 

1 David Wooster, commander of the Connecticut forces; afterwards appointed by 
the Continental Congress a brigadier-general. 

2 "Two sloops which lay at the wharves laden with flour and supplies for the 
British at Boston, of the value of eighty thousand pounds, were speedily unloaded." Ban- 
croft, History, edit. 2, VII. 328. 

'Oliver Prescott (II. C. 1750), a noted physician, and brother of Colonel William 
Pre cott. From 1777 t( > J 779 he sat in the Council of Massachusetts. 

4 lJr. Thomas Bulfinch (II. C. 1746), of Boston, an eminent physician and the 
father ol ' harles Bulfinch, the architect. 

&The Rev. Charles Chauncy, D.D. (II. C. 1721), from 1727 to 1787 minister of 
the I' nst Church in Boston. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 307 

met D r Bulfinch on the Lines, we din 'd at Mr Pierpoints ' Roxbury. 
drank Coffee at Mr Hall's Watertown. slept at Mr Savages. Horse at 

Thursday u lh Fast day. I went to Lincoln Meeting, saw Mr 
Green, Call and Families at Mr. Adam's. Mr. Lawrence pray'd and 
pch'd a. m. prepare to meet thy God o Israel, spent Interval at Mr 
Lawrence's. I pray'd p.m. Mr. L. pch'd. supp'd with him. Mrs. 
Cooper not abroad. Slep't at M r S. Horse at Russell's. 

Friday 12. Went with M" Cooper in my Chaise to little Cambridg. 
Din'd with Mr Dennie. He gave me a Variety of Seed ; I gave some to 
Mr Savage and the rest to J. Russell, went p. m. to old Cambridg. 
stop't at Congress at Watertown : found them engag'd on the Point of a 
new Governm't. 2 drank Tea at Waltham with M rs Gill at her Lodgings. 
Mr. Edward Green and Lady there. Slept at Savages. Horse Russell's. 

Saturday, ij. May. Went to Concord with Mr Savage. call'datMr 
Hubbard's: f'm thence to Mr. Emerson's. 3 He was abroad, engag'd 
to pch for him on the Morrow, while he was to supply Groton. re- 
turn'd to M r Savages, we din'd there, we went with M" Savage Sister 
Cooper to Nabby's chamber drank Coffee. Slept at Savages ; Horse at 

Lord' s day. 14. Went to Concord with Nabby. put my Horse at 
M r Hubbard's, found to my Surprize M r . Emerson at the Meeting 
House Door. He pray'd I pch'd a. m. f'm, the Consolation of Israel. 
We din'd at Mr Emerson's, with Mr. Knox and Wife of Boston. I 
pray'd Mr Emerson pch'd p. m. we drank Coffee at M r Hubbards. slept 
at Mr. Savages. Horse at Russell's. 

Monday ij".' My Wife and Daughter went to Medford in my 
Chaise, din'd at M r Turell's. drank Tea at Mrs. Hunts Watertown. 
I din'd at Mr. S. drank Coffee at Sister Cooper's. My Wife and Nabby 
return' d in th e Evg. slep't at Mr, S. Horse at Russell's. 

Tuesday May 16. Went with M r Savage, his Horse and chaise to see 
Mrs Greenleaf at Waltham, din'd with Gen! Ward call'd at Mr Hall's 
Watertown, saw Mr Cook and Mr John Greenleaf. slept at Mr. S. 
Horse at R. 

Wednesday. 17. Went with M rs Cooper in my Chaise to see Mad™ 
Foyes 4 Family and M r Bowdoin. 5 call'd at Deacon Tudors at little 
Cambridg. treated wth a Glass of Wine and Gingerbread, din'd with 

1 Robert Pierpont, a merchant, and member of the Boston Committee of Corres- 

2 " Whether there is now existing in this colony a necessity of taking up, and exer- 
cising the powers of civil government." Jour. Prov. Cong. Mass., p. 219. 

3 The Rev. William Emerson (H. C. 1761), minister of Concord, and chaplain at 
Ticonderoga, where he died in 1776. He was the grandfather of Ralph Waldo Emerson. 

4 Elizabeth Foye, daughter of John Campbell, proprietor of the Boston Neivs Letter. 
She married William Foye, a member of the Council and for many years treasurer of the 
Province, and had Mary, who married the Rev. William Cooper (his second wife), and 
had Mary, who married Dr. Samuel Gardner (H. C. 1746), of Milton, and left issue. 

5 James Bowdoin, LL.D., F.R.S., afterwards governor of Massachusetts. 

•7 S Documents 

his Son in Law ' and Daughter Savage at M" Thompson's, at little Cam- 
brid°-. Major Thompson at Connecticut on publick Service. Went to 
the Lines, but c'd not find D r Bulfinch as we hop'd. visited M r Bow- 
doin at M rs Bowman's of Dorchester, found him extremely low with a 
Lung Fever. He had met with gt Difficulty in getting out of Boston. 
The Admiral [Graves] had refus'd a Pass to the Vessel he had provided 
for himself and some Necessaries, to Elizabeth Island. I pray'd with 
him. went to M rs Foyes at Milton, met M rs Jones ; promis'd fm her 
an easy chair for M r Bowdoin, M™ Bowman having remov'd her own 
Furniture, drank Coffee at Sister Gardiner's, slept and Horse kept at 
Mad? Foyes. The first Visit after the Death of dear Mother Cooper.' 
Saw as we were going to Bed a great Fire in Boston. 

Thursday. iS. Breakfast at M. ,n Foyes. Call' d at M r " Jones. She 
has sent at my Desire the easy Chair and Mad m Foye another, call'd 
at M r Bowdoin's. found him a little reliev'd but still dangerous, wrote 
to D r Bulfinch about my Servants and Books and Furniture in Boston, 
heard that our Meeting House and a great Number of Houses around it 
were burnt, came to Head Quarters at Roxbury : found that the Fire * 
had consum'd many Stores on the South Side the Swing Bridg, the whole 
Loss computed at 20 000 Sterling, the General had before taken all the 
Engines under his Order. The Inhabitants were not allow' d to work at 
the Fire in the Begining ; and the Souldiers knew not how to manage in 
such a Case with their Dexterity. Din'd at M' s Hyslop's, with D r 
Chauncy and Lady ; M r Hunt, M r Adams &c. drank Coffee at Capt 
Segars at little Cambridg. invited in there as we came along by our 
dear Friends M r and M' s Scott and her Sister Sally, whom we saw with 
Pleasure out of Boston, slept at M r S. Horse at R. 

Friday. 19'" May. about 100 Clock saw our good Friends at M r 
Savages in their Way to Princetown. they left us at eleven. We din'd 
at M r Savages. Drank Coffee at Sister Cooper's, slept at S. Horse at 

Saturday, din'd at M r S. slept there Horse at Russell's. 

Lord? s day. 21. May. pch'd all day at Concord M r Emerson for me 
at Groton. din'd at his house, drank Coffee at Sister Coopers with B r . 
slep't at Mr. S. Horse at Russell's. 

Monday 22 Rainy day din'd at M r S. slept there. Horse at Rus- 

Tuesday 23 Went in my chaise in the Morning to Watertown. 
din'd at M r " Storer's. drank Coffee at M r3 Edward Greens Mrs Cooper 
at Mr. S. all day. slept there. Horse at Russell's. 

Wednesday 24 th Went with my Chaise and Nabby to Cambridg. 
din'd at Mr Dennies. went to Head Quarters. M rs Cooper din'd at 
M r S. Slept there Horse at R. 

1 Habijah Savage, the father of James Savage, the distinguished antiquary. 
1 Mary ( Foye) Cooper, step-mother of the diarist, who died at Milton in April, 1774. 
3 ('/. Diary of John Tudor, p. 55 ; Diary of John Rowe, in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, 
second series, X. 92. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 309 

Thursday 25 We din'd at Mr Savages. M r Wadsworth and Gill 
with us. after dinner M ,s C. and Nabby went to Concord drank Coffee 
at M r Betons. slept at S. Horse at Russells. 

26. We Din'd at Cap't Baldwin's with Sister Cooper, and drank 
Coffee. Slept at S. Horse at R. 

May 27. Saturday. Sat out in the Morm. 8 ° Clock in my Chaise 
for Groton, bated at White's of Acton din'd at M' s Newman of Lyttleton. 
drank Coffee with M r Rogers 1 reach'd Groton at Sunset; Slept and 
Horse kept at D r Prescot's. 

28. Lord' s day. Pch'd all day at Groton ; spoke with M r Dana after 
Service a.m. din'd at D' r Prescot's baptiz'd a child P.M. slept and 
Horse kept at D r Prescot's. a brave Action of our Army this day at 
Noddle's and Hog Islands. 2 

29. Monday Sat out fm Groton 8 "Clock. stop'd at M'' Hall's 
Wesford. saw M rs Gray and Family there, proceeded to chalmsford. 
din'd at Col Stoddard's call'd at M r Bridge's, he absent, went p.m. 
to M r Cummin's 3 of Billerica, saw M rs Mountford, Miss chandler Stod- 
dard, Polly Turner, and other Boston friends, drank Coffee slept and 
Horse kept there. 

jo. Tuesday, sat out fm M r Cummins 8 "Clock, a great Discharge 
of Guns fm towards Boston for more than an Hour had alarm' d the Coun- 
try, call'd at Mr Pennyman's of Bedford, saw Molly Williams and her 
mother fm Boston, bated Horse, proceeded to Concord, from thence to 
Mr Savages, din'd there and drank Coffee Sister Cooper and Nabby wth 
us. Slept there. Horse at Russell's, found the Firing to be only a mock 
Fight of the Regulars at Boston. 

31. Wednesday. Went in my chaise with Nabby to Watertown, 
heard President Langdon preach before the Congress a well adapted 
Sermon, as great a Number of Ministers as usual on Election day. They 
din'd by Invitation of the Congress at Coolidg's Tavern, handsomely 
entertained. D r Warren President of the Congress attended the Minis- 
ters most obligingly, and did the Honors of the Table. They form'd a 
Convention immediately after dinner, chose former Scribe* and Treas- 
urer. M r Parkman 5 Moderator, voted no Collection, chose Myself, 
M r Cook, Shute, Bridg, Williams a Committee to draft an Address to the 
Congress, testifying our Respect and Confidence, and offering to supply 
the Army with Chaplains fm our own Number without Stipend. 6 Ad- 
dress accepted and presented. Mrs Cooper din'd at Savages, and drank 

'Probably the Rev. Daniel Rogers (H.C. 1725), for half a century minister of 

2 Noddle's Island, now East Boston; Hog Island, otherwise known as Breed's Is- 
land. For an account of this affair see Diary of John Tudor, pp. 55-57 ; Journal of 
Timothy Newell, in Mass. Hist. Coll., fourth series, I. 262 ; Diary of Ezekiel Price, in 
Proc. Mas';. His/. Soc, 1863-64, p. 186. 

'The Rev. Henry Cuming, D.D. (H.C. 1760), minister of Billerica. 

4 The Rev. Amos Adams (H. C. 1752), minister of Roxbury. 

5 The Rev. Ebenezer Parkman (H. C. 1721), first minister of Westborough. 

6 Seeyoum. Prov. Cong. Mass., pp. 283, 284, 290. 

vol. vi. — 21. 

■-. r o Documents 

Coffee at Sister Cooper's Lodgings. Slept at S. Horse at Russell's. 
I din'd with Ministers. Nabby at Mr Hall's. 

Tune i. Went 8 ° Clock with Nabby in my Chaise to Watertown, 
at wch Time divine Service of Convention begun, and was over wn I 
reachd Watertown. M r Stevens x pch'd. went to Convention at Cool- 
id"-'s. I drafted a Vote respecting Chaplains, as I did the Address 
yesterday, din'd at Fowl's with M r John Pitts 2 &c Nabby at M m 
Hunts. I visited p. m. Mrs Wendell, Mrs. Phillips and Family. Nabby 
drank Coffee at Mrs Hall's, slept at S. Horse at Russell's. 

2. Friday. Din'd at M r Savages. Visited with M rs Cooper M r Law- 
rence and Family p. m. found on my Return home M r Coburn and Wife, 
who slept with us. Horse at Russell's. 

j. Saturday. At home din'd at M r Savages. M rs Savage, Ray, Mel- 
vill &c drank Coffee with us at Nabbys Room Slept at Savages. Horse 
at Russell's. 

4. Pch'd at Weston both parts of the day M r Woodward at Water- 
town. M r Thaxter 3 for me at Weston. We dind with Nabby at 
M' Woodward's. Horse kept all day at M r Josiah Smith's, return' d 
after Service p. 111. to M r S. B' and Sister Cooper and Nabby drank 
Coffee, and supp'd with us. Slept at M r S. Horse at Russell's. 

5. Monday. Went with M rs Cooper in my chaise to Billerica : call'd 
at M r Lawrence's and Pennyman's. last not at home, din'd with Col 
Thompson at Billerica. drank Coffee with M r Green and Family, at 
Lincoln, slept at S. Horse at R. 

6. Tuesday. We din'd at home. Went with my Wife in our 
chaise and Nabby and M rs Melvill to M r Inches drank Coffee slept at S. 
Horse at R. 

7. Went after Breakfast in my chaise with my Wife to Holliston. 
bated at Gleason's Framingham. went thro a woody Romantic Way 
to M r Prentiss's in all 20 Miles. Dind at his House with our dear 
Friends Capt and Mrs Freeman, slept and Horse kept there. 

8. Din'd at Mr Prentiss' with our Friends. sat out early after 
Dinner, came a shorter and smoother way than we went, bated at 
Gleason's. drank Coffee at Capt How's at Weston by whom and Mrs 
How we were most obligingly invited and kind[l]y treated, found at my 
Return home M r Beton of Concord had sent me a fine Leg of Pork, 
slept at S. Horse at R. 

g. Friday. We din'd at home ; Nabby with us, on M* Beton's fine 
Leg of Pork roasted &c Paid M 1 Savage in full for our Board to this 
Day ; deducting whole days w'n both of us were absent ; but not single 
Dinners. Slept at S. Horse at Russell's. 

10. Saturd : Advanc'd to M r . Joseph Russell 7 Dollars. Went in 
my chaise after Breakfast with M rs Cooper to Billerica. call'd at M r 

'Presumably the Rev. .Benjamin Stevens, D. D. (H. C. 1740), of Kittery. , 

2 John Pitts (H. C. 1757), a merchant of Boston, delegate to the Provincial Con- 
gress and afterwards a member of the Council. 

3 Probably the Rev. Joseph Thaxter (H. C. 1768), chaplain of Colonel Prescott's 
regiment, and afterwards minister of Edgartown. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 3 1 1 

Lawrence Door, din'd at M'. Pennyman's. Left my Horse in his Pas- 
ture, by his offer and took his in my chaise. Drank Coffee at Mr. 
Cummins slept and Horse kept there. 

//. Lord's d. Pch'd all day at Billerica, baptiz'd i. din'd and slept 
at M r Cummins. Visited in the Evg by Col Thompson and D r Dan- 
forth. M r Cummins pch'd for me at Groton. He sat out on Saturday 
before I arriv'd, and return' d home this Evening. 

12. Monday. Breakfasted at M r Cummin's, call'd at Mr Penny- 
man's of Bedford took back my own Horse, din'd at Capt Smiths of 
Lincoln on a roasted Turkey, call'd at M r Lawrence's and Green's 
Door p. m. drank Coffee with Sister Cooper ; met there Cos" Jacob and 
Wife, slept at S. Horse at Russell's. 

ij. Tuesday. We Went with my Horse and chaise to M r Wood- 
ward's. Association Meeting, an agreeable day. M rs Cooper din'd at 
M rs Baldwin's. She went with her p. m. to Newton and visited Nabby 
and Betsy Bulfinch. I walk'd home in the Evg. M rs Cooper return' d 
in the chaise, slept at S. Horse at Russell's. Nabby sat off with Mr. 
Scot's Serv't Richard in his chaise for Princetown after Breakfast. 

14. Went wth my Wife with my Horse and Chaise after Breakfast to 
Medford. din'd wth M r Payne's Family at their Lodgings at Brook's. 

[A part of the Diary is here missing] 

M r Lowell spent Evg and slept with us at S. Horse at R. 

23. \_June\ We sat out with my Horse and chaise after Breakfast, 
went thro Lincoln and Bedford to Billerica. din'd at M' Stern's, call'd 
at Brother Cummins, slept at M r Bridg's Chelmsford. Horse there. 

24. Went a. m. to Dunstable din'd at M r Pitts', slept and Horse 
there. Visited p. m. by James Ting 1 Dr. Loring etc. 

25. Lord's day. I pch'd both Parts of the Day at Dunstable, din'd 
at M r Pitts', read p. m. Proclamation mi Provincial Congress for reviv- 
ing Observation of the Sabbath, spoke after reading it 7 or 8 Minutes 
extempore. Hon 1 M r Russell and Family, Capt Henley, John Winslow, 
and Tho s Russell and Families attended divine Service. Drank Coffee 
with M r Pitts and Family at Col. John Tyng's. slept at M r Pitts. Horse 

26. Monday, return' d to Chelmsford, din'd at Col. Stoddard's, 
met there Capt. Winslow. Col Stoddard and Lady kindly accompanied 
us over Carlston's Bridg to Tewksbury in our Way to Andover. 
Visited in the last Place Mr Appleton's Family. He at Cambridg. 
met there Capt Bradford and Wife, drank Coffee, slept, and Horse there. 

27. Tuesday. M r Abbott and Wife visited us this Morng. Went 
with us to M r Halls and Families, to Dr. Winthrop 2 and Ladies Lodgings: 

■James Tyng and Colonel John Tyng, infra (H. C. 1725), of Dunstable, were 
both delegates to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. 

2 John Winthrop, LL.D., F.R.S. (H. C. 1732), Hollis Professor of Mathematics 
and Natural Philosophy at Harvard College, a fellow of the Corporation, and a member 
of the Council of Massachusetts. 

-. j 2 Documents 

where we saw M' Tom Winthrop. M rs Phillips and Daughter, visited 
Brother Trench, met there brother Holt, call'd at M r Phillips Jun r 
saw M re - Noyes and her Sister Mad'" Bromfield and Daughter. Din'd 
at Brother Symme's : ' receiv'd in a most obliging Manner by him and 
Family and Billy Powell and Wife who lodg there : their Daughter enter- 
tain' d us with her Voice and Harpsicord. went p. m. to Rowley, call'd 
at Mr Chandler's. Drank Coffee at Mr Parsons 2 of Byfield, with Judg 
Trowbridg. 3 went to Dummer School, saw dear little Sammy 4 well, 
slept and Horse there. 

28. Wednesday. Hir'd an Horse of Mr Hale, went with Sammy to 
N. Port/' bought cloaths for him. call'd at Mr Greenleaf's, Carters, 
Capt Tracy's, M r Ellis Gray and Mother and Family, call'd at Ruth 
Mawgridg's Lodgings saw her well, met Capt Gray's Wife, return'd. 
din'd at Dummer School, sat out for Ipswich, call'd there at M" An- 
drews Lodgings, found her sick of a Fever pray' d with her. slept and 
Horse at Br. Dana's." 

20. Thursday. Detain' d by Rain there, visited M r Story and Fam- 
ily. His son the Minister and Wife being there. M rs Story the Elder 
ill, and had buried a Daughter yesterday pray'd with the Family. Cof- 
fee at Br. Dana's. Slept and Horse there. 

30. Friday. Left B l Dana's after Breakfast. Call'd at M r Hitch- 
cock's Beverly: he abroad, din'd at Mr wm Davis at Danvers. slept 
at M r Turell's Medford. Horse there. 

July 1. Went early to visit M" Newell and Payne's Family, at M r 
Brook's: not at home, proceeded for Groton. bated at Hartwell's 
gratis. Din'd at D r Lee's: Concord. His son obligingly accompanied 
us towards Lyttleton. Coffee at M rs Newman's, slept there. Horse at 
M r Tuthill's gratis. 

2. Lord' s day. Went early to Groton after Breakfast, pch'd all 
day. read Proclamation from Continental Congress for a Fast thro all 
the Colonies' and f'm Pr. Congress respecting Sabbath, spoke extem- 
pore a few minutes upon the last. Din'd. Coffee, slept, and Horse at 
Dr Prescotts. 

'The Rev. William Symmes, D.D. (1750), sometime tutor in Harvard College, 
and minister of Andover. 

2 The Rev. Moses Parsons (H. C. 1736), minister of Byfield parish in Newbury, 
and father of Theophilus Parsons, chief justice of Massachusetts. 

3 Edmund Trowbridge (H. C. 1728), Judge of the Superior Court of Judicature of 
the Province. He was one of the judges at the trial of Capt. Preston and others con- 
cerned in the Boston massacre. Though attached to the royal government he did not 
approve of all its measures, and in 1772 resigned his office and retired to private life. 

'Samuel Cooper Johonnot (II. C. 1783), a grandson of the diarist, and bred to the 
law. In 1793 he was appointed consul of the United States at Demerara, where he 
died in 1806. 

5 Newburyport. 

6 The Rev. Joseph Dana, D.D. (Yale Coll. 1760), for more than sixty years min- 
ister of Ipswich. 

7 /mini. Prov. Co/tj. Mass., pp. 342, 392, 393, note. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 3 1 3 

3. Monday. Visited by Capt Sartell D 1 Prescot had my Horse shoed 
at his own Expence. Came by Mistake the Westford Road to Concord. 
Din'd at Chamberlain's Tavern. Coffee at M r Emersons, with M r Far- 
rar, M" Dunn and Dickman call'd at Sister Cooper's, slept at S. Hor[s]e 
at R. 

4. Tuesday. Din'd at home. bought 500"'" of Hay of James 
Adams. Sister Cooper and Cousin Judy drank Coffee with us. Slept at 
Savages Horse at Russell's. 

5. Wednesday. Went in my Horse and chaise with Mrs Cooper to 
Cambridg. She din'd with Stuart Hastings. 1 I waited on General 
Washington, Lee, Major Miming 2 , Reed 3 , &c din'd with General Wash- 
ington, the other Gentlemen, Ward Ward, Putnam &c. Went p. m. to 
the Lines at Prospect Hill. 4 Saw the Encampment of the British Troops 
on Bunkers Hill, drank Coffee with M rs Newell, Mr. Payne and Family. 
Supped and slept at M r Turells with M r Rogers of Exeter, and M r Pool's 
Daughters. Horse there. 

6. Thursday. Went after Breakfast to Mr Payne's ; spent an Hour 
there with our Friends: proceeded down Menotomy Road to Cambridg. 
Went to Major Johonnots 5 Quarters, my Wife din'd there. I din'd at 
Stuart Hasting' s. Call'd at the Room of Committee of Safety, and con - 
vers'd with them, met at Maj r Johonnets' Quarters Col Bowers and Lady, 
call'd at Congress. Receiv'd Letters from John and Sam' Adams and 
M r Cushing bro't by General Washington, slept at Savages. Horse for 
the first night at M' Hagar's. 

7. Friday. We din'd at M' Savage's. Hir'd an Horse of Mr Bige- 
low for our Chaise. M rs Cooper went with Mr Harry Savage after Din- 
ner to see Abby at Princetown. She Slept at Mad" 1 Gardiners of Stow. 
I wrote Letters to Messrs Adams, Hancock, Cushing, Dr Franklin, 
Madam Hancock. Slept at Savages. Horse at Hagar's. 

8. Saturday. Finishd my Letters din'd and slept at Savages. Mrs 
Cooper reach 'd M r Scotts at Princetown about 3 o Clock. She slept 
there and had the Pleasure of finding our dear Daughter and good Friends 
well there. 

<?. Attend' d divine Service at Weston. din'd with my Wife at 
M' Woodwards. I pray'd p. m. slept at S. Horse at Hagars. 

10. Monday. Extreme hot. I din'd at S. rode p. m. on my Horse 

to M r Inche's. M 1S - C. sat out from Princetown with M r Harry Savage 

' between 5 and 6 o Clock. They din'd at M' Goss' : Bolton ; andarriv'd 

■Jonathan Hastings (H. C. 1730), from 1750 to 1779 steward of the College. 

2 Thomas Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, aide-de-camp to General Washington ; afterwards 
major-general in the American army, president of Congress, and governor of Pennsylva- 

3 Joseph Reed, of Pennsylvania, aid and secretary to General Washington ; afterwards 
brigadier-general, member of Congress, and president of Pennsylvania. 

4 Washington to the President of Congress, July 10 ; in Sparks, III. 17. 

5 Gabriel Johonnot, son-in-law of Dr. Cooper. He was lieutenant- colonel of the 
14th Continental regiment, otherwise known as the Marblehead regiment, commanded 
by Colonel John Glover. 

5 1 .j Documents 

at AT Savage's between 10 and eleven in the Evg : where we slept, my 
Horse at Hagar's : Hir'd Horse at Savages Barn. 

ii. Spent the Day at home, where we slept, extreme hot. Horse 
at Hagars. 

12. Wednesday. Went with M' s Cooper in our Horse and chaise, 
in Company with M r and M' s Savage to Cambridg : my Wife din'd with 
them at Stuart Hastings Table. I din'd with the Committee of Safety, 
among other good Dishes an excellent corn'd Cod. Soon after Dinner 
a very Severe Storm of Thunder, and plenteous Rain, after the Rain, 
waited on General Washington, Lee, &c. gave my Letters to Friends 
at Philadelphia to the Care of Secretary Reed. Return' d and reach' d 
home about 9 o Clock. Slept at S. Horse at Hagars. 

ij. Thursday. Sat out with Mrs Cooper in our own chaise and 
Horse for Holliston. Call'd at Brother Woodward's — not at home — at 
M r Dunbars — not at home, stop'd and cool'd and refresh' d my Self at 
Farmer Hastings': the Woman at home and very hospitable, din'd at 
M r Demings of Needham. saw there Mr Clough of Boston, and Mrs 
Edes of Charlestown. met M r Benj n Eustis and Daughter, and Daughter 
of Widow West, who inform 'd me her Mother died about a Fortnight 
ago at Waltham. Call'd at M r S. Well's, Natick. saw his Wife and 
Brother Arnold. Call'd at M 1 Badgers, 1 at Capt Newell's, Sherburn. 
saw him and Family, Miss Sarah Jackson. M r Ezek! Hall and Lady : 
who treated me with a Glass of Dorchester Ale. Call'd at President 
Lockes, 2 saw him and Lady and Professor Sewall's Lady, arriv'd before 
Sunset at M r Prentice's. Found Capt Freeman and Lady and all our 
good Friends well. Much fatigued with Riding and Heat, having come 
about 20 Miles. 

14. Friday. Still fatigued and unwell, tho most kindly receiv'd by 
our very dear and obliging Friends the Capt. and M rs . Freeman at their 
own Apartments, pass'd the day most agreably with them, saw Mr 
Brown of Sherburn p. m. rode about an Hour with Capt Freeman in his 
Chaise, slept and Horse there. 

15. Saturday. Din'd at Capt Freemans Lodgings. Drank Coffee 
with their Neighbor Newton. 

16. Lord' ' s day. pch'da. m. for M' Prentiss, and pray'd. He pray'd 
p. m. I pch'd. 

1 -j. Monday, visited with Capt Freeman and Lady Mr Townsend 
and Family at their Lodgings in Hopkinton Col Jones House, din'd 
there, an agreeable Day. Returned to M Prentiss in the Evg. 

iH. Tuesday. Went in my Horse and chaise with M rs Cooper ac- 
companied with Capt Freeman and Wife to Medfield. Din'd at M r 
Prentiss' |un! Visited M'" Adams p. m. Mrs Plimpton. M m Chauncy, 
M" Ilyslop. Mr Townsend. Slept and Horse at M r Prentiss' Jun! 

'The Rev. Stephen Badger (H. C. 1747), missionary to the Indians at Natick. 
2 The Rev. Samuel Locke, D.D. (II. C. 1755), minister of Sherborn, and sometime 
president of Harvard College. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 3 1 5 

10. Wednesday. Return'd to Capt Freeman's Lodgings at Hollis- 
ton a. m. din'd with them and Slept. 

20. Fast by Proclamation of Continental Congress thro all the 
Colonies. Mr Prentiss pch'd all day. I pray'd a. m. 

21. Friday. Sat out early for Weston, call'd at D r Locke's Sher- 
burne at Capt Newell's, at M r Badger's Natick. bated Horse there, 
call'd at Col Jones and saw Miss Sally Hatch, at M r Fishers Needham : 
M r Barrel and Lady and Deacon Storer's Lodgings. They absent. Din'd 
there. Most kindly receiv'd by M r Fisher and Family. He accom- 
panied us p. m. to Weston. Drank Coffee at Mr. Woodward's, slept at 
S. Horse at Hagars. found Brother Thomas ' at Mr Savages, who had 
been there f'm Thursday Evg. the 13th. a Week. 

22. Saturday. M rs Cooper went with Mr Rea in my Chaise and 
Horse to Cambridg. She din'd at Col Johonnot's Lodgings, and return'd 
in Evg. I din'd at S. we slept there. Horse in his Stable. B r Thomas 
went to live at Widow Hagar's. 

23. Lord's day. M rs Cooper and I din'd at Mr Lawrence's. 2 I 
pch'd for him all day. he pray'd p. m. 

24. Monday. I went with M r Rea to Cambridg. met Capt Free- 
man by Appointment at Watertown. Went with him to General Wash- 
ington's, saw him, General Gates, M r Reed. Din'd with Cap't Free- 
man at Col Johonnot's Quarters, procur'd a Place in the Army and 
Cloathing &c for B r Thomas. Return'd in the Evg. we slept at S. 
Horse at Hagar's. 

25. Tuesday. At home all day. slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 
Tommy went to the Army. 

26. Wednesday. At home. Miss Usher and my Wife went p. m. 
to M rs Baldwin's and drank Coffee, slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

27. Thursday. Merciful Rain. at home all day. slept at S. 
Horse at Hagar's. 

28. Friday. Went with M rs Cooper in our Horse and chaise to Con- 
cord, call'd at M r Hubbard's, din'd at M r Beton's. drank Coffee on 
our Return at Capt Brown's slept at S. Horse at Hagars. 

2g. Sat out with my Horse and chaise after Dinner for little Cam- 
bridg. We Slept, and Horse there. 

30. Lord' s day. Went after Breakfast to Watertown. I preach' d 
there both Parts of the day. We drank Coffee and Din'd at D. Fisk's. 
I pray'd at Funeral of — return'd to M r Dennies by Sunset. Slept, and 
Horse there. Wak'd by 1 "Clock in the Morn? with Cannonading all 
round the Lines and in the Harbour of Boston, saw George Tavern in 
Flames. Cannon and small Arms continu'd till 5 "Clock, with but few 
slain on either Side. 3 

1 Thomas Cooper, a younger brother of the diarist. 

2 At Lincoln. 

3 Cf. Diary of Ezekiel Price, in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, 1863-64, p. 201 ; Paul 
Lunt's Book, ibid., 1871-73, p. 196; Diary of Benjamin Boardman, ibid., 1891-92, p. 
400 ; Frothingham, Siege of Boston, p. 230. 

- 1 5 Documents 

;/. Monday. We went after Breakfast to Watertown. I attended 
Corporation and Overseer's Meeting there, din'd with Corporation 1 at 
Davis 'Tavern. M" Cooper at Deacon Fisk's. I went p.m. to visit Dr 
Appleton and pray'd with him, very low. we return' d to M r Dennies. 
slept and Horse there. 

Aw r . i. Tuesday. Went after Breakfast in my chaise and Horse 
with My Wife towards Salem, call'd at Col Johonnot's Quarters, saw 
young Allen's Funeral, din'd at Deacon Cheaver's Lynn End : call'd 
at Mr Prescott's Danvers. drank Coffee. Slept and Horse at M r W m 

1 )avis.' 

2. Went in the Morn 8 with my Wife M r and M rs Davis to Salem, 
din'd at Deacon Smith's, saw Several Military Companies exercise on 
the Common, in Company with Mess rs Bernard's &c. Slept and Horse 
at Deacon Smith's. 

Aug. 3. Din'd at D. Smith's, purchas'd Here for myself and for 
Nabby, Handkerchiefs &c. Went after dinner With D. Smith and Lady 
to M r Davis, drank Coffee, slept and Horse there. M rs Davis pre- 
sented Nabby with a Pair of Shoes. 35/ O. Ten r . 

4. Friday. We left M r Davis' after Breakfast. We din'd at Gen- 
eral Lees Quarters at Medford in Company with M rs Barnes of Marlboro, 
M r Pal fry &c. went after dinner to M r Dennies Cambridg. slept and 
Plorse there. 

5. Sat: Return' d after Breakfast to Mr Savages, din'd and Slept 
there. Horse at Hagars. 

6. Lord's day. Went with M rs Cooper to Watertown. pch'd all 
day. we din'd at Madam Storer's, drank Coffee at D. Fisk's. slept and 
Horse there. 

7. Monday. M' s Cooper din'd at Mr Merritts. I at M r Hunts, 
return' d to M Savages, slept and Horse there. Nabby return' d f'm 

8. Tuesday. We Went after Breakfast to Watertown. I attended 
Corporation and Overseer's Meeting, din'd with them at Davis' Tav- 
ern M" C. at Brother Cooper Lodgings in Watertown. return' d to Mr 
Savages, slept and Horse there. 

g. Wednesday. We din'd at Savage's, drank Coffee in Nabby's 
Chamber at M r Russell's, slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

10. Thursday. M s Cooper went, (my chaise and Horse) with 
Nabby to Cambridg: They din'd at Col Johonnot's: I din'd at S. 
They return'd in the Evg. we slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

//. Friday. We din'd at Savages, went after dinner (my Horse 
and chaise) to Widow Bigelow's. drank Coffee there, call'd upon 
M" Baldwin, slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

12. Sat. Went with M" Cooper after Breakfast (my Horse and 
Chaise) to Watertown. I din'd at M r Hunt's with Committee of 
Supplies. M. r " Cooper proceeded to Medford, and din'd at M r Turell's 

1 The fellows of the Corporation were Nathaniel Appleton, John Winthrop Andrew 
Eliot, Samuel Cooper, and John Wadsworth. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 3 1 7 

She return' d to Watertown 6 o Clock. We proceeded to M r Dennies 
little Cambridg. Slept and Horse there. 

13. Lord' s day. I preach' d both Parts of the Day at little Cambridg : 
M r Bigelow for me at Watertown. We Dined at M' Dennies in Com- 
pany with Le Corn f'm Statia, Mr W" Barrell f'm Philadelphia. We 
supp'd there with the same Company : Slept and Horse there. 

14. I Went (Mr Dennies Horse and Chaise) with him to the 
Lines at Roxbury. saw the Fort &c. call'd upon General Thomas, 
return' d and din'd with M rs Cooper at his House slept and Horse there. 

15. Tuesday. Went with M rs Cooper, my Horse and Chaise, thro 
Brooklyne to upper Roxbury: call'd at M' Walters: I din'd at Noah 
Davis' : M" Cooper proceeded to Isaac William's : saw t e Trunks of 
Apparel], &c. She din'd there : return'd to Brooklyne. slept at M 1 " 1 
Hyslop's. kindly entertain' d by her Son David. Horse there. 

16. Wednesday. Went with M rs C. my Horse and chaise to Med- 
ford. din'd with M r Turell. met Mrs Newell, Payne &c to whom we 
design' d a Visit, drank Coffee at Col Johonnot's Quarters Cambridg. 
went to Mr Dennies. slept and Horse there. 

77. Went with M rs C. my H : and Ch. to Watertown. saw 
Co 1 Hancock, Mr. Adams, Pair, dishing, &c. Din'd at M rs Hall's 
with Col Warren l and Lady, M r Arnold Wells and Lady : Mess" Adams, 
&c. return'd to Savages, slept there. Horse at Hagar's. 

18. Went with M rs C. (my H. and Ch.) to Darch's Newton 
to visit Betsy Bulfinch dangerously sick, pray'd there, return'd to 
M* age's, din'd therewith M r Woodward and Lady, slept there. 
Horse at Hagar's. Mercy Scollay and General Warren's little Daughters 
lodg'd with us. 

ig. Saturday. At home all day. wrote Letters to M™ Handcock, 
and Mr. Eliot 2 at Fairfield. Deacon Jeffries visited us p. m. Nabby 
went in M rs Scollay 's Horse and chaise to M rs Cockran's Watertown. 

20. Went with M rs C. (my H : and ch.) to Watertown. pch'd all 
day. We din'd at Deacon Fisk's. went about Sunset to Mr. Dennie's. 
slept and Horse there. 

21. Monday. Went (in my H. and Ch.) to Watertown. I din'd at 
Madam Storer's M rs C. went with Nabby to the Lines at Charlestown. 
I attended p. m. Committee of Overseers, obtain'd Leave to lodg occa- 
sionally in M r Remington's Chambers, met M r Tho s Dennie who de- 
sir'd me to write to Gen 1 Washington &c we return'd with him to his 
Father's, slept and Horse there. 

22. Tuesday. M rs C went in the Morn? (my H. and Ch) to Water- 
town I accompanied Mr. Tho? Dennie to Cambridg to Head Quarters 
Major Mifflin's &c. He then carried me to Watertown. Attended 

'James Warren, of Plymouth, a graduate of Harvard College in 1745. He was 
a delegate to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, and on the death of General War- 
ren was chosen speaker. He married Mercy Otis, the talented sister of the patriot. 

2 The Rev. Andrew Eliot, minister of Fairfield, Conn., was a graduate of Harvard 
in 1762, and sometime librarian, tutor, and fellow of the college. 

? 1 8 Documents 

Overseer's Meeting, din'd with them at Coolidg's. slept at Mr. Rem- 
ington's Chamber. Horse at Fisk's. 

23. Wednesday. We breakfasted at Miss Cook's with M ra Warren 
Adams, &c I din'd at Deacon Fisk's. M rs C. at her chamber, drank 
Coffee at M" Cockran's. return' d to Savage's, slept there. Horse at 

24. Din'd at Savages. M' s C. drank Coffee there p. m. I visited 
Mr. Inches ; went on my Horse in Saddle, slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

23. At Savages till p. m. went with M ra C. (my H and Ch) to 
Baldwin's, drank Coffee there, slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

26. Saturday. M rs C. din'd at S. I at M r Inches, slept at S. 
Horse at H. This night Detachm' took Possession of plough'd Hill. 1 

27. Lord's day. Went with M rs C. (my H. and Ch) to Watertown. 
we din'd at D. Fisk's. I pch'd all day. D r Appleton abroad p. m. saw 
120 Riflers f'm Maryland on their March to the Camp, went to M r 
Dennie's. slept and Horse there. 

28. Monday. At M r Dennies din'd. went to Cambridg Fore- 
noon Nabby came to us in the Evening, slept and Horse there. 

29. Great Storm, at M r Dennies. M r Barrell and Le Corn din'd 
with us. slept and Horse there. 

30. Rainy day still at M r Dennies. din'd and spent the Evg with 
same Company slept and Horse there. 

31. Rainy, still at Mr. Dennies: din'd and supp'd with same 
Company, slept and Horse there. 

1. Septr. F/yday. Went with my Horse and Chaise to Cambridg 
din'd at Mr. Dennie's with Mr Le Corn, went p. m. to Mr. Savages, 
slept there. Horse at Hagar's. 

2. Saturday. At Savages all day. slept there. H at H, 

3. Went (my H. and Ch) with M rs C. to Watertown. pchd all 
day. slept at D. Fisk's Horse there. 

4. Monday. Went (my H. and Ch) with M rs C. to Cambridg. Cor- 
poration Meeting. She din'd at Mr. Turell's I at Steward Hastings. 
Came to Mr. Dennies. slept and Horse there. 

5. Tuesday. At M r Dennies unwell. slept and Horse there, 
unable to attend Overseer's and Corporation Meet' at Watertown. M" 
C. and M r " Dennie went to Watertown my Horse and chaise. M r Rand 
visited us. 

6. Still unwell at M' Dennies. Went in my Horse and chaise to 
Thompson's Shop Brooklyne. p. m. rode 6 Miles, slept and Horse at 

7. Thursday. Went with M ,s C (my Horse and chaise) to Cam- 
bridg : rode round the Lines at Cambridg: beyond M r Inman's. visited 
M' Johnnot's Quarters saw D r Bond, rode 10 Miles. Return' d and 
din'd at M r Dennies. Spent afternoon at M r Faneuils. return'd and 
slept at Mr I). Horse there. 

1 Ploughed I lill, known later as Mount Benedict, stood in the north- westerly part of 
Charlestown, — afterwards incorporated as the town of Somerville. See Washington's 
Writings, cd. Sparks, Til. 71 ; Frothingham, Siege of Boston, pp. 233, 234. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 3 1 9 

8. Friday. I went with Mr Tho" Dennie to Cambridg. din'd with 
him at Col. Glover's Quarters. M' Johonnot absent, return' d by 
Watertown. M rs Cooper went with Nabby to M rs Williams at Roxbury : 
din'd there saw our Trunks, they drank Tea at Mr Pierpoints. Spent 
the Evg. and slept at M r Dennies. Horse there. M' James Dennie and 
Flag fm N. Port and Major f'm N. Hampshire. 

Septr. g. M" C. went (my Horse and Ch) to Weston, din'd 
at M r Savage's. I din'd at M r Dennie' s with B r Cooper. Tommy 
Bryant very ill. I gave him a Puke. Mrs C. return' d in Evg. we slept 
and Horse at Dennies. 

10. Lord's day. Exchang'd M r Coggins. He pch'd all day for me 
at Watertown. I for him at little Cambridg. pray'd at Warren's 
child's Funeral, slept and Horse at M r D. 

11. Went with M r " Cooper (my Horse and chaise) to Framing- 
ham, din'd at M r Woodward's : drank Coffee with Capt Freeman at 
Framingham. Married Henry Prentiss and Ruth Freeman. Fee i 
Guinea, slept and Horse there. 

12. Tuesday. Visited M" Bridg and M rs Savage a. m. 3 Miles 
my Horse &c. Din'd with our Friends at their Lodgings. M r Buck- 
minster's, slept and Horse there, visited p. m. with our Friends Mr 
Stone at Sthboro 10 Miles. 

1 j. Went with our Friends to Hopkintown ; din'd at Co 1 Jones' 
Invitation at his Home, with Mr Townsend &c. returned to Cap't 
Freeman's Lodgings, slept and Horse there. 10 Miles. 

14. Thursday. rode upon my Horse in a Saddle 9. Miles, a. m. 
Din'd with our Friends at M r Buckminster's. slept and Horse there. 

75. Took Leave of our good Friends. Return' d and din'd at 
M r Savages. Neighbor Right buried, slept at S. Horse at Hagar's. 

16. Saturday. Din'd at S. went, (my Horse and Ch) after Din- 
ner to M r Dennies. found Nabby unwell, slept and Horse. 

1 "j. Lord' s day. Breakfasted at Mr. Dennies. went to Watertown. 
pch'd all day and administer' d L. S. din'd at Deacon Fisk's. return' d 
after Service p. m. to M r Dennie's. slept and Horse there, saw Couzin 
Sally Chardon as I pass'd Mr Zegur's 1 House. 

18. Went after Breakfast to Watertown saw D r Winthrop sick. 
Met D' s Appleton and Chauncy there. Din'd with M r3 C. at D. 
Fisk's. visited p. m. Mr. Prentice's Family and pray'd there remark- 
ably visited with Sickness and repeated Deaths, return' d to M r Sav- 
age's. M rs Whitney presented us on our Return with two fine Chickens. 
Capt Freeman and Wife slept with us at S. Horse at Hagars. 

19. Tuesday. Went with Capt Freeman and Wife to Concord, 
visited with them M r Hubbard, and Emerson : The latter and Wife out 
of Town : our Friends engag'd M rs Hubbard to take th'r Son at Board 
proceeded with them to Sudbury thinking to go to Worcester. We 
din'd at Rice's Tavern. Soon after getting into our chaises it rain'd 
hard. Capt Freeman and Wife return'd to Framingham. We to 

1 Segar, also spelled Seger. 

-> 20 Documents 

Weston, call'd at M" Coats' Sudbury, rode 22 Miles in all. slept at 
Mr. S. Horse at Hagars. 

20. Wednesday. At M r Savages all day slept there. Horse at 

21. Thursday. At M r Savages all day. slept there. H : at 

22. Friday. M rs C. went after Breakfast (my Horse and Ch.) to 
Cambridg. spent the Day there, and return' d in the Evening. I went 
with M rs Melvill (her Chaise and Horse) to Concord. We din' d at good 
M r Beton's after Dinner She slipt into my Hand, in a most obliging 
Manner a Bill of 20/ Lawf. Money, return'd p. m. to M r Savages, the 
Weather rainy. M rs C. arriv'd soon after, slept there. H. at Hagars. 

23. Saturday. Paid M rs Savage 27 Pounds ten Shillings O. Ten! in 
full for our Board, (deducting Absence) f'm 10 June to this day, inclu- 
sively, din'd at M r Savages : went with M™ Cooper, (my Horse and 
Chaise) to little Cambridg. slept at M r Dennies. Horse there. 

24. Lord' ' s day. Went to Watertown (my H. and ch) pch'd there 
all day. return'd to Mr. Dennie's. slept and H. there. 

25. Monday. Went after Breakfast with M r C. (my H : and 
Ch) to Milton, din'd at B! Gardiner's, 1 visited Mad m Foye found her 
in her own House, call'd at M r John Adam's, drank Coffee slept at 
Col. Quincy's. Horse there. 

26. Tuesday. Went f'm Col Quincy's 9 "(Clock for Kingston, 
bated my Horse at Widow Gardiners on Hingham Plains, din'd at M r 
Baldwin's; Hannover, arriv'd at Mr Rand's, Sunset, slept and Horse 
there, found the Family, and dear Sister Rand's 2 children well. 

27. Wednesd. M r Rand accompanied us to Plimpton, 6. Miles, 
visited M r Parker the Pastor and his Colleague M r Sampson, the former 
a Cancer in his Leg. Left Mr Rand there, proceeded with M rs C. to 
Middleboro. arrived at M r Bovvdoin's in Judg Olivers 3 House about 
12 — 13 Miles f'm M' Rand's, most Kindly receiv'd. M r Bowdoin 
better, din'd there, rode out with him in his Chaise p. m. 6 Miles, 
slept and Horse there. 

2S. Thursday. Took Leave of M r Bowdoin and Family. He put 
into my Hands at parting a Bill of Sixe Pounds Lawf. Money, and a 
Chicken and Bottle of Wine into our Chaise, we call'd at M r Perkins, 
Bridgwater, at Mr Porters, din'd at Curtiss' Tavern, met at Braintree, 
M' Tafts Parish our Friend M rs Clark, drank Coffee, slept and supp'd 
with her. Horse at Mr Tafts : who with his Wife and D r Porter spent 
the Evg with us at Capt Pennyman's, M rs Clark's Lodgings. 

2p. Friday. Came thro the blue Hills to Milton, went to Brush 
Hill, Timothy Tucker's blouse : din'd with M' Sherburne and Family, 
gave us a Bottle of Kyan. came by the Paper Mills to Dorchester, by 

1 Dr. Samuel Gardner. 

'Judith Cooper, who married first, Dr. John Sever (H. C. 1749), and secondly, 
William Rand, of Kingston, Mass. She died February 16, 1764, and left issue. 
3 Peter Oliver, D.C.I,. (U.C. 17 p) , Chief Justice of the Province. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 321 

Roxbury Meeting-House - — Supp'd at M r Pierpoint's with General Ward, 
M r Conant,Willard of Mendam : Frost a Candidate &c M r West ' of 
Dartmouth, slept and Horse there. 

jo. At Breakfast a smart Cannonading f'm the Enemy on Lamb's 
Dam. 3 call'd at M'' Dennies, at Major Thompson's, at Watertown. 
din'd at Mr Savages, slept there. Horse at Hagar's. 

1 Octr. Lord's day. Went with M rs Cooper my (Horse and chaise) 
to Deacon Fisk's. din'd there, pch'd all day Watertown. went after 
Service to Mr Dennie's Saw M' Martin of R. Island, slept and Horse 

2. Monday. Went to Corporation at Watertown, din'd there, 
(my Horse and Ch) M rs Cooper din'd at M r Dennies. I return'd. slept 
and Horse there. 

j. Tuesday. Went (my H : and ch) to Watertown Overseer's 
Meeting, din'd there. M rs C. at M r Dennies. she with M" Dennie 
visited Miss Boucher. I return'd Evg. slept and Horse at M r Dennies. 

4. Went with M 1S C. (my H. and Ch) in Company with M" 
Dennie and Boucher to Medford. din'd M r Payne's Family. saw 
Ellis Gray and Lady, slept at Mr Turell's. Horse there. 

5. Thursday. Detain' d by Rain at M r T. I visited p. m. General 
Sullivan, at M r Bishop's, M r Osgood, slept and Horse at Mr T. 

6. Friday. Came with M rs C. to Cambridg : thro Camp at Winter 
and Prospect Hills, saw General Washington Lee &c at the Top of the 
Hill : the former obligingly invited us to dine at head Quarters, visited 
M" Miffling. I din'd with General W. M" C. at Col. Johonnot's. 
return'd to M' Savage's in Evg. slept there, and H. at Hagar's. 

7. At Savages all day. slept there. H. at Hagar's. 

8. Lord 1 s day. Went (my H. and Ch) to Watertown : rainy Fore- 
noon, pch'd there all day. visited M r Baker sick, spent the Evg and 
slept at M r Dennies. Horse there. 

p. Sat out f'm thence for Worcester (my H. and Ch) din'd at 
Baldwin's, paid for Oats. Dinner gratis, we drank Coffee slept and 
Horse at Cap't Freeman's Lodgings, Framingham. 

10. Tuesday. Went with our dear Friends Capt F. and Lady to- 
wards W. din'd at Cushing's. Shrewsbury. I visited M r Sumner, 
reach'd M r Williams's Worcester at 4 o' Clock, saw that Family M" 
Royall &c well, slept and Horse there. 

//. Went M r Williams H : and Ch. with M" C. to Liecester : 
stopt at M 1 ' Conchlyn's Door, went to Col Henshaws. all abroad 
but Col Jos. Henshaw. din'd with him. return'd. visited Cheese- 
man, More &c of Boston. visited M r Manarty : 3 who spent pre- 
ceding Evg with us at M r W s with M r Lyman of Hatfield and M r Hub- 

1 Presumably the Rev. Samuel West, D.D. (H.C. 1754), minister of Dartmouth, 
and chaplain in the Revolutionary army. It was he who deciphered the letter of Dr. 
Benjamin Church. 

! The position of a battery in Roxbury. 

3 Perhaps Moriarty. 

■■^2 2 Documents 

bard of . . . slept and H : at M r William's. Much Thunder and 
severe Lightning f'm Sunset to 10 ° Clock. 

12. Thursday. Left our Friends, call'd at Landman's. We 
din'd M, Stone's Capt Freeman and Lady Mr Bomen's [?] Lodgings. 
I heard him preach M 1 Stones Lecture, return' d to Capt Freemans 
Lodgings, slept and H. there. 

13. Friday. Din'd at the same place. Took Leave of our good 
Friends after Dinner, call'd at M r Woodwards, drank Coffee, slept, 
and Horse at M r Savages. 

14.' Sat. din'd at M r Savage's. Went after Dinner to Mr Dennies. 
Slept and Horse there. 

15. Lord's day. Pch'dall day at Watertown. baptiz'd 2. Drank 
Coffee at M r Halls with Mrs. Warren, {illegible} Allyne Otis' and Lady 
&c. saw D' Frankly n and Mr. Linch.* slept and Horse at Mr Cushings 

16. Mond. Went with M" C. (my H and Ch) to Cambridg. 
D r Franklin &c absent at the Lines. I din'd with Stuart Hastings. M" 
C. saw in the afternoon fiat Bottom Boats in Cambridg River, the 
Troops embarqued in th'm &c. Slept at Mr Dennies. Horse there. 

1 j. Went f'm M r Dennies (my H. and ch) to General Washing- 
ton's. I din'd there. With D r Franklin, the Committee of Conti- 
nental Congress, 3 M' Bowdoin &c. M rs C. at M r Dennies. she brot 
my H. and Ch. and carried me back there, slept and H. there. 

18. Wednesday. Went my H. and Ch. to Watertown. saw D r 
Prescot who paid me 60 £ O. Ten! for six Sabbaths at Groton. We din'd 
at Deacon Fisk's. Came to Mr Savage's. Slept and Horse there. 

iy. Thursday, rainy. Came with M rs C. (my H. and Ch. ) to 
Watertown. din'd by Invitation of the House of Representatives at Cool- 
idge's Tavern with General Washington, the general Officers of the 
Army, Committee of Continental Congress. D' r Franklin, Col Harrison 
of Virginia, M 1 Lynch of Carolina, Gov r Cook 4 of R. Island. Lt. Gover- 
nor Grizzald 5 of Connecticut, and a great Number of Gentlemen of this 
and other Colonies : the Council of Massachusetts &c. M" C. din'd. 
We return'd to B! Cushings at Waltham. slept and Horse there. 

20 Fry day. M™ Cooper went (my H. and Ch) to Mr Dennies. 
She din'd there. I accompanied her as far as Watertown. din'd with 
Speaker Warren and Lady at their Lodgings. M rs Cooper carried Nabby 
f'm M r Dennies to our new Lodgings M r Clark's 6 Waltham. came back 
and return'd with me there. We slept and H there for first Time. 

'Samuel Allyne Otis (II. C. 1759), brother of James Otis, and a delegate to the 
Continental Congress. 

2 Thomas Lynch, of South Carolina, delegate to the Continental Congress. His son, 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., was a signer of the Declaration of Independence. 

3 Washington's Writings, ed. Sparks, III. 123, and note. 
* Nicholas Cooke. 

b Matthew Griswold, LL.D., chief justice of the Superior Court, and afterwards 
governor of ( lonnecticut. 

'■ Perhaps Deacon John Clarke, one of the selectmen of Waltham. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 323 

21. M™ C.Nabby and myself din' d at M r Clark's, slept and Horse there. 

22. Lord' ' s day. Went with M" C. to Watertown. pch'd all day 
there, din'd at D. Fisk's. returnd to M" Clark's. We and Nabby 
slept, and Horse there. 

2j. M rs C. went (my H. and ch) to M r Savages din'd there with 
M r Bowdoin, John Pitts &x. I din'd at Watertown M? Storer's. Nabby at 
Russell's, carried there by her Mother. M rs C. return'd alone f'm Wes- 
town. I f'm Watertown. M r Bowdoin and J. Pitts drank Coffee with 
us at M r Clark's. M rs C. and I slept and Horse there. 

24. Tuesday. Went with M rs C. to Watertown, Corporation and 
Overseer's Meeting; which fail'd by Presidents not coming. I din'd at 
Fowl's with M r Bowdoin &c it being rainy, M" C. went (my H. and 
ch) to Newtown after Hay. She din'd with Nabby Bullfinch at Durell's. 
We slept and Horse at M r Clark's. 

25. Nabby and Katy came f'm Westown to M r Clark's a. m. We 
all din'd there. M rs C. went (my H : ch) to M" Cushings. We then 
sat out for Mr Dennies. M rs C. went to Newtown, return'd to M r D. 
we slept and Horse there. 

26. Thursday. I Went (my Horse and ch) to General Washing- 
ton's to attend D r Franklin, M r Bowdoin, D r Winthrop and Lady, to 
Middleboro', M r Bowdoin' s House, sat out about 2 "Clock. At M r 
Pierpoint's Roxbury receiv'd M rs Cooper bro't there by M rs Dennie. 
We din'd at Col. Quincy's Braintree. slept and Horse there. D r F. 
M r B. slept there also. D r W. and Lady at M™ Adam's. 

27. sat out f'm Col. Quincy's 9 "Clock in Company with the above 
nam'd. Din'd at Col Howard's Bridgwater, M r Bowdoin's Expence. 
reach' d his House Sunset. Spent the Evg most agreably there. Slept 
and H. there. 

28. Saturday. Din'd at M r Bowdoins ; M r Conant added to the 
Company. Slept and H : there. 

29. Lord's day. D'r Franklin left us 9 "Clock to proceed on his 
Journey. M r Conant pch'd a.m. and administer' d L. S. we spent 
Interval at his House, drank Coffee there. I pch'd p.m. return'd with 
D' W. and Lady, M r Bowdoin &c to his House, slept and H : there. 

30. Monday. We, with D r Winthrop and Lady, left our dear Friends 
M r B. and Family, 9 "Clock, having been entertain'd there in the most 
engaging Manner. We din'd at Turner's Tavern Braintree. Getting out 
of my Chaise, turned my Ankle and strain'd it greatly. Spent afternoon 
and slept at Mr. Clark's Lodgings. Capt Pennyman's. Kindly nurs'd 
there with my Lameness. Horse at B r - Taft's. D r W. and Lady proceeded 
on their Journey. D r Wales kindly dress' d my Ankle gratis. 

31. Tuesday. Came to Madam Foyes. din'd slept and Horse there, 
kindly nurs'd there. Nancy Jeffries drank Coffee with Nabby at M r Clark's. 

Novr. 1. Wednesday. We came to General Ward's Quarters at M r 
Pierpoints. I din'd there. M rs C. dind. saw Capt M'pherson. 1 came 
to M r Clark's, found Nabby well, slept and Horse there. 

1 Doubtless Duncan McPherson, who two months later fell at Quebec. 

224 Documents 

Novr. 2. Thursday. MrsC. and I went my H : and ch to Westown. 
din'd at M r Savages. Nabby at M" Cockran's. return'd to M r Clark's 
slept and H. there. 

Novr. j. Friday. Rainy. Our little Family all at home. B. r Wil- 
liams of Sandwich, and M r Curtiss my former Parishioners drank Coffee 
with us. slept and Horse at home 

Novr. 4. Went M r Clark's Horse to Watertown. din'd with my 
little Family at home i. e. Mr Clark's. M 1 James Dennie andP/ Cooper 
drank Coffee with us. slept and Horse there on M r Clark's Hay still. 
In the Evg. my Hay f'm Watertown. 6' and 1/2. 

Novr. j. Lord's day. Went to Watertown with M" Cooper pch'd 
all day there, we din'd at Deacon Fisk's. Nabby at home all day. 
We return'd, in Evg. slept there. Horse on my own Hay. 

N. 6. Monday. Our Family at home all day. I visited Mr Payne 
and Family p. m. D 1 ' Langdon and Mr Wadsworth spent Evg. with 
me. did not sup. slept and H. at home. 

Novr. 7. Tuesday. Went with Mr Calendar my H : and ch. to Water- 
town. Corporation and overseers Meeting, adjourn' d to 

rainy day. I din'd with Corporation at Coolidge's. M™ Cooper and 
my Family at home, slept and H. there. 

Novr. 8. Wednesday. Went to M r Payne's a. m. alone. Welman put 
one Shoe on my Horse, paid, saw Mr Payne, din'd at home with all 
my Family. M' s Cooper and I visited p. m. Mrs Turell. We all slept, 
and H : at home. M 1 ' 3 Blanchard slept with us. 

Novr. g. Thursday. Went with M rs Cooper, my H : and ch : to Mr 
Dennies after dining at home with Mrs Blanchard. slept and H : there. 
M' s Blanchard slept with Nabby at M r Clark's 

Novr. 10. Friday. M' s Cooper and I all day at Mr Dennies slept and 
H : there. Nabby and M rs Blanchard at Mr Clark's 

Novr. 11. Saturday. Went with M rs Cooper f'm M r Dennies to old 
Cambridg. din'd with Nabby and M rs Blanchard at M r Clark's We all 
slept and H. there 

Novr. 12. Went with M rs Cooper my H : and ch. to Watertown 
Nabby and M ,s Blanchard went also. She din'd at Madam Hunts. M" 
Cooper Nabby and I at Mr Fisk's. pch'd all day at Watertown. We 
all slept and H. at M r Clark's. 

Novr. 13. M rs Blanchard left us this Morn 8 . Our Family din'd at 
home. Went with M rs Cooper, my H : and ch : p. m. to Menomoty. 1 
slept and Horse at Mr Cook's. 

Novr. 14. Tuesday. Sat out after Breakfast f'm Mr Cook's, call'd 
at Cooper's Tavern.''' receiv'd of M r Phillips White 10^ Lawf. Money 

1 Mcnnlomy. 

2 This tavern, which stood where the Arlington House now stands, was kept by 
Benjamin Cooper. During the retreat from the fight at Lexington, April 19, 1775, it was 
entered l>y British soldiers, "and two aged gentlemen were most barbarously and in- 
humanly murdered by them." See deposition of Benjamin and Rachel Cooper, in 
Jnurn. Prov. Cong. Mass., p. 678. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 325 

being Legacy left me by W' m White Esqf proceeded to Medford, call'd 
at M r Turell's. din'd at M r Treadwell's Lynn, reach' d Salem slept 
and H. at Deacon Smiths, saw D r Pemberton this Evg. 

Novr. ij. Wednesday. Intended to have gone to Dummer School to 
see little Sammy, prevented by a great Storm. Din'd, slept, and H. at 
D. Smith's. M r Bernard Jun' and M r Jackson of Newbury Port supp'd 
with us. 

Novr. 16. Thursday. Cold and windy. Left Salem to return home. 
Roads bad byg't Rains. Chaise Broke 2. Miles f'm Salem, assisted in 
mending it by Prurington and Varny Quakers din'd at Couzin Jacob 
Cooper's Quarters at Medford. slept and Horse at M r Turell's. 

77. Friday. Call'd at M r Boylstons. bought a warming Pan. 3 
Doll, a Stove and Frame 50 /. old Tenr. call'd at Mr Brook's Medford. 
at Col Johonnots Quarters. I din'd with M r Leonard 1 at Connecticut 
Head Q rs M" C. return'd home p. m. found Polly Johnston with Nab 
by who had din'd with her and assisted altering her Gown. 

Novr. 18. Saturday. Din'd at home. Polly Johnston again came 
after Breakfast, and din'd with us. I went my H : and ch. to Watertown 
p. m. return'd. slept, and H. at home. 

Novr. ig. Went with M rs Cooper my H : and ch. to Watertown. 
I pch'd there all day. we din'd at Deacon Fisk's. Nabby din'd at home, 
attended p. m. Waltham. 

Novr. 20. Went with M" C. (my H. and Ch ) to Weston, din'd 
with M r Savage, return'd slept and H. at home. 

21. Tuesday. Walk'd to Watertown a. m. We all din'd at home, 
slept and H. at home 

22. Wednesday, rode (my H. and ch) to Watertown. We all din'd 
at home. Br Cooper and Judy call upon us p. m. M r James Denny in- 
vited us in Name of Family to dine at his Fathers to morrow, being 
Th-g. invited also by M rs Hunt Jun: and old W. Hunt : and M r Halls. 
We all slept and H. at home. Salem Smith bro't M rs Melvill's Bed. 
paid him. Paid Billings Tailor. 

23. Thursday. Pub. Thanksg. Went, my H : and ch. to Water- 
town, pch'd there. Went after Service with M" C. to M r Dennies. 
James Denny carried Nabby. We din'd with Capt Davis there, Miss 
Katy Wendell, D' Fog of Fairfield &c. We came home, left Nabby 
there, slept and H : at home. 

24. Friday. Walk'd a. m. to Watertown and return'd. Call'd at 
M r Bemus' by the Way and thank' d him for the Frame of a Stove, He 
presented me. M" C. and I din'd at home. Slept and H. at home. 
Nabby still at M r Dennies M r Payne and M r Cushing drank Coffee with 
us. Deacon Storer and M r Barrell call'd upon us, inform 'd us of M r 
Frank Green's Wife's Death. 

25. Saturday. Rode (my H and ch) to Watertown. paid Davis 
Tavernkeeper his Note, 1. Doll, and Marshall in full for Candles. 

'The Rev. Abiel Leonard, D.D. (H. C. 1759) chaplain of the Connecticut forces. 
VOL. VI. — 22. 


26 Documents 

Din'd at home. B r Cooper came f'm Brewer's Tavern after slight Din- 
ner and ate Fish with us : Sister Cooper came over after Dinner, and 
gave us a short Visit, walk'd to M r Payne's Lodgings, slept and H: 
at home. Nabby still at Mr Dennie's. 

26. Sunday, went (my H : and ch. ) to Watertown. pch'd there 
all day : din'd at Deacon Fish's, slept and H : at home. Nabby still 
at M r D. 

27. Monday. Deacon Storer and M'' Joshua Green call'd upon us 
this Morn 6 . They went to the Lines at Roxbury. carried a letter f'm 
M" C. to her Brother. Nabby came home this Forenoon. Slept and 
H. at home. 

28. Tuesday. M r Jonathan Williams call'd and din'd with us I 
went p. m. to Watertown (my H : and ch) pray'd with the Town of Bos- 
ton previous to th'r Choice of Representative in Room of D r Church. 1 
John Brown chosen. Col Gerrish gave me a Letter f'm Master Moody ' 
respecting Sammy. Slept and H : at home 

29. Wednesday. Went in the Forenoon with Mrs C. (my H and 
ch to Cambridg. M' Zyphion Thayer paid me 26 L.M. Mrs C. din'd 
at Stuart Hastings. I call'd on M r Leonard. Connecticut Head Quar- 
ters, went f'm thence by Invitation to General Lee's Quarters, din'd 
with him at Hobgobling Hall. 3 

Took Mrs C. at Cambridg. slept and H. at home. 

jo. Thursday. Went with M" C. (my H : and ch. ) to the Lines 
at Roxbury. with D. Storer M r Payne Barred &c. Mrs C. din'd. I at 
General Thomas' M r Chases' [?] Invitation with the above Gentlemen, 
found they had innoculated at Boston small Pox. went p. m. with Mrs. 
C to Madam Foye's Milton, slept and H. there, called at Sister Gar- 
diner's. Nabby at Home. 

1. Deer. Friday. Came f'm Milton in Forenoon. We din'd at Mr 
Robert Pierpoints. called at Mr Dennies. slept and H : at home. 

2. Sat. I made a Visit to M r Payne's a. m. We all din'd at home, 
went p. m. on Foot to Watertown. slept and H at home. 

j. Lord's day. Exchang'd with Mr Cushing. I baptiz'd at Waltham 
Twins and another Infant. Nabby and I din'd at M r Payne's; with D. 
Storer, Barrell and Lady &c. Mrs Cooper confm'd at home : slept and 
H. there. 

4. Went with Nabby (my H and ch) to Watertown. she din'd 
at Mrs Cochran's : I at M' Hunt's opposite Davis Tavern. 
I attended Corporation Meeting at Coolidge's. slept and H. home. 

5. Tuesday. Attended (my H : and ch) Corporation and Overseer's 
Meeting at Watertown. din'd with former at Coolidges. Corporation 
sat at D 1 Appleton's Lodgings Watertown. Overseer's adjourn'd to last 
Tuesday in Feby. next. 

■See Washington's Writings, ed. Sparks, III. 115, 116, 502 et stq. 
2 Samuel Moody (II. C. 1746), Master of Dummer School. 

'General Lee's quarters in the Royall house at Medford, "whose echoing corridors 
suggested to his fancy the name of Hobgoblin Hall." 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 327 

6. Wednesday. Went with M" C. (my H and ch) to Cambridg. 
Went to head Quarters Cambridg. [saw] General Gates. Call'd at Col 
Mifflins. saw D r Morgan's Lady there, view'd the fine Mortar ' (lately 
taken) on Cambridg Common. Din'd at Mr Hastings Stuart ; M rs C. after 
having gone to little Cambridg call'd for me, we came to Watertown. I 
attended and pray'd there at M' s Sangar's Funeral. We went to M r Payne's. 
Drank Coffee there with Deacon Smith and Lady. D. Storer M' Barrell 
etc. return' d home about 3 ° Clock, slept and H. there Nabby drank 
Coffee at M rs Durant's. This day received a Billet directed to me from 
Boston inclosing a Sheet of Paper half printed the other Manuscript, be- 
ing an Acc't of the Play to be acted at the Opening the Boston Theatre. 2 
General Washington and several General Officers of our Army receiv'd 
a similar one. This is the Form of an Invitation to attend. It came out 
by the Lines at Roxbury with a Flag of Truce. 

7. Thursday. Went with M rs C (my H : and ch) to Deacon Stor- 
er's and Mr Barrells Lodgings at M r Harringtons 3 Miles. Din'd with 
them agreably to their kind Invitation last Evg. saw M r Black from 
Boston : who gave us an Acc't of the State of Things there, and that they 
had innoculated not f'm Necessity, for only one or two had Small Pox, 
but as a Battery agst our Army and the Country, slept and H : at home 
Call'd at M" Turell's as we return'd. 

8. Went with Mrs C. and Nabby my H. and ch. to M rs Turell's, 2 
Miles Din'd there agreably to her kind Invitation last Evg. Mrs. Newell, 
Payne, Cushing &c. drank Coffee with us there, slept and H : at home. 

g. Saturday. Went alone (my H: and Ch.) to Watertown a. m. 
We all din'd at home, and M r James Dennie with us. slept and H. at 
home. This Day receiv'd f'm Parish at Watertown 1000 or 1200"' of 
Hay. Call'd upon Mrs. Newman p. m. at the Mellicot's. 5 

10. Lords' day. Went with M rs C. and Nabby my H : and ch. to 
Watertown. we all din'd at Deacon Fisk's. I pch'd there all day. vis- 
ited after Meeting p. m. M r Fatherly f'm Boston sick, we all return'd 
home slept and H. there. 

11. Monday. We all din'd at home. Went p. m. (my H : and 
ch.) with M rs C. to Sister Cooper's at Deacon Livermore's. 2. Miles, 
drank Coffee there, slept and H at home. 

12. Tuesday, rode alone (my H: and ch) to Watertown. Din'd 
at M r Hall's Invitation at his House with Speaker Warren, Mr. Lover 
&c. returned home in Evg. visited by Mr Blanchard and Jonathan 
Pollard receiv'd a Letter f'm M r Johonnot informing me little Sammy 
was bro't by him to his Lodgings at Medford. slept and H : at home. 

ij. Wednesday. Went (my H: and ch.) with M rs C. and Nabby 
to Watertown. They proceeded to Medford and din'd with Mrs 
Johonnot at M r Brook's, bro't Sammy home with them. Col 
Johonnot marching with Marblehead Regiment to relieve that Place said 

1 See Diary of Ezekiel Price, /. c. , p. 217, Frothingham, /. c. , p. 270. 

2 See Mem. Hist. Boston, III. 161 ; Timothy Newell's Journal, /. c, p. 271. 

'Perhaps Milliquet. 


28 Documents 

to be attack' d by several Ships of War. I visited M r Fatherly again. 
Din'd at M r John Hunt's, at their Invitation with Col Orne, Palmer, 
M r Gerry 1 etc. walk'd home, slept. Sammy with us, and H. at home. 

14. Thursday. Went with M" C. (my H and ch) to Watertown. 
She proceeded to old and little Cambridg to buy Things for Sammy. I 
din'd at M ra Cockran's on a Pig, with M r Faneuil and Lady, and D r 
Spring. 3 Nabby and Sammy din'd at home. I walk'd home in Evg. 
M™ C. return' d in chaise. M Blanchard and Pollard call'd in the Evg. 
slept : and H. at home. M r Cooke presented me a Bottle of Snuff. 

75. Friday. M" C. went (my H : and ch) to Weston, din'd at 
Mr Savages. Nabby took an early Dinner and proceeded with Mr 
Blanchard in his chaise on a Visit to his Lady and Friends at Braintree. 
I din'd with Sammy at home, slept and H. at home. 

16. M rs C. carried little Sammy after Breakfast to Medford. M" 
lohonnots Lodgings, she din'd — return'd in Evg. I din'd at home : 
Went before dinner with M rs Turell to Watertown and return'd with her. 
Slept and H, at home. Nabby at Braintree. 

ij. Lord' s day. Went with M r8 C. my H : and ch. to Watertown. 
pch'd there all day. we both din'd at Deacon Fisk's. baptiz'd Joseph 
— of — Warren of little Cambridg. pray'd after Service p. m. at Funeral 
of M r Spring's Child. 

18. Monday. I walk'd out to Neighbor Hastings and Cuttings we 
din'd, slept and H at home. Nabby at Braintree. 

19. Tuesday. Went with Mrs C. (my Horse and chaise) to Cam- 
bridg. we waited on General Washington, his Lady Mrs Gates &c. At 
Head Quarters. Treated with Oranges and a Glass of Wine, invited 
to dine with them, but excus'd ourselves. Went half past one for little 
Cambridg. Din'd at Mr Dennie's. return'd home in the Evening. 
slept and H. at home. Nabby still absent. This Day Capt Brown sent 
me two Hundred W l . of Hay. 

20. Wednesday. We din'd at home. I went (my H: and ch. ) to 
Watertown. slept and H : at home Nabby still absent. 

21. 'Thursday, very cold. We din'd at home. M r Storer call'd 
upon us p. m. told us of a Vessell f'm England, bro't me a Letter f'm 
Js. Smith Jun!. slept and H. at home. Froze Urine as well as Water in 
our Chambers. Nabby still absent. 

22. Friday. Mrs C. went (my H : and ch) to M r Fratingham to 
get the Chaise mended, did not dine at home. I did. she left the 
Chaise at his Shop : where she went twice. 8. Miles in all. slept and 
H. at home Nabby absent, very cold. 

2j. Still very cold. We din'd at home. I went, p. m. with M r 
Clark to Watertown in his H : and ch. went to the Treasurer and 
Committee of Gen! Court to hasten his Pay for Wood, that he might 
proceed on a journey to N. York, return'd home, slept and H. at 
home. Nabby still abroad. 

1 Elbridge Gerry, the statesman and signer. 

2 I>r. Marshall Spring (II. C. 1762), a man distinguished in his profession and a 
'lory. In later years he was a member of the Council of Massachusetts. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 329 

24. Lord's day. Great Storm of Snow. Went with M r8 C. (my 
Horse and ch) to Watertown. pch'd all Day. return'd. slept and H. 
at home. 

25. Monday. Went with M 1 ' Clark his Horse and chaise to Water- 
town and Cambridg. I dind at Col Johonnot's Quarters. M" Cooper 
at home, slept and H. at home. Nabby still absent. 

Tuesday. 26. M™ C. went my H : and Fratingham's Chaise to 
bring home my chaise. We din'd at home. I walk'd p. m. two 
Miles, cold, slept and H. at home. 

Wednesday. 2j. I walk'd to Watertown. din'd at M r Bemus' M" 
Cooper at home. Katy went my Horse and chaise to Braintree for 
Abby. Miss Polly Johnston din'd with M 1S Cooper at home. I walk'd 
home, slept there. H. at Braintree. 

Thursday. 28. I Walked to Watertown. din'd with M r John 
Adams at M r Hunt's Senior. M" Cooper at home. Katy return'd with- 
out Abby, Madame Apthorp kindly urging her to stay at Braintree. I 
walk'd home, slept and H : there. 

Friday. 29. We din'd at home. I went (with my H: and ch. ) 
with M r Clarke to Watertown. Col. Warren at my Desire chang'd his 
Money of this Province for Continental Bills. I paid Fratingham for 
mending chaise 8/. Lawf. M. paid Patten in full, paid Gardiner for 
Shaft of chaise. 5/. Townsend for mending my Silver Watch and for 
Seal and Key 12/6. slept and H : at home. 

Saturday, jo" 1 We din'd at home. Sister Cooper spent Afternoon 
and drank Coffee with us. I went p. m. (my H : and ch) to Water- 
town. Slept and H at home. Nabby still absent. 

Lord ' s day. Deer. ji. Rainy and raw Weather. Went with M rs C. 
(my H : and ch) to Watertown. pch'd all day upon barren Fig Tree, 
adapted last Day in Year. Din'd at D. Fisk's. return'd in the Evg. 
Slept and H. at home. 

Monday. 1. [any. 1776. We din'd at home. Mr Storer, Bar- 
red, call'd upon me with Capt Martin lately f'm London and Boston. 
M r Foster of Marblehead call'd a. m. I went my H : and ch. p. m. to 
Watertown. my Horse shod and cork'd by M r Lath, paid him in Full 
four Pistareens. 1 call'd upon M r White and Family. Gave to M r W m 
Newman 72.15.9 Lawf. Money, to purchase Goods at N. York for which 
He gave a Memorandum, slept and H. at home. 

Tuesday 2. M r Clark and Newman sat out for N. York 10 ° Clock. 
Mr Leonard Chaplain to Connecticut Forces call'd upon me. Went 
with M rs C. (my H: and ch.) to little Cambridg. Din'd M r Dennies. 
return'd p. m. M r Ned Green call'd upon us with Mr Balch lately from 
London, read King's Speech to Parliament, slept and H. at home. 

Wednesday j. Jany Paid M r Kory in full viz. for Meal Potatoes and 
i lb Sawsages, 21/6. Paid his Sons John and Enoch in full to this day 
for taking Care of my Horse at 18^ O. Ten r pr Year, for two Months 

1 Pistareen, at that time equal to about 1 9. 3 of our cents. 

3 30 Documents 

and one Week 4.17.6. M r Ned Green sent a written Invitation to us to 
Dine with Him to day in Company Mr Balch. Excus'd ourselves f'm 
dining, spent afternoon there, and till 8 "Clock Evg. with M r Balch, 
Paynes Family, Storer Barrell &c slept and H at home. 

Thursday, ■/.* Went (my H: and ch.) to Watertown, after dining 
at home, slept and H. at home. 

Friday, j'" fan". We din'd at home. Visited according to our Invita- 
tion p. m. By M r Payne and Lady, M r Barrell and his, M r Cushing and 
his, M r Ned Green and his, M' Storer and Balch, M ra Newell, M" Turell, 
who drank Coffee and spent fore part of the Evg. with us. M r Bowen 
call in and spent an Hour or two. At Candle light Nabby came home 
with M r Jack Wheelwright, after having been absent with Braintree 
Friends just 3. Weeks, soon after M r Blanchard and Lady arriv'd. M" 
Blanchard supp'd and slept with us. The Gentlemen went off before Supper. 

Saturday 6".' M r Blanchard and Wheelwright breakfasted with us. 
They went off 10 "Clock. After a week of very mild Weather very cold 
and windy from N. West. Nabby and M" Blanchard went (my H : Ch. ) 
to visit Deacon Jeffries Family 2 Miles. M" Blanchard din'd with us. I 
went (my II : and ch. ) p. m. to Watertown. Slept and Horse at home. 
M" Blanchard with us. 

Lord's day. yth. Jan v . I went alone (my H : and ch) to Watertown. 
pch'd all day andadminister'd Lord's Supper. M rs Cooper, Nabby, and 
M" Blanchard din'd at home. Slept and Horse there. 

Monday. 8"\ M rs Cooper went (my H : and ch) to Roxbury. 
Nabby and M rs Blanchard din'd at M" Cockran's. I rode M r Kory's 
Horse to Deacon Fisk's and din'd there. We all slept and Horse at home. 

Tuesday Q lh - Tuesday I din'd at M r Payne's with M r Shrimpton 
Hutchinson, Deacon Storer, Barrell &c. M" Cooper, Nabby and M" 
Blanchard din'd at home. Slept and Horse there. M r Blanchard sup't 
with us. 

Wednesday. M r " Cooper and I at home all day. Nabby and 
M" Blanchard went (my H : and ch) to Watertown, and din'd at Squire 
Hunts. They return'd in Evg. Slept and Horse at home. 

Thursday 11'" Jan v . M r Blanchard breakfasted with us. He and M r " 
Blanchard left us at 10 "Clock, carried Nabby (my H : and ch) to Wa- 
tertown ; she din'd at M r Hall's. I din'd with M rs Cooper at home. We 
went (my II and ch) to Mrs Turell' s. drank Coffee there. M r Cook 

JunJ with us. Spent Evg. with us. Married this Evg. Lush . 

Katy Jackson. Fee, 1 Dollar Bill. 

Friday. 12. Went (my H : and ch) with M rg Cooper to Deacon 
Jeffries. I pray'd with her sick. We all din'd at home. Went (my H 
and ch) With M rs Cooper to Watertown. drank Coffee Deacon Fisk's. 
slept and H : at home. 

S,U. 13. Went with M rs C. (my H : and ch) to Watertown. We all 
din'd at home. M r " C. went (my H. and ch) p. m. to M" Durants. I 
went afterwards in ditto to Watertown. We all drank Coffee and slept 
and II at home. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 331 

Sab: i4jany. Went (my H and Ch. ) to Watertown. M" C. and 
Nabby with me. We din'd at D. Fisk's. Nabby at Mr. Hall's. I 
pch'd all day. We return' d. Katy went and bro't Nabby after She 
had drank Coffee M 1 Hall's. We all supt slept and H. at home. 

Monday. 15. dull rainy day. We all din'd at home. I went a. 
m. (my H and ch) to Watertown. M r dishing call'd upon us p. m. 
M r J. Pollard drank Coffee with us. slept and H. at home. 

Tuesday 16. Jan y . Went (my H. and ch) with Mrs. C. to Watertown 
a. m. We all din'd at home. Went my H and ch. p. m. with Nabby 
to Watertown. Nabby drank Coffee at M rs Hall's, found at home M r J. 
Wheelwright Who drank Coffee and slept with us. slept and H. at home. 

Wednesd. 77. M r J. Wheelwright breakfasted with us. I din'd 
at M r Cushing's. went (my H : and ch) pch'd his Lecture. I drank 
Coffee M r Paynes. M r Storer, Barrell, Woodward and B r Payson there, 
great Storm of Snow p. m. Nabby and M™ Cooper at home, slept and 
H : at home. 

Thursday 18 th - Went Mrs C. (my H : and ch) to Watertown. 
We all din'd at home. Nabby drank Coffee Mrs. Durants. I went (my 
EL. and ch) p. m. to Watertown. Mrs. C. at home, slept and H. at 
home. Wrote to Cousin Scott. 

Fry day up. I went Mrs. C. my H : and Ch. to Watertown a. m. 
Nabby walk'd there. She din'd old Madam Hunts: drank Coffee 
there : and spent Evg. at Mrs. Cockran's. My Wife and I din'd at home, 
slept and H : at home. 

Sat: 20. M" C. went my H : and ch to Watertown. She re- 
turn' d with By Cooper who din'd with us. I went with W. Cooper p. ra. 
my H : ch. to Watertown. Katy went in it to Mr. Durant's afterwards, 
slept and H : at home. N. B. Shed paid this Day in full for Milk. 

Sab. Jan". 21. Went (my H : Ch) with M rs C. and Nabby Water- 
town, we all din'd with B r and Sister Cooper D. Fisk's. I pch'd 
a. m. D r Appleton kindly pch't for me p. m. We drank Coffee at D. 
Fisk's : Nabby with Miss Polly Johnston at Cap't. Craft's. I married 
Robert Hughs and Meriam Pearse. Fee, 1 Dollar Bill, slept and H. 
at home. M r Clark arriv'd f'm New York. 

Monday 22. M" C. and Nabby went (my H : and ch) to Water- 
town. Nabby din'd at M rs Cockrans ; We at home. M rs C. and I p. 
m. (in my H : and Ch) to Daw's, pray'd with her. Nabby slept at 
M rs Cockran's. We, and H : at home. 

Tuesday 2j. M rs C. and I went (my H : and ch) to Brooklyne. 
din'd with D r Chauncey and Lady at M rs Hyslop's. Nabby at M" Cock- 
ran's. M rs Cook came home with Nabby and spent the Evg. slept and 
H at home. 

Wednesday 24. Went with M rs C. my H : and ch to Watertown. 
I din'd with M r Gerry, M r Gordon 1 etc at Squire Hunt's. M r3 C. and 

'The Rev. William Gordon, D.D., minister of the Third Church in Roxbury, and 
chaplain to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. Dr. Cooper had declined to offici- 
ate as chaplain of the Congress on account of the state of his affairs. Journals, pp. 184, 

- -. 2 Documents 

Nabby at home. M" C. came with Chaise and bro't me home. Slept : 
and H : at home. 

Thursday. Wrote to D r Witherspoon, 1 and to M r S. Adams 2 
at Congress. Nabby went my H : and ch. to Menotomy with Hannah 
Cook and din'd at her Father's. I walk'd to Watertown din'd at M m 
Hunt's. M rs C. at home. We all slept and Horse at home. Wrote 
this day to M r Hooker N. Hampton. Newman came with my Goods. 
M r Cook part of Evg. 

Friday 26. We all din'd at home. Mrs C. went (my H and ch) 
p. m. to Brown's at little Cambridg. We all slept and H at home. 

Sat. 2j. M rs C. went (my H : and ch) to little Cambridge. She 
din'd. Nabby and I din'd at home, we all drank Coffee, slept, and H. 
at home. 

Lord's day. 28".' Jan". Went (my H and ch) with M" C. and Nabby to 
Watertown. pch'd all day there. We din'd at D. Fisk's. Nabby at 
M r Hall's : and drank Coffee there, slept and H. at home. 

2p a Monday. M rs C. and Nabby went my H : and ch. to Enoch 
Brown's, little Cambridg. They return'd a. m. Cap't Freeman and 
Wife came to visit us about 12 "Clock and din'd with us. They gave us 
a fine Leg of Mutton. 2 lh Butter. 2 lh Coffee. They drank Coffee, supt 
and slept with us ; their Horse kept with ours. We gave Butter, Mut- 
ton and Coffee to Miss Sally. 

jo. AVent with Capt Freeman (my H : and ch) to Watertown. 
returned a. m. Our Friends din'd with us. They went p. m. with 
M rs Cooper (my H : and ch) to Watertown, old Madam Hunt's. 
They supt slept and Horse kept with us. 

ji. Wednesday. Our Friends Capt. Freeman and Wife breakfasted 
with us, and left us about 10 "Clock. Mrs. C. and I went about the 
same Time (my H: and ch.) to Medford. I visited and pray'd with 
Miss Nanny Payne, sick at Mr Brook's, din'd at M r Turell's M" 
Cooper went on Business towards the Bridge. She din'd, sold twenty 
silk Handkerchiefs, return'd by Watertown Meeting House. Nabby 
din'd at home ; where we all Drank Coffee ; slept and Horse. 

1. Feb'' Thursday. M rs C. went (my H: and chaise) to Dorchester, 
on Business. She din'd. Nabby and I at home. D r Langdon call'd 
upon me in the Evg. We all slept and H: at home. 

2 Feby. Friday. Mrs. Cooper went after Breakfast (my H: and ch) 
to Milton. She din'd. drank Coffee at Sister Gardiner's slept at M m 
Foyes. I walk'd to Watertown a. m. din'd at D. Fisk's. Nabby at 
home. Horse with M" C. at M"' Foye's. 

j. Saturday. Nabby and I din'd at home. M rs Cooper return'd 
to us in Evg. very cold. We all drank Coffee, supt and H at home. 

4. Lord's day. Went with M^C (my H : and ch) and with Nabby 
to Watertown. I pch'd there all day. read Proclamation fm General 

■The Rev. John Witherspoon, D.D., president of the college of New Jersey, and a 
delegate to the Continental Congress. 

* See extract from a letter of Dr. Cooper of about this date, in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
1K75-76, p. 279. 

Diary of Samuel Coo/ $33 

. : . r: rr.tati :n ::" Manners in aftem: : r. Seratan : adapted :: that 
Occasion, made Mention of M™ Pitt's Death at _"_;se V.'e ah iin'd 
D. Fisk's. Nabby drank Coffee at M r Hall's. Mr Cook ret am' i ~ ith 

her and sua*, with us. sieat ana H : at h:~ e 

_--. h _'.' M" C. went ray H: and :h t: Roxl 

d. Tuesday. Went with M ra C. nay H: and :h t: Watertowrj 

I pray'd with Bemiss Sons sick. We all iin'd at htute. hit; I tttir 
aai Katy hair, nth uiu'd with us. M r Tommy I emuie tame a. at they 
ah arautk C:uee ar. a suit " a ~:th us. h Ihhterts stent aa Htur with us 
in Evg. heat ana H. at home. Capt Freeman sent us a Peck Beans. 
aa" e thena t: Miss Sahy. 

7. Wednesday. M 75 C went I'my H: ana ha t: Watertown a. m. we 
a., din d at hcnte. Naaav went with nae in the haaise t. nt w::^ aae t: 

at Sunset, slept, and H. at nonae. 

S. Thursday. Light Snow. I went (my H: ch to Watertown. 
din'd at Deacon Fisk's : with Mr. Thacher. pray'd at Funeral of Mr. 
Learned. visited Mrs. Daws, pray'd with her, and Benaiss F amity. 
M 75 C. and Xabby at home all day. slept and H. at home. 

p. Friday. I went my H: and ch. a. m. t: visit Sister Cooper 
unwell. We all din'd at home. I went 'mr Ff ana ch t: • atertown 
a . na. slept and H. at htnae 

10. Saturday. We ah din'd at honae. I went (my B ana ha t: 
"V\ atertown p. m. we aii slept ana H at home 

F-:':y . ntk. Lord's day. Went with Xabby my Ff : and ch. to Water- 
town. We din" d at D. Fisk's. M" 5 C. at home. Ipch'dall day. bap- 

tiz'd 1. Jonathan of return" d and drank Ctuee. siept and Ff. at 

a : a e 

12. Mcnday. Wahk'd t: "haterttwr. = . ~. V.'e aii iin'd at acute 
I carried Xabby fury Ff : and ch) p. m. to Watertown. She spent Af- 
ternoon and Evg. at M~ Craft's, return' d in Evg. slept and H. at home. 
pray "d in Forenoon with Capt Brown's Daughter, and Bemiss Family. 

j j. Tuesday. Went with M ra C. to M r Dennies. We din'd there. 
Xabby at home. M~ Washington, Gates, Miniin call'd and finding us 
not at home left th'r names. M r Scott breakfasted with us. bro't me a 
letter Fna M Q Scott and Xabby one f m Sally Chardon. M s Hyslop call'd 
p. m. Xabby and Sally spent p. m. at Sister Cooper's. M T Backminster 
call'd in Evg. with Ribbons &c f 'm Capt Freeman, slept and Ff. at 
a : na e 

14. Mrs. C. ent nay H ana :h t: Medrkra. a::u: 

^aie ::" hut: :us. Natty ana 1 din i a: heme I visited a. nt. :r. h: : ~ 
M r Payne. M H C. return' d in the Evg. slept and H : at home. Capt 
Brown sent me 400 T* lish Ffay. 

"-The Rer. Eleazar Whedock (Tale CoIL, 1733), Monder and first preside-: ::" 

334 Documents 

15. Thursday. M' s C. went (my H : and ch) to Capt : Freeman's 
Framingham. She slept there. I din'd at M r Hall's Watertovvn. went 
there with M r Clark, in his chaise; return'd in Deacon Storer'swith him 
and his Son. They spent half an Hour. M r Wheelwright drank Coffee 
with us M r Blanchard call'd afterwards : but did not stay the Evg. 

16. Friday. M r Wheelwright Blanchard and Coz Scott breakfasted 
with us. M r Wh. and Nabby took an early Dinner at 12, and sat off for 
Braintree I din'd afterwards with M r Clark. M rs Cooper return'd p. m. 
we visited Sister Cooper and M rs Mellicot : drank Coffee at both Places, 
slept and H. at home. 

ij. Saturday. We din'd at home. Nabby absent, slept and H. 
at home. I went p. m. to Watertown ; to Rogers Clockmaker (in my 
H: and ch). paid him for mending warming pan. 

18. Lord's day. very cold. Went with M rs C (my H and ch) to 
Watertown. din'd at D. Fisk's. I pch'd all day. baptiz'd Lucy of 
David Coollidge. 

19. Monday. Went with M rs C. (my H. and ch) to little Cam- 
bridg by M r Dennies Invitation; to dine with M r Hooper. I din'd 
there, but he sent a Billet of Excuse. M rs C. w r ent to Roxbury and 
din'd. We return'd in the Evg. Slept and H. at home, pray'd in 
my Way to M r Dennies with Wyman's child. 

20. Tuesday. Went with M rs C. (my H : and ch) to Newtown, we 
din'd at M 1 " Gibb's with D' r Chauncey and Lady, call'd in at M" Hall's, 
drank Coffee slept and H. at home. Katy went on a Visit to Westown. 

21. Went M rs C. (my H: and ch) to Cambridge. I din'd with 
M r Leonard at Gen! Putnam's Quarters. M rs C. din'd. we return'd to 
Watertown and attended Widow Freeman's Funeral. I pray'd. re- 
turn'd slept and H at home. 

22. Thursday. Went with M rs C. (my H : and ch) to Watertown. 
I pray'd with Capt. Brown's Family, we din'd at home. Capt Brown 
paid me for my Services as Minister in Watertown 20^ Lawf. Money, 
visited p. m. M r Payne's Family. Katy return'd f'm Weston, slept 
and H. at home. 

23. Fryday. Went with M rs C. (my H : and ch) to Deacon Fisk's 
Watertown. I din'd there. M IS C. return'd and din'd at home. She 
came for me with chaise p. m. we visited M m Storer. I borrow'd upon 
Note of Mr. Gill 15^. 18/. L. M. slept and H. at home. 

24 Feby. Sat. M" C. went my Horse and chaise to Milton for 
Nabby. M'." Foyes Servant went with a chaise, and brot Nabby to her 
Mother there. They din'd at M'!' Foyes. Nabby return'd to M m Ap- 
thorp's at Braintree, who would not part with her. M r8 C. return'd in 
Evg. J din'd at home this Day. slept and H : at home. 

25. Lord's day. Went with M rs C. to Watertown. I pch'd all day 
there, din'd at D. Fisk's. read Proclamation for Fast, on acc't of the 
War. return'd. slept, and H at home. 

26. Monday. I went my H : and ch. to Watertown. I pray'd 
with Amos Bond's Wife sick, return'd and din'd at home. Went p. m. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 335 

with M r8 C. (my H. and ch) to Sister Cooper's : at D. Livermore's and 
to M r Payne's Family. M r Payne kindly presented me with a new Wig 
made for himself worth 44/. L. M. slept and H : at home, we drank 
Coffee at M r Payne's. 

2j. Tuesday. M" C. went (my H. and ch) and M r Kory attended 
her with his Cart to Roxbury to bring home our Trunks left at M r 
William's, it rain'd all day. I went in M r " Cockran's chaise to Capt 
Brown's, pray'd with his Daughter sick, to M rs Cockran's pray' d there 
her little Son sick, attended Overseer's Meeting at Council Board, 
din'd with President, M r Murray Boothbay &c at M r Fowle's. return'd 
home. Mrs C. and M' Kory came in Evg home with the Trunks, slept 
and H. at home. 

28. Wednesday. Went (my H. and ch) to Watertown. din'd at 
home, went (my H : and ch) p. m to M rs Turell's. Drank Coffee 
there, paid Wellman for shoeing my Horse 7 /. O. Ten. M r Brad- 
shaw gave me dressing my Hat 7 /. O. Tenf Snowy Weather. M r 
Sam! Eliot spent Evg with us. slept and Horse at home. 

29. Feb v . M rs C. went (my H : and ch) to Watertown. Patten 
mended Saddle. We din'd at home. Went p. m. (my H. and ch) to 
Watertown. I pray'd with M rs Cockran's Son, Amos Bond's Wife, 
Jonas White. Drank Coffee at Mrs Cockran's. Slept and H at home. 
D. Storer with his Son and Daught'r. visited us. 

March 1. Fry day. We din'd at home. Master Tho" Thatcher visited 
us p. m. I went (my H : and ch) to M r Paynes, slept and H : at home. 

2. Sat : Went with M rs C. my H : and Ch. to Watertown. We 
din'd at home. Went p. m. (my H. and Ch) to Sam! Whites Son's 
Funeral, return'd by Deacon Fisk's. Boston Cannonaded and bombarded 
from our Lines for the first Time this Night. Two of our Mortars split. 

j. Lord's day. Went my H : and ch. to Watertown. din'd at D. 
Fisk's. M rs C. came in my chaise sent back for her after Dinner, 
pch'd all day and administer' d. no Firing f'm our Lines to day : but 
begun about 1 "Clock at Night, continued till Morn 8 . The fine brass 
Mortar call'd the Congress crack' d. 1 

4. An Alarm that the King's Forces were coming f'm Boston to 
Cambridg, but groundless. Sent off Nabby's Trunks to M r Miliquets. 
Went there with M r " C. myH. and ch. f'm thence to Watertown. we 
din'd at home, went p. m. to Watertown. call'd at M m Storer's. 
This and all the near Towns round us call'd into the Lines. Prepara- 
tions making by our Army to take Possession of Dorchester Heights 
and Point. M r Kory and Son and M r Clarke all gone to the Army, last 
took Possession — Dorchester Hill. 1 

1 Cf. Diary of Ezekiel Price, /. c, p. 240. 

2 See Washington to the President of Congress, March 7, ed. Sparks, III. 302 ; Let- 
ters of Ebenezer Huntington, in Am. Hist. Rev., V. 708, 709 ; Robert Pierpont to James 
Bowdoin, March 5, in Mass. Hist. Coll., sixth series, IX. 393, 394 ; Timothy Newell's 
Journal, ibid., fourth series, I. 272 ; General Gates to John Adams, March 8, in Proc. 
Mass. Hist. Soc, 1875-76, p. 281; Diary of Ezekiel Price, ibid., 1863-64, p. 240 ; 
Diary of John Rowe, ibid., second series, X. 94, 95 ; Diary of John Tudor, pp. 60, 61. 

-36 Documents 

,-. Tuesday. Went with M' s C. (my H : and ch) to Watertown. 
M' Thatcher 1 pronoune'd Oration— for horrid Massacre. I pray'd on 
that Occasion in Meeting House, din'd with Inhabitants of Boston at 
M' 8 Coolidge's Tavern. M" C. din'd at M r Dennie's. we return' d home 
in Evg. slept and H. at home. 

6. Wednesday. Very high Wind and Rain at South last Night con- 
tinu'd windy all day. General Howe's Troops went yesterday f'm Bos- 
ton to the Castle intending an attack on our Troops at 5 "Clock this 
Morn g . prevented by the Wind. I went to Watertown, (my H : and 
ch) to attend Corporation Meeting at D r Appleton's Lodgings, could 
not reach there with D r Winthrop in my Chaise on Acc't of bad Roads, 
return' d and din'd at home, slept and H. there. 

7. March. Thursday. Fast appointed by Gen! Court thro the Colony. 
I pch'd all day at Watertown. M rs C. went with me (my H : and Ch) she 
went after Service p. m. to Mrs. Cockran's and drank Coffee there. I 
went with D. Fisk (my H : and Ch) to M r Bright's Funeral, pray'd 
there, return'd slept and H : at home. 

8. Ftyday. Went to have my Chaise mended at Whitney's Water- 
town, din'd at home. Went (my H : and ch) p. m. with Mrs. 

C. to Watertown. pray'd at Widow Sanger's Child's Funeral, slept 
and H. at home, heard by a Cap't of Vessell who escap'd f'm Boston 
last Night, that the Troops there were preparing to embark and leave 
the Place. Letter f'm Selectmen 2 remaining in Boston to Gen 1 Wash 
— -about cannonading the Town &c. slept and H. at home 

g. Sat. Went a. m. with M rs C. (my H : and Ch) to Watertown. 
we din'd at home, went (my H: and ch) p. m. to visit M r Ham- 
mond sick. He had just expir'd. I pray'd with the Family, on Return 
we call'dat Sister Cooper's and M r Payne's, slept and H : at home. 

jo. La/d's day. Went with M rs C. my H : and Ch. to Watertown. 
we din'd at D. Fisk's. I pch'd all day there, went after Service p. m 
M r Dennies. inform' d of the great Cannonading last Night to and from 
Boston, a Surgeon and 3 Privates kill'd at Dorchester Hill, by one 
Cannon Ball f'm Boston, slept and H at M' D' 8 No Thundring f'm 
Cannon to Night. 

//"! March. Mond. Went with M r Tho? Dennie (his H : and ch) to 
Cambridg. waited on Gen! Washington and Lady, Gates &c. convers'd 
with the Gen! and Gates about the Manner of our taking Possession of 
Boston s'd the Enemy leave it. more Accts of the Preparation of the 
Enemy to depart. Preparations on our Side for Troops to march towards 
N. York, as the Enemy expected to go tht way. Return'd with M r Th. 

D. to Jackson's Tavern: din'd there, according to Invitation 3. Days 
ago, with Selectmen of Cambridg. open'd about 3 ° Clock their Annual 
Town Meeting with Pray'r. M rs Cooper din'd at M r Dennies. return'd 
with her. drank Coffee slept and H. at home. 

1 I'elcr Timelier, D.D. (II. C. 1769), minister of Maiden. In 1785 he succeeded 
I >r Cooper as pastor of Brattle Street Church. 

2 See Sparks, Washington's Writings, III. 531-532 ; Timothy Newell' s Journal, 
. c, pp. 292, 293. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper t>2>7 

12. Tites. We din'd at home, went with B. r Cooper his H. and 
ch. p. m. to Watertown. M" C. (my H : and ch) to Mrs Turell's. 
drank Coffee there. Slept and H : at home. 

ij. Wedn. Went (my H : and ch) to Wellmans. My Horse fore 
Shoes sat. paid him. On Return home found Nabby from Braintree with 
M r Blanchard : after being absent 3. Weeks and 5 days . . B r . Lathrop 
f'm Providence din'd with us. went p. m. (my H. and ch) to Water- 
town, paid Whitney 10/. O. Ten 1 : for mending Harness, slept and H. 
at home. Receiv'd late M r Hunts Sermons by his Brother with Letter 
f'm B'. Hooker. 

14. Thursday. We din'd at home. I went p. m. my H. and ch 
to Watertown. slept and H : at home, no Cannonading for Several 
Nights, further Accts of British Troops preparing to leave Boston. 

75. I went to Watertown a. m. (my H : and ch) Col. Johonnot 
return'd and din'd with us, on a Haddock, purchas'd by me. Hay f'm 
Hagar this morn g . W'- paid M r Korey this Evg. for keeping my Horse 
this Week past, 30/. O. Ten' and for Meal ditto, slept and H. at home. 

16. Sat. M r Sergeant f'm Stock-bridge visited me a. m. D. r 
Witherspoon's eldest Son (with M r Pidgeon Jun r ) bro't me a Letter 
f'm his Father. We din'd at home without any Company. I went p. 
m. to Watertown (my H : and ch). M r Korey bro't me a Letter f'm 
Post Office Cambridge, paid him 10/. O. Ten. r Postage. 

17. March. Lord'' s day. Went with Nabby (my H : and ch) to 
Watertown. M' s C. at home unwell, pch'd there all day. We din'd 
at D. Fisk's. saw D. Newell after Service p. m. at M r Hall's Watertown. 
He gave us an Acc't f'm Boston that the British Army had left it, ' 
of the great Plunder on the House Furniture and Goods of the Inhabi- 
tants ; and of my own in particular, slept and Horse at home. 

18. Monday. Carried Nabby (my H: and ch) to Watertown M" 
Cockran's She din'd there, return'd and went with M" C. to Frating- 
ham's for mending Chaise. He not at home, went to D. Fisk's. I 
din'd there, M rs C. ate no Dinner, unwell. Return'd home took Nabby 
with us slept and H: at home. 

ip. Tuesday. Nabby and M" C. went (my H: and ch) to Boston. 
Carried to D r Bulfinch q 1 Veal, 2 Ib Butter 2 Doz Eggs, to Glasgow Gallon 
of Milk and some Indian Meal. They saw D r B. Children, He and his 
Wife having gone to Braintree. They visited our House, found it 
robb'd of a great Part of my Furniture. They return'd home. I 
walk'd to M r Payne's a. m. and to Watertown p. m. slept and H. at 

20. Wed. Mrs C. went alone (my H: and ch) to Boston saw D B. 
and Wife, visited Friends and our House. Bro't me a Pint Bottle 
red Lavendar and 2 Bottles of English Ale f'm Molly and Betty Minot. 
M r Scott and Serv't Dick din'd with me at M r Clark's, went p. m. with 
M r Scott to Watertown in his Chaise, walk'd home, slept and H. at 

1 Diary of John Tudor, p. 62. 

338 Documents 

21. Thursday. M' s C. went (my H : and ch). with Nabby to Water- 
town. Nabby din' d at M rs Hall's. M rs C. went to Cambridg. return'd 
and din'd at home, visited p. m. by Deacon Tainter, M r Payne and 
Ned Green. I went in my Chaise p. m. to Watertown. wrote Letters 
this Morn 8 by M r Hyde Carrier to D r Franklin, Col Hancock, M m 
Hancock, slept and H : at home 

22. Fry day. M™ C. went my H : and ch to Watertown to Bil- 
lings Tailor about my Cloaths. return'd a. m. Mr. Gannet call' d and 
din'd with us. I went p. m. my H : and ch to Watertown. slept and 
H : at home. 

23. Sat : March. I went a. m (my H. and ch) to Watertown. M" 
C. went p. m. (my H : and ch) to Weston M rs Savage's. Bro't our 
Plate &rc. Slept and H : at home ; we din'd at home. 

24. Lord ' s day. Went my H : and ch. with M rs C. and Nabby to 
AVatertown. we din'd at D. Fisk's, Nabby at M rs Cockran's. I pch'd 
there all day. we return'd home, and sent the chaise back for Nabby 
who drank Tea at M rs Halls, slept and Horse at home. 

25. Monday. M rs C. took Nabby in my (H : and ch) to Boston. 
John Korey carried Katy on the black mare to the same Place. I din'd 
at home, walk'd p. m. to Mr Payne's, found Mrs Cooper at home on 
my Return in the Evg. She left Nabby and Katy at home getting our 
House into Order. They slept at the Mss. Minots. 

26. Tuesday. Went with M rs C. my (H : and ch) to Boston, a 
melancholy Scene. Many Houses pull'd down by the British Soldiery, 
the Shops all shut. Marks of Rapine and Plunder evr'y where, we 
din'd at D; Bulfinch's with Nabby, Cap't Freeman, M r Barrell. visited 
p. m. my House, found all my Beds Bedsteds, Sheets Blankets Quilts 
and Coverlids, all my China Glass and Crockery Ware, &c &c, 
plunder' d, 2 Lookin Glasses gone 2 broke, 1 Dressing Glass gone &c. 
Mrs C. and I supt and slept at D' r Bulfinch's. Nabby and Katy at Mss. 
Minots. my Horse kept there 

27. Wednesday. Went with M rs C. to our House, procur' dan Order 
f'm General Green to take Furniture f 'm deserted Houses, agreably to the 
Leave granted me yesterday on my Petition to Gen 1 . Court, 1 to supply my 
desolated empty House with Furniture f'm Dwellings left by the Enemies 
to our Country, remov'd some Things from Paxton's 2 and Richard 
Smith's 3 House by Aid of M r J. Pollard who saw all that was taken. 
I din'd at D. Storer's, M r3 C. at her Brother's, Nabby at Minots. bo't a 
Q r Pork, 52/. M rs C. and I slept at D r Bulfinch's. Nabby and Katy 
at Minots. Horse there. 

28. Thursday. All our Family went to Thursday Lect : open'd 
by \)' Eliot. General Washington and all the General Officers present. 

1 Resolves, Mass., III. 30 ; Force's Archives, fourth series, V. 1265. 

2 Charles Paxton, commissioner of the customs in Boston. He was proscribed, ban- 
ished, and his estate confiscated. 

- 1 Richard Smith was a protester against the Solemn League and Covenant and an 
addresser of Hutchinson in 1774. 

Diary of Samuel Cooper 339 

Din'd with them and a great Number of Gentlemen at Bunch of Grapes 
Tavern. Dinner prepar'd by Committee of General Court. Walk'd 
with the Generals &c. after Dinner to Fort Hill. Cap't Erving 1 gave 
me Liberty to take some Furniture f'm M r Moffatt's House ; M r Newman 
helped me in the Removal. M rs C. and I slept at D r Bulfmch's. Nabby 
din'd at M rs Pollard's, M ,s C at her Brother's. Nabby and Katy slep't 
at Miss Minors. Horse there. 

20. Friday. Still employ' d in removing Things to my House, 
din'd with Gen! Green at Mr. Bromfield's. M rs C. at home. Nabby 
at Miss Pollard's. M r W m Newman aided in removing. M rs C. and 
I slept at D r B'. Nabby and Katy at Miss Minors. Horse there. 

jo. Saturday. My Family employ'd in preparing Things in our 
House. They all din'd there. I at Miss Minot's. Nabby and Katy 
slept at home. M" C. and I came our H: and a chaise procur'd for me 
by D. Bulfinch to Waltham. we slept and H: at M r Clark's there. 

ji. Lord' s day. M rs C. and I went (my H: and ch) to Watertown 
I pch'd there all day. pray'd at Funeral of M ra Storer's only child, a 
young Man of 20 Years. We din'd at D. Fiske's. slept and H. at M 

April 1. Monday. Went with M rs C. my H : and ch. to Boston, 
p. m. chaise broke by Major Thompson's Brooklyne. borrow'd his. left 
mine at Child's Blacksmith, slept with Mrs. C. at Miss Minots. Horse 
at Cap't Ervings. 

2. I din'd at D. Newell' s. M rs C. at our House, slept with M rs 
C. at Miss Minot's. Horse at D. Storer's. 

3. Went with M rs C. to Watertown. Corporation and Overseer's 
Meeting there. Din'd at Mrs. Coolidges with College Gentlemen, 
went p. m. to Waltham with M rs C. who din'd at D. Fisk's. slept at 
M r Clark's. Horse there on my Hay. 

4. Thursday. We din'd at home ; Sign'd Diploma for Gen! Wash- 
ington's Doctorate of Laws. 2 went to Cambridg p. m. to wait on him 
and take Leave ; found him set out for Boston, and f'm thence to N. 
York, slept and H. at M r Clark's, on his Hay. 

5. Friday. M" C. went alone my H : and ch to Boston. She 
din'd at our House. I walk'd to Watertown din'd at Mr Hall's, walk'd 
back to M r Clark's where M rs C. return' d. slept and H : there on M r